Late Latin Literature

The history of the Ottoman Empire in the seventeenth century is marked by internal turmoil, power struggles, and recurring revolts. Within this web of intrigue and violence, the figure of Abaza Mehmed Pasha emerges-a man whose life exemplifies the precarious balance between imperial favor and deadly mistrust. After the assassination of Sultan Osman II by the Janissaries in 1622, a man rose up in the eastern provinces who sought to avenge the honor of the slain ruler: Abaza Mehmed Pasha, governor of Erzurum. With relentless severity, he began massacring the Janissaries in his province. Yet he did not stop there. Gathering mercenaries known as sekbans, he marched westward with them. Sivas fell, Ankara was besieged, and order itself seemed on the verge of collapse in the capital. To pacify the rebellion, the powerless Sultan Mustafa was deposed and Murad IV was placed upon the throne. But Abaza Mehmed was not deterred. He continued the uprising until the grand vizier's forces finally halted him in a fierce battle near Kayseri. Driven back, he retreated to Erzurum and shut himself within the fortress. In 1624 the Ottoman government once more recognized him as governor-though on the condition that a Janissary garrison be stationed in the city. Yet Abaza Mehmed broke his pledge. Two years later, in 1626, he again took up the sword against the hated Janissaries and denied allegiance to the empire. Once more, a vast Ottoman army had to be dispatched against the rebellious pasha. In September 1628, while the conflict between the Ottomans and the Safavids raged with unabated ferocity, Grand Vizier and commander Hüsrev Pasha succeeded, through a deft maneuver, in forcing the once again insurgent Abaza Mehmed Pasha to submit and beg for mercy. This time, however, unlike after his first revolt, Abaza Pasha was not left in Erzurum. In the company of the victorious Hüsrev Pasha, he was dragged to Istanbul. The English ambassador at the Ottoman court, Sir Peter Wyche, reported that the news of the pasha's capitulation after a nineteen-day siege filled the capital with joy and was celebrated with cannon fire.

Commodian activity can be considered exemplary, since it fully reveals some peculiar traits of a transition era. Indeed, the origins of the poet is traditionally placed between two different geographical contexts: the East, where he is perhaps originally from, and the Roman Africa, where he wrote both Instructiones and Carmen de duobus populis. Commodian, thus, appears as a true “wandering poet”. Furthermore, his conversion to Christianity occurred in adulthood, in a learning environment characterized by marked Jewish roots which decisively influenced his thought. Then, his thinking is affected by the stratification of the many cultural settings with which he came into contact during his life. Commodian engaged in bitter disputes with different philosophical and religious traditions, belonging to pre-Roman, Latin, Greek and Jewish world: multiple intercultural contacts emerge from his works and it is also for this reason that both Instructiones and Carmen can be assessed as “hybrid” products, since they combine literary elements of autobiography, apologia, Jewish apocalypticism and didactic poetry. Commodian “ars poetica” crosses the cultural “melting pot” that distinguishes the Late Ancient West. He does not reject the literary and rhetorical models of the Latin tradition, but overcomes their inflexibility. Moreover, his prosody no longer rests on diligent respect for the classical one, and his language essentially adapts to popular needs. So, Commodian can be fully understood only in the light of a “multicultural world”, that is in an historical path that would lead the Latin West literature, a few decades later, to the so-called “Constantinian era”.

Il VIVer è un progetto di lessicografia digitale con intenti storico‑letterari e storico‑linguistici il cui obiettivo è la descrizione organica dell’italiano verista, anche nella prospettiva di colmare un vuoto nell’umanistica digitale restituendo un corpus unitario che documenti la testualità del Realismo italiano. Per questo incorpora vari generi testuali (narrativa, teatro, trattati di poetica e di sociologia, poesia, critica, letteratura educativa) atti a documentare organicamente l’italiano del Verismo nelle sue diverse articolazioni estetiche e intellettuali. In questo contributo si presentano le caratteristiche strutturali e tecniche del vocabolario,
reticolare e dinamico, dell’italiano dei veristi, basate su quelle del VoDIM dell’Accademia della Crusca, evidenziandone le specificità, come la fraseologia, e producendo alcuni esempi di “voci”.

VIVer is a digital lexicography project with literary-historical and historical-linguistic intentions, which aims at an organic description of the Italian verism, also with a view to filling a gap in the digital humanities by returning a unitary corpus that documents the textuality of Italian Realism. To this end, it incorporates various textual genres (fiction, theatre, treatises on poetics and sociology, poetry, criticism, educational literature) to organically document the Italian of Verismo in its various aesthetic and intellectual articulations. In this contribution are presented the structural and technical features of the vocabulary, reticular and dynamic, of the italian of the veristi, based on those of Accademia della Crusca’s VoDIM. I will therefore highlight some of its features, such as phraseology, and produce some examples of ‘voices’.

The paper examines direct quotations from Plato's dialogues in Cicero's corpus. It aims to illustrate, through selected examples, the main avenues of analysis for this subject. Following a brief introductory section that outlines Plato's influence on Cicero's work and situates his project to create a Latin-language philosophy, three case studies are presented. These include the role of Latin translation in constituting the Greek text, the use of "usus vertendi" as a criterion for selecting among textual variants, and the existence of multiple versions of the same passage placed in different contexts by the author himself.

This paper explores the presence of Florus in Jerome's works, with particular focus on the Vitae monachorum. Scholars of the Vita Pauli and Vita Malchi have identified passages where Jerome would employ words or expressions from Florus (no such evidence appears in the Vita Hilarionis). The significance of these lexical borrowings is assessed here. Jerome's knowledge extends not only to Florus' Epitome, but also to the fragmentary treatise Vergilius orator an poeta (whose attribution to the same Florus remains debated). If intertextual analysis allows for the investigation of an author's engagement with another one, there are indications that Jerome may have been familiar with this text as well. This paper provides a comparative analysis of passages in Jerome and Florus, discussing lexical borrowings, sources, rhetorical features, and individual words and expressions, including those drawn from other authors and works.

This paper aims at reflecting on the reprise of some of the watery animal examples provided by Basil in his seventh homily on the Hexaemeron in the corresponding sermon of Ambrose’s Exameron, especially addressing the meaning of the discrepancies between and of the expansions of the Greek model by the Latin father.

Composé probablement dans l’année suivant le siège de Constantinople de l’été 626 afin de célébrer la victoire des Byzantins sur les Avars, le Bellum Avaricum est une source historique majeure pour l’étude de cette période troublée du règne d’Héraclius. Longtemps considéré d’un point de vue exclusivement historique, ce texte n’avait toutefois jamais fait l’objet d’une véritable analyse littéraire. Il relève pourtant d’un genre dominant dans l’Antiquité tardive, celui du panégyrique, et constitue une poésie de circonstance révélatrice du devenir de la poésie grecque au VIIe siècle. La présente publication propose donc le commentaire littéraire de cette œuvre, afin d’en analyser les enjeux poétiques et de la replacer dans la tradition littéraire. Ce commentaire a également vocation à redonner à l’auteur du poème, Georges de Pisidie, toute son importance au sein de la poésie grecque tardive. Il est enfin suivi de la toute première traduction de cette œuvre en langue française.

Late antique laws are rhetorically crafted and often bolstered by expressions of popularized philosophy and theology. This article presents historical evidence that reveals a close link between literary culture and the drafting of laws. It then examines a constitution of Valentinian III against tomb violators (Nouella Valentiniani 23) as case-study. The rhetorical preamble of this law presents a concise argument for the immortality of the soul. At first sight, the phrase nec uana fides which features in this context seems nothing more than a learned, yet merely ornamental, allusion to Virgil (Aen. 4.12) with no further bearing on the content. This article argues that the passage of Nouella Valentiniani 23 might in fact be a reminiscence of Prudentius (Cath. 3.196), who had used the same Virgilian tag to allude to Paul (1 Cor. 15:13-17), thus expressing faith in the immortality of the soul and in the doctrine of resurrection. The author of the Virgilian cento Versus ad gratiam Domini (or Tityrus) also redeployed the same phrase "nec uana fides" with reference to the immortality of the soul, and the cento's intertextual relationship with Prudentius might contribute to the evidence about its date. This complex net of intertextual references (Virgil, Paul, Prudentius) bestows authority on this legal admonition and justifies an appreciation of the late Roman constitutions as literature.

Juin 2025 Revu après soutenance Le présent travail est le mémoire de recherche réalisé dans le cadre du Master de Lettres classiques à l'Université de Strasbourg. Je souhaite remercier en premier lieu Monsieur Marek Thue Kretschmer, pour m'avoir encouragé à entreprendre des études en philologie classique. Je tiens à exprimer ma gratitude envers Madame Agnès Molinier Arbo, pour m'avoir aidé à rejoindre la faculté des lettres après mes études d'Histoire, ainsi qu'à Madame Rossana Guglielmetti, pour ses conseils quant au sujet de mon mémoire. Je souhaite également remercier mon directeur de mémoire, Monsieur Frédéric Chapot, pour ses conseils, son soutien et sa très grande disponibilité durant toute cette année de Master. Enfin, je souhaite remercier les professeurs ayant lu et examiné mon travail de recherche, Madame Arbo et Monsieur Chapot mentionnés plus haut, ainsi que Monsieur Christophe Guignard.

Nel libro IV delle Etymologiae di Isidoro di Siviglia, intitolato De medicina, la materia medica è trattata con toni di narratio. Vi sono presenti inserti aneddotici e mitologici. Nell'articolo si tratta dell'inserto narrativo relativo all'origine del nome dell'amaracinum. L'aneddoto ha stretto rapporto con uno dei Carmina attribuiti ad Isidoro (22 Beeson). In book IV of Isidore of Seville's Etymologiae, entitled De medicina, medicine is treated with narrative tones. There are anecdotal and mythological inserts. The article deals with the narrative insert relating to the origin of the name of amaracinum. The anecdote has a close relationship with one of the Carmina attributed to Isidore (22 Beeson).

Tome VI
Césaire d’Arles sut s’entourer de laïcs et de clercs. C’est ainsi qu’il sut fidéliser le Préfet du Prétoire, Petrus Marcellinus Félix Liberius, mais aussi des clercs tels que Cyprien de Toulon, sa soeur Césarie, sa nièce Césarie la Jeune et son neveu Teridius, lequel promut à travers la Gaule la règle pour les vierges. Cette fidélisation se fit grâce aux évêques de passage en Arles, à qui Césaire d’Arles offrait ses sermons pour être propagés ; il les offrait également aux voyageurs du nord de la Gaule de passage par Arles pour se rendre à Rome. De plus, sa nomination comme vicaire apostolique en 514 lui octroya une certaine autorité sur l’Aquitaine et l’Espagne, créant ainsi de véritables réseaux pour propager son oeuvre. Après la
mort de Césaire en 542, ce réseau traversa les siècles, avec notamment une présence avérée dans la règle de Saint Benoît en 547, dans la règle des vierges introduite au monastère de Sainte-Croix par Radegonde
en 552, dans les conciles de Martin de Braga au Portugal en 561 et dans l’oeuvre de Bède le Vénérable en Angleterre en 735. C’est ainsi que Césaire d’Arles devint l’un des premiers évangélisateurs de la Provence et de l’Europe. Le tome VII présentera le « prédicateur humble et puissant » qu’il fut.

Volume VI.
Caesarius of Arles knew how to surround himself with laymen and clerics. This is how he was able to gain the loyalty of the Praetorian Prefect Petrus Marcellinus Félix Liberius, but also of clerics such as Cyprian of Toulon, his sister Caesaria, his niece Caesaria the Younger and his nephew Teridius, who promoted the rule for virgins throughout Gaul. This loyalty was achieved thanks to the bishops passing through Arles, to whom
Caesarius of Arles offered his sermons to be propagated; he also offered them to travelers from northern Gaul passing through Arles on their way to Rome. Moreover, his appointment as vicar apostolic in 514 gave him a certain authority over Aquitaine and Spain, thus creating actual networks to spread his works. After Caesarius’ death in 542, this network spread through the centuries, with a proven presence in the Rule of St.Benedict in 547, in the Rule of Virgins introduced in the monastery of Sainte-Croix by Radegund in 552, in the Councils of Martin of Braga in Portugal in 561 and in the works of Bede the Venerable in England in 735. This is how Caesarius of Arles became one of the first evangelizers of Provence and Europe. Volume VII will present the «humble and powerful preacher» that he was.

The examination of some texts (by Augustine and Possidius), as well as the prologue of the Retractationes, convinces us that this work is entirely consistent with the author’s sensibility as a thinker and writer, and is not only an interesting aid to truly understand the inspiration and destination of the previous works. In fact, we find here the adoption of a certain lexicon, of some expressions and images that Augustine uses in very significant contexts of other works, in particular the Confessions, and, also for this reason, Augustine’s writing reveals itself to be a powerful means of communication directed to a qualified audience and not only – or not simply – the expression of one’s own feelings.

The Eucharisticos, composed by Paulinus of Pella in fifth-century Marseille, stands out for the contrast between the author's professed gratitude for God's mercy and the persistence of his aristocratic values-especially his attachment to property-that continue to shape his life after his conversion. This chapter examines Paulinus' expressions of thanksgiving in the Eucharisticos, before focusing on the recurring theme of domus. A comparison with Paulinus' literary models-Augustine's Confessions, Paulinus of Nola's poem 10, and the works of Ausonius-reveals the distinctiveness of his confession. Finally, the Eucharisticos is situated within the theological context of fifth-century southern Gaul, and the apologetic purpose of this unique account of conversion is highlighted.

The stages of human life and the corresponding physiological changes have been described in many ways since ancient times. Although old age was characterized by physical and mental weakening (senility), it was portrayed as an age of wisdom which contrasted youth dominated by passions. Vincent of Beauvais devoted a few extensive chapters of Speculum naturaleto the last stage of life and cited works of Cicero, Aristotle, Horace, Virgil, St. Jerome, St. Ambrose, Avicenna, Isidore of Seville, which gave him a place in the intellectual tradition of his era. According to him, the advantages of old age were moderation in pleasures, lower libido, wisdom, maturity of advice, common sense and reconciliation to death. The negative aspects of senility were diseases, discouragement and drowsiness. The physical weakness of the body affected the stability of mind. Vincent recognized old age as a natural period in human life and characterized it from the philosophical and medical points of view. He chose those pieces of writings which he considered important and representing different aspects of old age. He advised on nutrition, strengthening of the body and mental energy. Vincent emphasized that old age should be considered as fate. Therefore, there is no reason to fall in despair and wallow in hopelessness, but prepare for death through a wise life.

Se leggiamo i testi greci e latini entro la prospettiva dei visual studies constatiamo per così dire il riannodarsi del filo di una tradizione che affonda le sue radici nella stessa antichità classica: una lunga tradizione che metteva in relazione le arti figurative e la letteratura, condensata nel celebre motto oraziano ut pictura poesis. Questa percezione delle arti figurative come affini alla letteratura rappresenta un importante aspetto, ma non l’unico, della complessa interazione fra testo scritto e immagine nell’antichità. Questo vivace dibattito è rivolto tanto alla definizione di prospettive teoriche e di quadri interpretativi quanto all’analisi di singoli casi: in questa fioritura di studi ha inteso inserirsi la quattordicesima edizione delle Giornate filologiche al Collegio Ghislieri di Pavia, il cui titolo, "Vedere parole, leggere immagini", suggerisce in modo significativo l’idea di intercambiabilità, implicita, all’origine di una lunga tradizione culturale.

This paper examines the metrical patterns in selected Nigerian poems to highlight the stylistic features. In the paper, two models are simultaneously adopted: Halle-Keyser's stress maxima and the extension model of Beaver. These two models are used in the analysis of the three poems selected from 'A Special Collection of African Poems' (To the Women of New Africa by Dennis Osadebay; The Stars Have Departed by Christopher Okigbo; and The Mesh by Kwesi Brew). The lines in the poems are categorized based on their types to identify stress maxima and describe them in relation to stress maxima identified in them and the rhythmic effects they have. The stylistic analysis shows that the poets of the selected poems, as a matter of style, did not allow the occurrence of iambic lines to dominate their poems; however, the occurrence of stress maxima is maintained in all the lines. A combination of different types of lines dominates the poems. Therefore, stress maxima can be applied to different metrical lines, not only to iambic lines.

The Trials for "Magic" in Asia Minor. Rethinking Four Cold Cases (Ammianus Marcellinus, XXIX 2, 24-28) Résumé By revisiting the cases of four people prosecuted in Asia Minor for magic and crimen maiestatis during the wave of persecution in the winter of 371-372 CE, we examine the inherent ambiguity in divinatory and magical practices. Based on the narrative of Ammianus Marcellinus, clearly against the authorities who led the repression, we seek to track down the evidence behind the accusation, but with the aim of better understanding the process of inter

The fact that there are quite a few common Germanic borrowings from Latin (though rarely found in Gothic) which reflect early contacts between the Roman Empire and the adjoining Germanic tribes has become a kind of received wisdom and is widely accepted. Long before the Germanic tribes (Angles, Saxons, Jutes and Frisians) left their homesteads on the continent about 450 AD and took possession of the southern and eastern parts of Britain, they must have been in contact with the Romans who had occupied considerable parts of western and southern Germany. Consequently, their dialects borrowed quite a few words from Latin that are found in almost all Germanic languages -the so-called continental borrowings (cf. Baugh/Cable 4 , 1993: 77-79). As a rule the following examples are frequently quoted: OE strwt 'street', G Straße (< L via strata 'paved road'); OE win 'wine', Gothic wein, G Wein (< L vmum)\ OE mynet 'mint', G Münze (< L mon&a); OE cycen 'kitchen', G Küche.(< L coquind). Apart from mint, ModE pound belongs to the earliest Germanic borrowings from Latin: OE pünd, ModE pound, OHG pfunt, HG Pfund (cf. Gothic, Old Norse, Old Low Franconian pund). The etymological dictionaries propose a derivation from Latin pondö, related to pondus 'weight', itself derived from L pendere 'to weigh' (e.g. BDE: 825b, s.v. pound 1 \ cf. also Kluge/Seebold 23 , 1999: 628a, s.v. Pfund, 8 th c.). Very few Latin words were borrowed from the Britons (or Celts) who had lived under Roman rule for almost four centuries: OE ceaster, a place-name element (<L castra 'Burg') -ModE -ehester (Winchester), -caster (Lancaster), -cester (Cirencester); OE/ModE port 'harbour' (reinforced by F port 'Hafen'); Lincoln (< L lindum colonia, the first element goes back to Celtic lynn 'a lake'). Many more Latin lexemes found their way into English when the Anglo-Saxons adopted Christianity (in 597 AD Abbot Augustine and his monks, sent from Rome by Pope Gregory the Great, landed in Kent). These words belong to the areas of religion and religious life, medicine, education and gardening. Quite a few of them were replaced by French loanwords in the wake of the Norman Conquest ( AD). OE nön!ModE noon (< L nana hard), OE alter!ModE altar 'Altar', OE engel 'Engel'/G Engel -ModE angel being of Old French provenance; abbot 'Abt', alms 'Almosen', cleric/clerk, disciple, martyr 'Märtyrer', psalm, psalter, priest, offer, shrine; plant, pine Brought to you by | provisional account Unauthenticated | 130.127.238.233 Download Date | 5/30/14 10:55 AM * The change of pretonic ο > a is occasionally attested in (Gallo-)Romance, e.g.: L domitäre -ModF dompter/AF donter -danter -ModE to daunt; AF/ME dame (< L dominam), CF dan(s), AF/ME daun(s) (< L dominus), CF dangier, AF/ME daunger (< L *dom[i]-niarium).

De l'exil àl ' errance, la mesurec ommune est la racine, qui en l'occurrence fait défaut.C'est par là qu'il faut commencer EdouardG lissant, Poétiqued el aR elation 2 Bloch 1993: 56: 'Àquelque activité humaine que son étude s'attache, la même erreur guettetoujours l'interprète: de confondreu ne filiation avec une explication.'

Le public francophone s’est vu offrir la possibilité d’accéder à de nouvelles traductions des oeuvres d’Eucher. Christophe Carraud, Christophe Calvia et Mante Lenkaytite Ostermann ont ainsi publié une traduction de ses deux grands traités monastiques 1, tandis que Martine Dulaey vient de donner une nouvelle édition de ses oeuvres exégétiques 2. Ces travaux récents nous permettent aujourd’hui de disposer d’une connaissance renouvelée de la personnalité d’Eucher, à laquelle nous souhaiterions dans cet article apporter
une nouvelle contribution. Elle s’attachera tout d’abord à réévaluer son itinéraire monastique, en reconsidérant la place d’Eucher dans l'origine du monastère de Lérins, pour ensuite évaluer l’importance d’Eucher dans la tradition ecclésiastique, plus particulièrement dans la mémoire de l’Église de Lyon, en prenant la mesure de l’ombre qu’y a laissée sa haute stature.

suoi interessi di studio sono rivolti all'erudizione e alla grammatica antica, alla tradizione e studio dei classici, in particolare di Cicerone, nella cultura e nella scuola antiche. Organizza da vari anni il Simposio Ciceroniano di Arpino, che raccoglie gli interventi di studiosi italiani e stranieri su tematiche ciceroniane e ha pubblicato numerosi lavori sulla ricezione di Cicerone in epoca antica. Il volume contiene gli Atti del XIII Simposio Ciceroniano, svoltosi nel maggio 2024 in occasione del XLIII Certamen Ciceronianum Arpinas, e raccoglie tre relazioni. La prima, di Alice Borgna, è dedicata alle vicende familiari di Quinto, nipote di Cicerone e di Attico, e ci fornisce uno spaccato delle dinamiche familiari che coinvolgono un giovane su cui pesano i legami sociali e politici fra due importanti famiglie come quelle cui appartengono i suoi due zii. La seconda, di Barbara Del Giovane, ci introduce in un aspetto forse meno noto della personalità dell'Arpinate: l'uso dell'ironia e dell'umorismo, valorizzato nel mondo antico e del quale restano numerose testimonianze. Infine Alfredo Casamento descrive, a partire da un episodio narrato nella IX Filippica, l'importanza che Cicerone attribuisce alle statue onorarie come testimonianza delle virtù civili di un personaggio, destinate, pur nella loro impossibilità di costituire una memoria perenne, a fornire stimolo e impulso all'esercizio di tali virtù.

Apollinaris, a Gallic aristocrat and a bishop of Augustonemetum, the capital of Auvergne, left a collection of 147 letters collected in 9 books as his literary heritage 1. It has been pointed out many times that the songs are written in very sophisticated prose, full of rhetorical means, and the author himself states that these are selected, reviewed and corrected lists in terms of publication 2. From the point of view of the content, they are poor, but they provide a lot of information to learn about the relations prevailing in Gaul in the fifth century 3. A lot of them are letters of recommendation, that are part of the tradition of late antique and early medieval epistolography. In ancient times, the use of litterae commendatitiae is a phenomenon that is both common and normal, as well as necessary for obtaining privileges or functions. These letters were an expression of power and political influence and fit perfectly into the hierarchical nature of the ancient community with its patronage system 4. The purpose of this article is to examine Sidonius Apollinaris' letters of recommendation in terms of their functions, models, arguments used, accents and addressees of the letters, as well as the changes that took place during Sidonius' life in Gaul and the author himself 5 .

In Classical and Hellenistic Greek, apart from use by Jewish and Christian
authors, πορνεία meant “prostitution.” Different words from the same word group (built on πορν-) all had something to do with prostitution. Πόρνη denoted a female prostitute, while πόρνος referred to a male prostitute who might be paid for sex with a man or a woman. Τὸ πορνεῖον referred to a brothel, and some form of the verb πορνεύω referred to one prostituting oneself or someone else. Πορνο-τρόφος referred to a pimp. Somewhere along the way, a group of words that in Greek and Latin seem to have originally referred simply to prostitution became in English a word referring, in most people’s usage, to any sexual intercourse outside the bonds of marriage. But is that all that Paul or other New Testament writers mean when they condemn or warn against πορνεία? In other words, does πορνεία when used by a New Testament writer refer only to “extramarital sex” between a man and a woman, or does it include other activities also? This article suggests that the answer varies depending on whom you ask.

Between the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, the new genre of Christian hymnody, which has its origins in classical poetry and yet develops in a fairly distinctive way, flourishes under the pen of Prudentius, especially with regard to the Cathemerinon and Peristephanon, but also of Paulinus, with his natalicia in honour of Saint Felix of Nola. They both declare their poetic activity of praise in poetological passages. The article first analyses three programmatic claims of Prudentius in Cath. 3, 5 and 9 by taking into account the influence of both the classical and the biblical lyrical tradition and focuses on the recurrent poetological vocabulary. Then, it shows how Prudentius and, to a lesser extent, Paulinus can be acknowledged as the turning point of programmatic statements in celebratory passages by exploring the influence of some terms and motifs analysed in the first part on the following late Latin poets, especially on Venantius Fortunatus, but also on Sidonius, Dracontius and Ennodius.

«OBLATIO LITTERARIA». LANGUAGE OBJECTIFICATION IN ENNODIUS OF PAVIA
This paper identifies and analyses the peculiar conception of human language that emerges from some of the most characteristic works of Ennodius of Pavia, such us the Eucharisticum de vita sua, the Benedictio cerei, certain metapoetic poems and most of his letters. In these and many other pieces language is systematically (indeed programmatically) objectified: it loses its communicative function to become a pure offering (oblatio litteraria), a luxury item, or a verbal token of the author’s affection toward his dedicatees. This new model of ‘intransitive’ communication is to be related to the dynamics of prayer and the social ritual of exchange of gifts. This new insight into a key aspect of Ennodius’ poetics (his way of deconstructing language) contributes to a better understanding of the eccentricities of his style and the ultimate raison d’être of many of his works.

This paper analyses the metaliterary statements that pervade the oeuvre of Ennodius of Pavia (A.D. 474-521) in order to reconstruct his underlying conception of language: its nature, power, function, limitations, and dangers. This new perspective provides a more nuanced insight into the paradoxical poetics of the author as well as his final renunciation to literature after his appointment as bishop of Pavia.

Cambio 1 hacia otro sexo: Tomás de Aquino y algunos tomistas Resumen: "¿Puede el hombre cambiar su sexo?", "¿Puede la mujer convertirse en un varón?, o "¿un varón en una mujer?" -De alguna manera estas cuestiones, que competen, que tienen su raíz en la antropología filosófica, se discuten agriamente hoy en día en los EE. UU. y en cierto modo en todos lados. Explicadas sumariamente estas disputas, se mostrará la posición de Tomás de Aquino y la de algunos de sus discípulos de esta época. Por último, habiendo pasado revista someramente sobre la discusión, se propone una interpretación Palabras clave: Cambio de sexo, Tomás de Aquino, Tomismo contemporáneo, Sexo y género Me complace darles la bienvenida, amigos, a mi ponencia sobre sobre una cuestión que se disputa agria y amargamente en mi país, los Estados Unidos (y en otros

L'articolo fornisce edizione, traduzione italiana e commento degli epigrammi pederotici 22 e 23 della Appendix di carmi attribuiti a Claudiano nell' edizione di John Barrie Hall 1985. Oltre alla ricostruzione della tradizione editoriale, che si intreccia con quella di Petronio, viene preso in considerazione anche un nuovo testimone manoscritto (Rawlinson G. 109) dell'inizio del sec. XIII, fino a oggi ignorato. Dal confronto con epigrammi medievali anonimi sul rapporto tra un uomo e un puer emergono analogie che permettono di considerare i carmi 22 e 23 coevi e pure collocabili in età medievale.

Starting from the description of the sturgeon in Auson. Mos. 135-139, this article discusses the reading deprensa and the conjecture defensa contained in two passages of Ausonius, reconstructing the poet's previous models (Vergil and Seneca) and tracing the subsequent influence of the expression via the metaphor of the whale in Claudian (Eutr. 2, 430-431) and Noah's ark in Arator (apost. 2, 682-684).

In an era of significant transformations of the institutions of the Roman state, but also of the Latin vocabulary, the historian Aurelius Victor is well aware of the new social-political realities, but remains a follower of traditional values. He refers to the Senate using traditional terminology, but notes its marginalization. The army is seen as the decisive factor in the state, but an immoral and dangerous one, which established a true military tyranny; for it, the author makes use of traditional formulas, but also of new expressions.

The text analyzes the incidence of the verbs fertur (ferunt) and dicitur in the biography of Elagabalus from the Historia Augusta, reaching the conclusion that they are found almost entirely in chapters XVIII, 4-XXXIII – a “catalogue” of multiple and unbelievable excesses of Elagabalus, committed overwhelmingly as privatus; they introduce apocryphal dialogues, direct or indirect dicta principis, allusions, rumors that the anonymous hypocritically tries to avoid, calumnies, fabellae difficult to verify, lines reproduced from ancient poets, parodied after them or “originals”, omina imperii invented. Therefore, both expressions are part of the category of narrative tools that reveal the uncertainty of what is reported, the relative quality of the sources, the filtered, “secondary”, “retold”, “ambiguous” character of the historical narrative, the absence of documentary support in some columns of the biography, a fact that gave free rein to imagination and exaggerations.

Partendo dal testo dell'Ibis stabilito da Antonio La Penna nel 1955, l'articolo propone un'analisi criticotestuale intorno ad alcuni loci tra i più problematici del poemetto. This article, based on the text of Ovid's 'Ibis' as fixed by Antonio La Penna in 1955, proposes some clues for critical-textual analysis of verses selected among the most complicated in the poem. La vita di Ovidio si concluse, com'è noto, nel 17 d. C. a Tomi sul mar Nero, in una terra inospitale agli estremi confini dell'impero. L'esperienza della relegatio toccata all'uomo diede al poeta una veste nuova, imprimendo alla sua produzione una svolta significativa della quale l'Ibis si può ergere ad emblema. Poemetto ricco di interesse per la sua natura polifonica 1 , il problematico legame con un'omonima perduta operetta di Callimaco 2 nonché per l'irrisolta questione dell'identità del suo destinatario 3 , l'Ibis è per il filologo classico e i suoi interpreti moderni una vera e propria palude.

non poteva non ricordare i suoi progetti e pubblicazioni di ordine digitale, nella direzione di quelle che oggi chiamiamo le Digital Humanities e che in Italia, nel nostro campo di lavoro, avete tradotto opportunamente in Filologia Digitale. Pensavo che fosse necessario, non solo perché le iniziative che Dino ha avuto in questo senso sono state, nella prospettiva del lungo periodo, di grande impatto per la nostra ricerca, ma soprattutto perché le ha intraprese prima di molti altri, con una prospettiva futura non solo su dove stava andando la ricerca nel campo delle humanities, ma anche su dove doveva e su dove ci conveniva che andasse, come poi si è senz'altro verificato. E vorrei fare ancora un'altra premessa: Di Girolamo non ha partecipato in questo processo con grandi riflessioni teoriche né con grandi piani quinquennali pieni di promesse, ma con fatti, e quindi mostrando come si deve fare facendo. Questo atteggiamento ha comportato una notevole assenza di materiale 'operativo' scritto da Dino che potesse aiutarci a capire come la pensava. Direi che siamo davanti a uno o due papers, rimasti quasi nell'ambito dei gray materials. 1 Il resto rimane in 1 Alcune delle idee di Dino sui progetti digitali si possono leggere in note sparse.

This article examines some texts in which Isidore of Seville expresses his programmatic ideas about encyclopedic writing, namely that it should be characterized by a substantial need for clarity and brevity, and suitable for satisfying the expectations of a public that loved exhaustive but synthetic writing. The analysis considers some commonplaces of encyclopedic treatises and exegetic tradition and shows their importance for Isidore’s literary memory.