Islamic Intellectual History

Imam, al-Hafidh, Zayn a-Deen Abdu-Rahman bin Ahmed bin Rajab al-Baghdadi then a-Dimashqi al-Hanbali, famously known as Ibn Rajab (736-795 Hijri) is one of the authoritative scholars of the Hanbali madhab in terms of both creed and jurisprudence. He authored many books and treatises, especially related to hadith, and he was known as a staunch follower of the creed of the a-Selef a-Salih or the Pious Predecessors. This short treatise compiles some of what he's written about the Nuzool (descent of) Allah [نزول الله ] according to the creed of the Selef. The approach and principles mentioned here, can be applied to other ambiguous words and attributes related to Allah ta’ala. The intention in this compilation is to present the creed of Ibn Rajab as it is, not superimposing selected texts onto a specific creed. As such, the creed of the Selef isn’t affirmed by what Ibn Rajab himself believes, but rather he’s to be shown as a faithful conveyor of their creed, may Allah be pleased with them and him.

This book, "Ijtihād Collectif: L’évolution du droit musulman" (Albouraq, 2024) by Yannis Mahil, examines the rise of collective ijtihād as a key hermeneutical tool in the renewal of Islamic law. Moving beyond the classical model of individual reasoning, Mahil shows how councils of scholars, institutions, and transnational bodies have institutionalized collective approaches to address modern challenges. The book situates collective ijtihād within broader debates on consensus (ijmāʿ), the fiqh of minorities, and landmark issues such as the abolition of slavery, illustrating how interpretive frameworks adapt to historical and social change. Prefaced by Dr. Bernard K. Freamon (New York University), this study provides scholars and students of Islamic legal studies, comparative law, and contemporary reform debates with both a historical genealogy and a forward-looking analysis of collective juridical reasoning.

The article explores the impact of Central Asian scholars' legacy on the intellectual traditions of West African ‘ulama’, focusing specifically on Abdullah b. Fodio (d. 1245/1829), a prominent scholar from the Sokoto Caliphate, and his engagement with the works of Imam al-Bukhari (d. 256/870) and Imam al-Tirmidhi (d. 279/892). It investigates the role of West African Islamic states in spreading Islamic knowledge through various traditional learning centres. The study highlights how the significant contributions of Central Asian scholars, especially in Hadith studies, influenced the intellectual frameworks of West African ulama. By analysing Abdullah b. Fodio’s work on tafsir and his utilisation of the prophetic tradition reported by Imam al-Bukhari and al-Tirmidhi, this research shows how scholarly interactions across regions facilitated the integration of Central Asian intellectual traditions into the West African Islamic context. This synthesis enriched the intellectual landscape of the Sokoto Caliphate and strengthened its participation in the wider Islamic scholarly tradition. Overall, this article adds to the broader discussion on the globalisation of Islamic scholarship and the importance of cross-cultural exchanges in shaping intellectual legacies.

This essay examines Salafism as a contested and evolving tradition within Sunni Islam, challenging reductive portrayals that conflate it with jihadist militancy. Drawing on three recent scholarly works—Raihan Ismail’s Rethinking Salafism, Cole Bunzel’s Wahhabism: The History of a Militant Islamic Movement, and Aaron Rock-Singer’s In the Shade of the Sunna—the article situates Salafism in its intellectual genealogies, social networks, and cultural practices. It highlights the movement’s internal diversity, from quietist scholars to political activists, and its negotiation of modernity, state power, and globalisation. By engaging these perspectives, the essay reframes Salafism not as a monolithic ideology but as a dynamic sub-tradition whose claims to orthodoxy both shape and are shaped by the transformations of modern Islam.

The Picatrix adalah grimoire (buku sihir) abad pertengahan yang berasal dari bahasa Arab berjudul Ghayat al-Hakim ("Tujuan Orang Bijaksana"), yang disusun pada abad ke-10 atau ke-11 dari berbagai sumber. Diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Spanyol pada abad ke-13 dan kemudian ke bahasa Latin, Picatrix menjadi pengaruh besar pada tradisi sihir dan esoterisme di Eropa Renaisans, termasuk pengaruhnya pada pemikir seperti Marsilio Ficino. Buku ini memberikan instruksi detail tentang sihir surgawi, termasuk pembuatan jimat, ramuan, dan pemanggilan roh planet, serta sintesis filsafat Hermetisme, Neoplatonisme, dan pemikiran Islam.

Studies have demonstrated the therapeutic effects of listening to music, such as the potential of enhancing creativity and helping maintain thriving levels of energy, and its detrimental effects, such as the potential of causing rapid changes in emotions leading to depression and becoming a form of escapism whereby an individual avoids problems they are facing. In view of this, what is the status of music in the Sharia? Is it permissible to listen to?

This article delineates how the different hermeneutical frameworks in Shiite scholarship derive Sharia regulations on music from evidences mentioning ghināʾ. The first section outlines Mullā Muḥsin al-Fayḍ al-Kāshānī’s (d. 1680) utility of the Akhbārī framework in his derivation of the regulation of the permissibility of ghināʾ; the second section presents Sayyid Abū Qāsim al-Khūʾī’s (d. 1992) utility of the orthodox Uṣūlī framework in his derivation of the regulation of the prohibition of ghināʾ; and the final section summarises the utility of the Existential framework in the derivation of its regulation on music.

This article investigates the philosophical underpinnings of Ibn Khaldūn's Muqaddima, focusing on how he reconciles Ashʿarite theology with his historiographical methodology. While previous scholarship has often emphasized the tensions between Ibn Khaldūn's theological occasionalism and his apparent reliance on natural causality, this study argues that he integrates these frameworks into a coherent epistemological system. It challenges Mahdi's Straussian interpretation by demonstrating how Ibn Khaldūn unites Ashʿarite theology and empirical analysis into a synthetic vision of knowledge. Ibn Khaldūn critiques falsafa for organizing the world through the universals of logic, faulting its abstraction and excessive reliance on metaphysics. In contrast, he advocates an approach grounded in empirical observation and theological principles. His critique of universals draws on post-classical Islamic philosophy and reflects an increasingly pronounced nominalist tendency. Within this framework, causality functions to link events within a historiographical narrative while remaining consistent with the ontological dependence of each occurrence on God.

In this article, the Academy of Islamic Sciences' approach to "religious science" has been briefly presented. One of its main premises-known in the literature of epistemology and philosophy of science as "voluntarism"-has been examined analytically, and responses have been offered to several objections raised against it. Finally, some of its ambiguous aspects and logically flawed implications, its weak arguments for rejecting realism, its failure to accurately describe and explain the anti-realist stance and its neglect of that stance's consequences, as well as the internal inconsistency of this theory regarding its own realism, have been analyzed.

This study employs a qualitative methodology, drawing on library and documentary sources to conduct a comparative analysis of the Qur’ānic account of the Companions of the Cave in Surah al-Kahf alongside non-Qur’ānic narratives. The primary aim is to challenge Donner’s assertion that the Qur’ānic story was influenced by popular tales. This research further examines how the motif of the Sleepers of the Cave—a recurring theme in Greek, Jewish, and Christian mythology as well as global folklore—is rendered with unique originality in the Qur’ānic narrative. The Companions of the Cave are not only integrally connected to other narratives within the surah but also harmonize with the broader thematic and theological objectives present in other Qur’ānic chapters, reflecting the historical context and prophetic biography. However, due to the extensive influence of exegetical traditions shaped by Isra'iliyyat (Judeo-Christian sources), some Jewish and Christian elements have permeated Islamic literature despite the Qur’ānic account’s distinctive conciseness and internal coherence. A common motif among these various traditions is the exploration of life, death, and resurrection. Yet, in Surah al-Kahf, this motif is intricately intertwined with fundamental Islamic teachings—particularly monotheism (tawḥīd), prophethood (nubuwwah), and resurrection (maʿād)—as well as the central themes of the surah itself. Such thematic unity and depth are notably absent in Jewish and Christian versions of the narrative.

The anonymous author of the Life of Ahudemmeh underscores the importance of the “alms” (zedqtō) that the “Arabs” (Ṭayyōyē) of the “Jazīra” (Gzīrtō) are encouraged to offer to churches and monks. He specifically names four “sacred monasteries” that rose to prominence within the Iraqi Miaphysite Church during the 2nd century AH. Notably, he emphasizes that even the convent of ʿAyn Qnōyē near Mosul—residence of Metropolitan Basilius of Takrīt (r. ca. 196–214 AH / 812–829 CE)—adopted both the form and the name of Mār Sargīs, in imitation of and in rivalry with the more renowned martyrion at Ruṣāfa, located in the western, Syrian (and Melkite) part of the Middle East.
The cult of this latter shrine, dedicated to Mār-Sarjis, is well attested in five poems attributed to the Iraqi bard Jarīr b. ʿAṭiyya (d. ca. 110 AH / 728 CE), particularly those directed against his rival al-Akhṭal, and his archetypal Christian tribe of Banū Taghlib. In these verses, Jarīr polemically contrasts the Christian pilgrimage to Ruṣāfa with the Islamic ḥajj to Mecca, which was taking shape during the Marwānid period (692–750 CE). Ironically, only a few months after Jarīr’s death, Caliph Hishām (r. 105–125 AH / 725–743 CE) chose Ruṣāfa (Sergiopolis) as the site of his desert headquarters, where he constructed a congregational mosque (jāmiʿ) adjacent to the mausoleum of the Christian saint. Although no definitive evidence exists of an official Islamic cult centred on the shrine of St. Sergius, a 7th century Palestinian letter sent from Ayla to Nessana attests to a Saracen’s donation to a sanctuary of St. Sergius.
Several Greek documents attest to the continued visitation of Christian holy places by Arab Muslims during the Umayyad period. These include two letters from Nessana documenting pilgrimages by Sufyānid notables to Mount Sinai in the 40s-50s/660s-670s and a graffito left by some Umayyad mawālī at the monastic site of Bawit in Egypt. “Arabs and Christians” are also recorded in the 690s as frequently visiting and spending gifts to the –still-living– Bishop Theodota of Amid. In a similar environment, two late 8th-century Syrian-Orthodox texts—the Chronicle of Zuqnīn (regarding Mār Ḥabīb of Edessa, ca. 710) and the Life of Gabriel of Qarṭmīn (d. ca. 666)—recount a strikingly similar story where a hostile Arab merchant / warrior entrusts his treasure to a monk, who dies and is buried with the secret. Its location is ultimately revealed from beyond the grave by the dead monk himself.
Other sources suggest that Arab emirs from the first Islamic century were involved in ziyārāt, gifts, and even the establishment of —sometimes ambiguously pious—foundations associated with the tombs of Christian holy men. For instance, the Ḥīran hagiographical repertoire recalls that ʿUbayd Allāh b. Ziyād (r. 55–67 AH / 675–686 CE), viceroy of the East and ‘nephew’ of Caliph Muʿāwiya, visited at Jamra the shrine of Mār ʿAbdā b. Hanīf, a missionary credited with converting rural Arabs, and donated an ex-voto (birr) in gratitude for healing. In summary, just as the influence and example of Christian anchorites helped shape early Islamic asceticism (zuhd) and later Sufism, this scattered but suggestive evidence indicates that before the emergence of Islamic saint veneration and ziyārāt, Arabs engaged in visiting and even supporting Christian shrines and martyria.

The author of this paper attempts to write about the mystery of the barzakh in and from Ibn al-ʽArabī's perspective. Ibn al-ʽArabī's perspective observes things from three dimensions: the two dimensions of the positive and negative, which are familiar to us by means of our ordinary binary perception, and in addition the third dimension that belongs neither to the one, nor to the other. This is the dimension of the barzakh, which can be called tertiary, since it is unitive and inclusive of the two familiar dimensions. "Seeing" the third dimension of the barzakh is not accessible to ordinary binary perception; it is accessible, according to Ibn al-ʽArabī, only to those who possess a special kind of seeing; they are the ahl al-kashf, those who "see" with three eyes, as it were. Nevertheless, between the binary and the tertiary/unitive perceptions there is a pervasive tension of relatedness. It is a dynamic tension that makes its mark on all levels of existence, whether consciously or unconsciously. In other words, although the barzakh belongs to the dimension of the mysterious "third", it is powerfully present and influential all around. It manifests itself as the cognitive function that Ibn al-ʽArabī calls 'imagination ' (al-khayāl). For him, the barzakh-imagination is the most powerful cognitive function in the human makeup, and it hinges on a paradox: it makes everything that it conceives an "it/not it". God, too, from this perspective, is "He/not He". Following from the cognitive field that evolves from the tertiary-barzakh-imaginative perspective, I consider the notion coincidentia oppositorum ('the union of the opposites', al-jamʽ bayna al-ḍiddayn). Finally, I apply the insights stemming from Ibn al-ʽArabī's perspective to the question of 'identities' and to the ethical dilemmas of our contemporary world.

We are living in a fractious world, where personal relations between the people are not always pleasant. There could be many insignificant, trivial conflicts between individuals, which if they were not resolved at some point, they may grow and may become serious problem not only for personal relations but for community. It is commonly thought greetings, smiling, shaking hands, embracing and kissing one another is the primary cure, or primary precaution for such social problems however, for hearts to truly reconcile and strengthen social bonds, those behaviors are needed but not enough. If such gestures do not spring from a deep-seated conviction that one's fellow being must be loved for the sake of God, then they remain at the level of external social politesse and cannot effect social reform at the deepest, grass-roots level. As Nursi said primary motive of individuals must come from the belief.

This book offers the edition of the Arabic text, the Italian translation, and a line-by-line commentary of the most significant writings for reconstructing the doctrine of the soul of the persian philosopher ʾAbū Sulaymān al-Siǧistānī al-Manṭiqī (ca. 912-985). These are Night 13 and Night 35 of the Kitāb al-ʾimtāʿ wa-l-muʾānasah (The Book of Pleasure and Conviviality), a literary work composed by the man of letters ʾAbū Ḥayyān al-Tawḥīdī (922/932-1023), the best-known disciple of al-Siǧistānī. The edition of the Arabic texts is based on a new collation of the two manuscript witnesses of the book, preserved today in Milan and Istanbul, and is accompanied by their first translation into a Western language. The commentary highlights the specific features of al-Siǧistānī’s thought and its connections with both Greek and Arabic philosophy of the time. It also includes translations and references to other works by al-Tawḥīdī dealing with related subjects, especially texts from the Kitāb al-Muqābasāt (Borrowings), a collection of notes he compiled during the debates held in al-Siǧistānī’s maǧlis. In addition, the commentary presents numerous translations of passages from philosophical works by authors contemporary with or prior to al-Siǧistānī, with the aim of reconstructing the cultural environment in which his ideas took shape.

On the second of Rajab 883 AH/ October 8, 1478 CE, at the Sulṭān Ulugh Beg Mīrzā School in Samarkand, the Sunni ulema set a book on fire and sentenced its scribe to death. The book was provocatively Shīʿī. Only with the intercession of Quṭb al-aqṭāb of Samarkand and Sheikh ul-Islām of Herat, could the scribe, who was indeed the very author of the book, ultimately flee to Herat. In safety there, he penned a new book, describing his suffering and boldly reaffirming his Shīʿī allegiance....

Bu çalışma, Endülüs’te İslâmî ilimlerin gelişim sürecini ve İbn Beşküvâl’in es-Sıla adlı eserindeki bilgileri esas alarak rihle (ilim yolculuğu) hareketlerinin oynadığı rolü incelemektedir. Endülüs, coğrafî olarak İslâm dünyasının batısında (el-Mağrib) yer almasına rağmen, Doğu’daki (el-Meşrik) büyük ilim merkezleriyle güçlü bir etkileşim kurmuş ve bu bağlamda ilmî mirasını zenginleştirmiştir. Çalışmanın temel amacı, İbn Beşküvâl’in es-Sıla adlı tabakât eserini merkeze alarak, Endülüs’ten Doğu’ya gerçekleştirilen rihlelerin mahiyetini analiz etmek, bu seyahatlerin Endülüs’te İslâmî ilimlerin oluşumu ve gelişimi üzerindeki etkilerini tespit etmekir. Çalışmada, İbn Beşküvâl’in eserinde yer alan 1552 âlimin biyografisi incelenmiş ve bunlardan 412’sinin Doğu’ya ilim tahsili amacıyla seyahat ettiği belirlenmiştir. Seyahat edilen bölgeler arasında Mekke (239 ziyaret), Mısır (187 ziyaret) ve Kayrevan (86 ziyaret) öne çıkmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, âlimlerin seyahat motivasyonları, güzergâh tercihleri ve gittikleri yerlerdeki ilmî faaliyetleri detaylı bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın temel tezi, rihlelerin Endülüs’te ilim geleneğinin oluşmasında belirleyici bir faktör olduğu ve zamanla Endülüs’ün kendi özgün ilmî kimliğini inşa ettiği yönündedir. Özellikle, Doğu’dan gelen eserlerin Endülüs’te okutulması ve yorumlanması, bölgenin ilmî bağımsızlığını güçlendirmiştir. Ancak 500/1107 yılından sonra rihle hareketlerinde azalma yaşandığı tespit edilmiştir. Bu durum, Doğu İslâm dünyasında ilmî merkezlerin zayıflaması ve Endülüs’ün kendi ilmî üretim merkezlerini oluşturmasıyla ilişkilendirilmiştir. Elde edilen bulgular, rihle hareketlerinin yalnızca bireysel ilim tahsiliyle sınırlı kalmadığını, aksine Endülüs’ün ilmî ve kültürel yapısının şekillenmesinde önemli bir araç olduğunu göstermektedir. Sonuç olarak, Endülüs ile Doğu İslâm dünyası arasındaki ilmî etkileşimin, yalnızca bir bilgi aktarım süreci değil, aynı zamanda bir medeniyet inşa süreci olduğu tespit edilmiştir. / This study examines the role played by rihla (scholarly travels) in the development of Islamic sciences in al-Andalus, based on the information found in Ibn Bashkuwāl’s work, al-Ṣīla. Although al-Andalus was geographically located at the westernmost boundary (Maghreb) of the Islamic world, it established strong connections with the major centers of learning in the East (al-Mashriq), thereby enriched its scientific and cultural heritage. The primary aim of this study is to analyze the nature of scholarly journeys from al-Andalus to the East, using Ibn Bashkuwāl’s biographical work al-Ṣīla, and to assess the impact of these travels on the formation and development of Islamic sciences in al-Andalus. In the study, the biographies of 1,552 scholars recorded in Ibn Bashkuwāl’s work were examined, and it was identified 412 scholars who traveled to the East for educational purposes. Among the visited destinations, Mecca (239 visits), Egypt (187 visits), and Kairouan (86 visits) stand out. In this context, the motivations behind these journeys, preferred travel routes, and their scholarly activities undertaken in the visited regions are analyzed in detail. The main thesis of this study posits that scholarly journeys were a decisive factor in shaping the intellectual tradition of al-Andalus and that, over time, al-Andalus contributed to the establishment of its distinct scholarly identity. In particular, the teaching and interpretation of works from the East in al-Andalus strengthened the region’s intellectual autonomy. However, a decline in rihla activities was observed after the year 500/1107, which was linked to the weakening of scholarly centers in the East and the increasing self-sufficiency of Andalusian intellectual production. The findings indicate that scholarly journeys were not merely an individual pursuit of knowledge but rather served as a crucial mechanism in the intellectual and cultural formation of al-Andalus. In conclusion, the scholarly interaction between al-Andalus and the Eastern Islamic world was not confined to the mere transfer of knowledge; it also played a crucial role in the broader process of civilization-building.

SUBJECT & OBJECTIVES: Near-death experiences (NDEs) have garnered significant attention, particularly in recent years. Existing explanations in this field have often failed to provide a comprehensive analysis of these experiences due to their neglect of ontological and anthropological dimensions. This study aims to offer a religious ontological explanation of NDEs by drawing on Quranic verses and narrations related to the nature of the world and human existence.
METHOD & FINDING: The study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing Islamic religious texts to explore the immaterial dimension of the human soul and its connection to ʿĀlam al-Barzakh (the intermediate realm). According to religious teachings, when the soul's attention to the body diminishes and sensory faculties cease their activity, the soul, aided by the faculty of imagination, perceives phenomena. The faculty of imagination has several characteristics that may influence these perceptions, including the creation of unreal images, the retention of past observations, the potential influence of Satan, and its connection to the intermediate realm. Islamic scriptures describe existence as encompassing multiple realms, from Khazāʾin ʿind Allāh (the divine treasuries) to ʿĀlam al-Dunyā (the material world), with the intermediate realm bearing significant similarities to NDEs.
CONCLUSION: From the perspective of religious literature, it appears that when the soul's attention to the material dimension decreases, it may enter the intermediate realm and experience real observations. These observations, however, occur for specific individuals and may, in some cases, be influenced by their imagination, leading to perceptions that are limited to imaginary constructs. This study highlights the importance of integrating ontological and anthropological dimensions into the analysis of near-death experiences, offering a framework rooted in Islamic teachings.

The study aims to criticize some of the interpretation mechanisms employed by
the Arab modernists in order to open the meaning of the legal texts to several
readings, as they relied on some verbal interpretation approaches in order to argue for
the humanization of the text and the removal of its holiness and the impact of reality
on it, especially with the Mu’tazilit theory of the creation of the Qur’an to confirm
the claim of the existence of two levels of revelation (divine and transcendent).And
(human incarnate), (eternal and created).

Following the Muslim conquest of Iran, significant shifts emerged in the region's intellectual paradigms. During this period, scholars engaged in "Ilm al-kalam" examined the core tenets of Islamic faith across various theological schools, introducing novel ideological frameworks. Among these, "Mu'tazilism" is noted for its rationalist leanings, while "Ash'arism" is recognized for its fatalistic perspectives. Simultaneously, Iranian architecture underwent a transformation: new architectural forms emerged, spatial configurations evolved, and construction techniques and ornamentation diversified. This raises a critical question: can these architectural changes be linked to the emergence of new intellectual paradigms? To explore this question, this article examines Persian texts composed or translated during the early Islamic centuries (10th to 12th AH), particularly from the regions of Greater Khorasan and Sistan. Key works, including Tārīkh-ī Ṭabarī, Sharḥ al-Taʿarruf Limaẕhab-i Taṣavvuf, and Garshasp Nāmih, serve as primary references.

The Ālūsīs of Baghdad were one of the most influential families in the late Ottoman Empire, producing various prolific scholars. They were inspired by Ibn Taymiyya, supported the permissibility of ijtihād, and criticized excessive Sufi practices. Although accused of being Wahhabi owing to their Salafi ideas, they maintained strong ties with the Ottoman state, holding judicial and bureaucratic positions. This article situates the family within the Ottoman imperial framework and explains how they navigated as Salafi scholars in the predominantly Ḥanafī-Māturīdī structure of the Ottoman Empire.

Throughout Islamic intellectual history, a wide range of conceptions of God have been articulated, among which the problematic view of Ibn ʿArabī-identifying God with Absolute Existence (al-wujūd al-muṭlaq)-stands out. Numerous critiques have been leveled against this identification, but the objections of Saʿd al-Dīn al-Taftāzānī are particularly notable for their originality, clarity, and lasting influence on post-classical Islamic thought. In his Sharḥ al-Maqāṣid, al-Taftāzānī formulates several arguments against Ibn ʿArabī's conception of God, focusing on the philosophical notion of Existence. Al-Taftāzānī regards Absolute Existence as a maʿqūl thānī (secondary intelligible), a universal concept in the mind with no extra-mental reality, which is instantiated only through its particular instances in the external world. He contends that this notion of Absolute Existence cannot be identical with God (or Necessary Existence), since God is an actual entity (ḥaqīqat fī al-khārij) and not merely a mental concept. This article critically examines al-Taftāzānī's objections, arguing that his reading is misleading and that his refutation is grounded in a conception of Absolute Existence that differs significantly from that held by Ibn ʿArabī and his followers. Having contextualized al-Taftāzānī's objections, I have sought to reconsider and rearticulate Ibn ʿArabī's conception of God.

El propósito de este trabajo es comprender la construcción de las
representaciones discursivas de cristianos y musulmanes en el Ta’rīj iftitāḥ Al-Andalus de Ibn al-Qūṭiyya. 
En una sociedad islámica pre-moderna como la andalusí, lo religioso aparece como un factor determinante no sólo a nivel ideológico y político, sino también como estructurador del tiempo y los ritmos de la vida social, familiar e individual. Así la religión está unida a la política y de esta manera la protección y difusión de la fe recae en manos de la política. 
La diversidad étnica de la sociedad andalusí y la organización de las
diferencias religiosas según la ley islámica dieron lugar a tensiones de diversa índole producto de la lucha política entre árabes, beréberes y neomusulmanes. Estas tensiones son reflejadas de manera particular por Ibn al-Qūṭiyya en su discurso. Ulema cordobés del siglo X, su condición de cliente Omeya y su ascendencia cristiano-visigoda ocupan un papel importante en su interpretación de la historia de al-Andalus hasta el siglo X. Entonces, ¿cómo reflejó en su discurso las tensiones existentes entre cristianos y musulmanes en al-Andalus? ¿Sobre qué bases ideológicas y materiales se encuentran asentadas las representaciones discursivas de
ambos en el Ta’rīj?

Al-Shāfi'ī (m. 820) es responsable de la resignificación y adaptación de conceptos y precedentes legales y doctrinales que conducen a la sistematización de la doctrina legal sobre la rebelión (al-bughāt) en el Islam. Esto implica un proceso de diferenciación de un concepto legal, baghy, y de otros similares como bandidos (al-muḥāribūn) y apóstatas (al-ridda). Según al-Shāfi'ī, un rebelde (baghy) es aquel que se niega a obedecer al gobernante justo (al-imām al-'ādil) y tiene la intención de rebelarse mediante el combate (qitāl) (al-Umm, 2001, p. 216). Para que un rebelde sea calificado como tal, debe tener un ta'wīl, debe haber declarado abiertamente su rebelión y debe ser parte de un grupo más grande de rebeldes (2001, pp. 215-217). Además, el ejemplo de la conducta de „Alī b. Abī Ṭālib (m. 661) durante la Batalla del Camello en 656, en la que se negó a atacar a los khawārij antes de que lo atacaran a él, es el estándar legal y
moral de al-Shāfi'ī con el que juzga a los gobernantes musulmanes de su tiempo. 
Ibn Ḥazm realizó la primera aportación andalusí a la doctrina jurídica de la rebelión. Si bien el cordobés sigue a al-Shāfi'ī en los aspectos principales de su discurso sobre la rebelión, particularmente en referencia a los antecedentes y características legales y doctrinales, al tratamiento y castigo de los baghy, la contribución más importante de Ibn Ḥazm es la de reubicar el foco del problema en la conducta del gobernante musulmán y considerando, al respecto, que es obligatorio rebelarse contra un gobernante injusto e incluso que el gobernante podría ser acusado de rebelión (al-Muḥallā bi al-Āthār, s.f.,  XI, pp. 333-362). Por tanto, su abordaje del “problema del rebelde” implica un giro epistemológico desde la causa del baghy a la legitimidad del gobernante.
Nuestra principal hipótesis es que tal giro es desarrollado por Ibn Ḥazm a través de un proceso de configuración del rebelde como objeto de conocimiento jurídico desarrollado por una acción discursiva y metodológica de exclusión del abordaje de bandidos, apóstatas e infieles. Sus principios metodológicos no son solo los de la escuela de derecho ẓāhirī, como se puede suponer, sino también los de sus ideas sobre la
argumentación silogística y apodíctica, como explica en su Taqrīb, donde enfatiza la importancia del razonamiento lógico para las ciencias religiosas (1983, IV, pp. 102-104). Siguiendo a al-Fārābī en sus comentarios a los Analíticos Primeros de Aristóteles, el cordobés establece catorce modos de silogismo aplicables a la argumentación
jurídica.
En consecuencia, en su Taqrīb, Ibn Ḥazm integra la argumentación lógica con el razonamiento jurídico, acción que luego estructurará su sistema de argumentación en el discurso sobre la rebelión.
Finalmente, explicaremos que el giro epistemológico, la asimilación de la
argumentación silogística al discurso de la rebelión, la centralidad de los precedentes doctrinales sobre la conducta de los Compañeros del Profeta durante la primera fitna y el “enfoque del gobernante como rebelde” son medios de confrontación frente a las autoridades políticas y religiosas de al-Andalus. Por tanto, en el discurso de Ibn Ḥazm sobre la rebelión entran en juego los debates sobre los fundamentos del derecho, la legitimidad de los gobernantes y el lugar de los juristas y filósofos en la sociedad andalusi del siglo XI.

Kalāmatomism stood in opposition to the Aristotelian natural philosophy of thefalāsifa. In thePhysicsof theShifā', Ibn Sīnā undertook a detailed refutation ofkalāmatomism through several arguments. These arguments elicited a muted response from al-Ghazālī, whose commitment tokalāmwas minimal at best. A more forceful response seems to have been offered by al-Shahrastānī but its details remain sketchy due to the lack of surviving sources. Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, whose intellectual development went through a phase of commitment to Avicennism and thereby a vigorous endorsement of Ibn Sīnā's anti-atomist arguments followed by a phase of a critical engagement with Avicennism, provides a detailed rebuttal to Ibn Sīnā's arguments in addition to constructing novel arguments in defense ofkalāmatomism.

This study investigates the intricate relationship between love and war in literature, focusing on how both forces—each with its own language and logic—intersect and influence one another within the narrative structure. Drawing on the theoretical concept of the chronotope, the paper examines how the temporal and spatial dimensions of war shape emotional and existential experiences, particularly love. Through a comparative analysis of selected novels by Rashad Abu Shawer and Ernest Hemingway, the research explores how love emerges, transforms, or collapses under the pressures of war. Characters are divided between those shaped by external forces—dictated by the violence and chaos of reality—and others who are driven by an inner resistance that challenges their circumstances, whether successfully or not. Rather than simply portraying romantic narratives set in wartime, this study sheds light on how love itself becomes redefined within the war chronotope, and how both elements mutually construct the psychological and moral landscapes of the characters. Ultimately, the research offers a cultural and literary reading of the dialectic of love and war as seen through the lens of narrative time and space. Keywords: Chronotope – Love – War – Narrative Space – Rashad Abu Shawer – Ernest Hemingway – Comparative Literature – Time-Space Dialectics – Resistance – Identity. يبحث هذا البحث في العلاقة الجدلية المعقدة بين الحب والحرب في الأدب، من خلال دراسة كيفية تفاعل هذين البُعدين—بما لكل منهما من منطق ولغة خاصة—داخل البنية السردية للنصوص الروائية. ويستند البحث إلى مفهوم "الكرونوتوب" كما صاغه باختين، لتحليل كيفية تشكُّل التجارب الوجدانية والوجودية للشخصيات من خلال أبعاد الزمان والمكان المرتبطة بالحرب. يعتمد البحث على دراسة مقارنة بين مختارات من روايات رشاد أبو شاور وإرنست همنغواي، للكشف عن كيفية نشوء الحب وتحوّله أو انهياره تحت ضغط الحرب. وتنقسم الشخصيات إلى صنفين: شخصيات تتشكل بفعل القوى الخارجية وسط فوضى الواقع وعنفه، وأخرى تقاوم من الداخل، متشبثةً بفضائها العاطفي، وإن بشكل هش أو مؤقت. ولا يكتفي البحث بإبراز سرديات الحب في زمن الحرب، بل يسعى إلى تحليل كيفية إعادة تعريف الحب نفسه داخل كرونوتوب الحرب، وكيف يُعاد تشكيل البُعد النفسي والأخلاقي للشخصيات من خلال التفاعل الجدلي بين الزمان والمكان السرديين. وبهذا، يقدم البحث قراءة ثقافية سردية لجدلية الحب والحرب، بوصفها أفقًا لتحولات الهوية والمصير. الكلمات المفتاحية: الكرونوتوب – الحب – الحرب – الفضاء السردي – رشاد أبو شاور – إرنست همنغواي – الأدب المقارن – جدلية الزمان والمكان – المقاومة – الهوية

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/modern-intellectual-history/article/arguing-pakistan-in-late-colonial-india-the-political-thought-of-shabbir-ahmad-usmani/8A750C14D0E66E45066395CDD8E5CBC0

Scholars of modern South Asia have remained divided on the role of religion in the creation of Pakistan. Many have argued that Pakistan's "founder," Muhammad Ali Jinnah, was a secularist, his argument for Pakistan resting on an abstract notion of Islam within an Enlightenment framework of conceiving minority, nation, and state. Why, then, did madrasa-trained Muslim scholars, the ulama, support his demand for Pakistan? This article explores the political thought of the most influential Muslim scholar immediately before partition, Shabbir Ahmad Usmani (d. 1949). I argue that Usmani viewed Pakistan as a particular kind of Islamic democracy. While he drew on medieval Muslim juridical and political discourses, Usmani's readings reveal his debt to Western political categories. By paying attention to the tensions and opportunities offered by this encounter of modern political conditions with Islamic intellectual thought, this article outlines an Islamic vision of the political that resonates beyond the politics of colonial India.

The eighth/fourteenth century grammarian Zayn al-ʿArab al-Miṣrī enjoyed a rich and varied scholarly career, shaped by the intellectual landscape of the late-Ilkhanid period. Although he is best known for his oft-cited commentary on al-Baġawī’s (d. 516/1122) collection of hadith, Maṣābīḥ al-sunna, his scribal and scholarly activities spanned a wider range of disciplines. This is evidenced by his numerous extant holograph and autograph manuscripts. The present paper offers a more nuanced picture of Zayn al-ʿArab’s career and pays special attention to his engagement with Quṭb al-Dīn al-Šīrāzī’s (d. 710/1311) commentary on the Kulliyyāt (Book I) of Ibn Sīnā’s (d. 428/1037) al-Qānūn fī l-ṭibb.

Memlükler döneminde âlimler, dinî önemini yakından bildikleri Kudüs’te hareketli bir ilmî çevre, zengin vakıflarla desteklenen eğitim kurumları ve atanabilecekleri ilmî ve bürokratik kadrolar bulabildikleri için bu şehirde kalmayı tercih etmişlerdir. Haçlı tehdidine son veren ve Mısır-Şam bölgesinin idaresini merkezîleştiren Memlükler’in hakimiyetindeki Kudüs’te istikrarlı bir ilmî çevre teşekkül etmiş ve şehir bölgenin önemli ilim merkezlerinden biri haline gelmiştir. Bu kitap, Memlük-Osmanlı geçiş döneminde yaşamış Kudüslü bir âlim ve kadı olan Mücîrüddin el-Uleymî’nin (ö. 927/1521) tarih, fezâil, hıtat ve tabakat gibi telif türlerini Kudüs etrafında bir araya getirdiği el-Unsu’l-Celīl bi-Tārīḫi’l-Ḳuds ve’l-Ḫalīl adlı eserine odaklanarak Memlükler döneminde Kudüs’te vakıfla desteklenen eğitim kurumlarının yaygınlaşmasını ve kurumsallaşmanın şehirdeki âlimlerin ilmî ve sosyal hayatı üzerindeki etkilerini incelemektedir.

Когато се занимаваме с даден аспект на ислямската цивилизация, нейната окончателна цел raison d’etre (най-важна цел или причина за съществуването на някого или нещо) и творческа основа трябва да се разглеждат като базиращи се на Корана. Ислямската култура всъщност е „Коранична култура“, защото нейните определения, структури, цели и методи за изпълнение на тези цели всички са извлечени от тази поредица Откровения, която Аллах изпраща на Пратеника Мухаммед (с.а.с).
Без това Откровение, културата не би могла да бъде генерирана, без това Откровение, не би имало нито ислямска религия, ислямска държавност, ислямска философия, ислямско право, ислямско общество, нито ислямска организация на обществения живот. Така както тези аспекти на ислямската култура с право могат да бъдат разглеждани като Коранични, в своята основа и мотивация, в изпълнение и цел, така и изкуствата на ислямската цивилизация трябва да се разглеждат като естетически изрази с подобен източник и разбиране. Да, Ислямските изкуства наистина са Коранични изкуства. Как тогава ислямските изкуства трябва да се разглеждат като „Коранични“ изрази в цвят, линия, движение, форма и звук? Това е темата на този труд.

In dealing with any aspect of Islamic civilization, its final raison d'etre and creative base must be seen as resting on the Qur'ān. Islamic culture is, in fact, a "Qur'ānic culture"; for its definitions, its structures, its goals, and its methods for execution of those goals are all derived from that series of revelations from God to the Prophet Muhammad. Without that revelation, the culture could not have been generated; without that revelation, there could have been neither an Islamic religion, an Islamic state, an Islamic philosophy, an Islamic law, an Islamic society, nor an Islamic political or economic organization. Just as surely as
these aspects of Islamic culture may be rightly seen as Qur'ānic in basis and motivation, in implementation and goal, the arts of Islamic civilization should also be viewed as aesthetic expressions of similar derivation and realization. Yes, the Islamic arts are indeed Qur'ānic arts. How then are the Islamic arts to be seen as "Qur'ānic" expressions in color, in line, in movement, in shape, and in sound? This is the subject of this work.

"Light from the East: How the Science of Medieval Islam Helped to Shape the Western World" by John Freely explores the significant contributions of Islamic scholars during the Golden Age of Islam. This era, roughly spanning from the 8th to the 14th century, was marked by cultural, economic, and scientific flourishing, playing a crucial role in the development of Western science and the Renaissance.

The title, "Light from the East," symbolizes the enlightening influence of Islamic science on the Western world. This metaphorical 'light' represents the knowledge and wisdom that Islamic scholars brought to the West and is a central theme of the book. It signifies the transformative impact of Islamic science on Western civilization, illuminating the path of intellectual progress.

This paper examines the relationship between necessity and causality in the philosophies of Ibn Sīnā and al-Ghazālī, with a focus on occasionalism. My analysis uncovers that al-Ghazālī, while critiquing Ibn Sīnā's concept of causal necessity, implicitly grasps a distinction between de re and de dicto necessity. I argue that al-Ghazālī's acceptance of de dicto necessity, allows him to articulate a more robust principle of causality, termed here the "meta-principle of causality." This principle forms the basis of a three-step framework supporting occasionalism, offering new insights into the doctrine.

يقدم الكتاب علم الكتاب غي فصل الخطاب، المجلد الاول: هوية المتكلم، نهجًا تحليليًا رائدًا لدراسة النصوص الدينية، يركز على تحديد هوية المتكلم الحقيقي في النصوص المقدسة. يناقش المؤلف فرضية عدملتكافؤ النصي بين القرآن الكريم والكتاب المقدس، موضحًا أن الاختلافات الهيكلية - لا سيما في الكلام والنقل واتساق السرد - تُبطل المقارنات السطحية. يُقدم القرآن الكريم كخطاب إلهي موحد ومحفوظ، بينما يُظهر الكتاب المقدس مزيجًا من أصوات بشرية متعددة، جُمعت على مدى قرون. يُرسي هذا العمل "علم هوية المتكلم" كأساس منهجي جديد للتحليل بين الأديان ونقد النصوص المقدسة.

The visibility of lunar crescent has been explained in Islamic Law (fiqh) by previous scholars. Until today, the explanations which were nuance in qualitative sense are still provide vacuum and need to be studied critically with different method particularly in quantitative approach. Therefore, this paper will present the application of scientific approach using sky illumination measurement to explain lunar crescent's visibility. The approach combines computational and observational technique will help fiqh in explaining the phenomenon explicitly and strengthen it with empirical descriptions. The sky illumination measurement was performed using a light meter in Teluk Kemang, Malaysia from 2007 until 2009. The authors employed the observational data to obtain the estimate values of sky illumination for the day which lunar crescent was seen from 1972 until 2009. The analyses of the values then were correlated with relative altitude and sun depression angle. The authors found that the range of sky illumination for lunar crescent to be seen is 2.95-92.80 lux. For the highest sky illumination value (92.80 lux), relative altitude should be 5 and the depression angle 0 should be 0.5 .

This article explores the diversity of educational institutions in Damascus between the 11th and 16th centuries, focusing on their names, functions, and scholarly content. Building on al-Nuʿaymī’s al-Dāris, it proposes a dual typology that goes beyond traditional classifications to reveal their functional transformation over time.
Drawing on al-Nuʿaymī’s accounts, this study examines how institutions like madrasas, dār al-ḥadīths, and khānqāhs evolved in their curricula and scholarly roles over time. Spatial analysis using GIS reveals the distribution and clustering of these institutions across key districts of Damascus.
This article re-evaluates the classification of educational institutions in Damascus based on both traditional nomenclature and their actual functions. It introduces a new typology—narrow and comprehensive—that aims to better reflect the multidisciplinarity and social roles of these institutions.

This article examines the first chapter of al-Miṣbāḥ al-muḍīʾ fī ḫilāfat al-Mustaḍīʾ ("The Radiant Lamp: The Caliphate of al-Mustaḍīʾ"), a homiletic mirror for princes written by the Ḥanbalī scholar and preacher Ibn al-Ǧawzī (d. 597/1201). As a work dedicated to the Abbasid caliph al-Mustaḍīʾ (r. 566-575/1170-1180), the Miṣbāḥ can also be read as an extended sermon to the caliph. Its first chapter, aimed at glorifying al-Mustaḍīʾ's caliphate and the Abbasid dynasty, displays an eclectic mix of material drawn from the Qurʾān, ḥadīṯs, laudatory biographies (manāqib), and the Sunni discourse on the caliphate. At the same time, Ibn al-Ǧawzī subtly embeds advice in his panegyric to al-Mustaḍīʾ, most perceptibly in a section devoted to a genealogical legitimation of the Abbasid dynasty where he grafts the Abbasids onto a sacred line of prophets running through the Prophet Muḥammad. While Ibn al-Ǧawzī musters a mix of anecdotes and ḥadīṯs to depict the Abbasid ancestors Ibn ʿAbbās and ʿAlī ibn ʿAbd Allāh as learned and pious Muslim sages, he also frames them as models of religious knowledge and ritualistic piety for al-Mustaḍīʾ to emulate. Ibn al-Ǧawzī's careful blending of advice and panegyric is in line with his proposed strategies for admonishing rulers, as outlined in his preaching manuals. At a broader level, this article highlights the intersection between hortatory preaching (waʿẓ) and political thought in classical Islamic civilization.

Astrology, the oldest science, has fallen into disrepute due to the association with charlatans. However, ancient philosophy and theology support the idea of planetary Regents, or “star angels,” guiding celestial bodies and influencing human destiny. Occultism teaches that the human soul is connected to these star angels, explaining the influence of planets on human characteristics and life events.

The text argues that modern science, particularly astronomy, has not disproven astrology. It highlights the imperfections in celestial mechanics, suggesting the existence of non-mechanical forces. The text also quotes scientists and scholars who acknowledge the influence of planets on the atmosphere and human affairs, supporting the idea that astrology is not entirely false.

Ibn Khaldūn’s The Requirements of the Sufi Path, expertly translated by Carolyn Baugh, is not just a scholarly exploration of Sufism; it is a bridge between the mystical and the legal, a rare fusion of juristic precision and spiritual insight. In this work, Khaldūn steps into the role of a jurist to defend the Sufi tradition, weaving together the wisdom of Sufi masters like Imam al-Ghazālī and Imam al-Qushayrī with his own legal acumen. What emerges is a compelling argument for the necessity of spiritual guidance, framed within the rigorous structure of Islamic law. This book, brought to life through Baugh’s careful translation, is not merely a historical artifact but a living dialogue between the heart’s mystical yearnings and the mind’s demand for order, a conversation as relevant today as it was in the 14th century. To fully appreciate the significance of this work, we must first understand the intellectual legacy of Ibn Khaldūn, whose contributions to human heritage remain unparalleled. In the following sections, we will explore the life and legacy of Ibn Khaldūn, the art of translation that brings his voice to modern readers, and the profound insights this book offers into the Sufi Path.

In this article, we offer some preliminary remarks about the reception-history of ʿUmar ibn Sahlān as-Sāwī’s (d. ca. 566/1170) logic text, al-Baṣāʾir an-Naṣīriyya ([Logical] Insights for Naṣīr [al-Dīn]), and we append a sample of what a critical edition of that text could look like. In so doing, we hope both to contribute to future research on Sāwī’s place in the history of post-Avicennian logic, and to pay tribute to Tony Street’s fundamental contributions to the study of that history.

The Qurʾān commentary of Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1144), his Kashshāf, gained wide acclaim shortly after being written, and was widely used in research and teaching throughout the Islamic world. This favourable reception was largely due to its new rhetorical insights on how ideas are articulated in the Qurʾān through specific linguistic constructions. The work was also critiqued for its Muʿtazilī content, the work viewed with suspicion for championingsurreptitiously at thatthe heterodox interpretations of that theological school. Appraisal and critique formed much of the basis for scholarly engagement with this work in the form of teaching and commentary writing, especially the form of supercommentary writing (ḥawāshī) the Kashshāf initiated. That Mamluk scholarly culture had an overly negative response to the Kashshāf for theological reasons has been vastly overstated in recent scholarship, possibly due to a tendency to view theology as a sufficient impetus driving past intellectual activity. This general portrayal derives from specific Mamluk scholars being depicted as warning against the book, forbidding its study, calling for it to be banned, and undermining or disparaging others for supporting it. This negative reception has also served to justify the transition in the Islamic world to the tafsīr of Bayḍāwī, a work which largely excised the Muʿtazilism of the Kashshāf. This article reconsiders the evidence for an overall negative Mamluk era reception of the Kashshāf, with specific reference to the activities of those scholars whose depiction contributes to an inaccurate portrayal of a crucial moment in tafsīr history, both for the activities of Mamluk era scholars themselves, as well as the subsequent shift to the use of Bayḍāwī.

This chapter explores the dynamics and trends of the ‘vernacular Qur’anic space’ in Uzbekistan from the 1950s to the present day, focusing on the case of al-Sayyid Maḥmūd al-Ṭarāzī’s Qur’an translation written in Central Asian Turki. In contrast to al-Ramzī’s translation, which until recently remained unknown to both scholars and the general public, this translation, by a prominent figure in the Turkestani émigré community in Saudi Arabia, managed to reach Soviet Uzbekistan despite the Iron Curtain, albeit with limited circulation due to the anti-religious policies within the state. The chapter provides a history of the circulation and reception of al-Ṭarāzī’s translation, arguing that it was primarily ‘popular’ and recognized during the Soviet era, while its post-Soviet reception highlights the challenges of competing with locally produced works. Al-Ṭarāzī’s ability to disseminate his translation in a country walled off by communist dogma vividly demonstrates the mobility of Qur’an translations even under the most challenging conditions for this process. Thus, the material presented in this chapter enables one to reflect on the complexity of recent Islamic intellectual history within Soviet and post-Soviet Uzbekistan, showing that not only Muslim scholars of the region, but also those religious figures who lived and wrote outside Soviet Central Asia, were involved in the formation of the local vernacular Qur’anic space through their writings.

https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41280-022-00239-x
(If you do not have access, you can email me)

This article focuses on the narration of a marvel, the story of the Fountain of Luck, by the Ottoman traveller and author Evliya Çelebi. In Evliya Çelebi's narration, the story is not much about the fountain and its marvellous features but how Evliya Çelebi and his companions experience the marvel in a homosocial setting. I argue that Evliya Çelebi's narration fictionalises the marvel and its experience. This becomes apparent when his account is read along with another recording of the same marvel in an undated miscellanea. Looking at the same marvel in two different rhetorical modes, this article argues that Evliya Çelebi's fictionalisation turns the narrative into an exciting first-person narrative and also creates a storyworld, reflecting the cultural and gendered anxieties of the seventeenth-century Ottoman society. To dissect how the marvel is fictionalised, this article traces hesitation after the definition by Tzvetan Todorov. This focus on hesitation opens up different layers of the narration and helps us to transgress the dichotomy of fact and fiction.

This study examines the concept of obedience to the ruler in Islam focusing on prominent ḥadīth collections, primarily Ibn al-Athīr's Jāmiʿ al-Uṣūl fī Aḥādīth al-Rasūl. It conducts a comprehensive textual and contextual analysis, extending its exploration to classical and contemporary works of Islamic political thought. The primary objective is to unveil insightful clues