International conflicts

This research note reexamines the ongoing debate about whether security alliances help prevent conflicts. It specifically reevaluates recent scholarly exchanges between deterrence and Steps-to-War studies. Deterrence scholars argue that alliances reduce the likelihood of conflict initiation, while Steps-to-War scholars contend that forming an alliance can actually incite conflict. Both sides provide evidence to support their theories by analyzing the effectiveness of defensive pacts in deterring or failing to
deter militarized interstate disputes. However, recent studies have overlooked testing and reporting whether alliances prevent the most destructive form of conflict: war. This omission is surprising, given that the primary goal of alliances is to prevent war. This research note conducts a canonical directed dyad-year analysis of 1,077,992 observations from 1816 to 2000 and finds compelling evidence in support of deterrence theory, but not for the Steps-to-War theory. As a result, this empirical research
clarifies the debate between these two leading theories in international
relations.

Volume 1-4 "unadulterated" original Leninism, while the names of Trotskii, Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Bukharin remained taboo. For example, Herman Ermolaev has noted that, pressed by his editor, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn removed chapter 20 of his novel V kruge pervom (1968, The First Circle), with its "unflattering survey of Stalin's life ... It must be kept in mind that criticism of Stalin under Khrushchev centred on the last 20 years of the dictator's rule, while his early revolutionary activities, his struggle against Trotskii and Bukharin, and his socialization of the economy were seen in a positive light. " Despite the regime's attempt to eliminate such former party luminaries, physically as well as linguistically, oral lore ensured them a long life none the less. Thus, Leningrad's second-largest department store bore the acronym LDT (Leningrad House of Trade), which, according to urban folklore, ordinary citizens deciphered as "Lev Davidovich Trotskii" until it was renamed "DLT".

El texto analiza el concepto de urbicidio como la destrucción deliberada de ciudades, tanto en su dimensión material como simbólica, y distingue dos enfoques: uno ligado a procesos urbanos como la gentrificación, que desplaza poblaciones y transforma el tejido social, y otro a contextos bélicos, donde la aniquilación del entorno construido busca eliminar la memoria, la identidad y la vida colectiva. Se plantea que el urbicidio no solo destruye edificios, sino que desarticula la heterogeneidad y las condiciones de posibilidad del habitar, afectando la esencia política de la ciudad como espacio compartido. A partir de ejemplos históricos y contemporáneos —de Varsovia y Beirut a Alepo y Palestina—, se argumenta que esta forma de violencia atenta contra la complejidad urbana y el ser-con-otros, convirtiendo lugares de vida en escombros irrecuperables. El texto propone comprender el urbicidio como un fenómeno político, cultural y ontológico, cuya reflexión es urgente en un mundo cada vez más urbano pero también más expuesto a su destrucción sistemática. / The text analyzes the concept of urbicide as the deliberate destruction of cities, both in their material and symbolic dimensions, and distinguishes two approaches: one tied to urban processes such as gentrification, which displaces populations and transforms the social fabric, and another linked to war contexts, where the annihilation of the built environment seeks to erase memory, identity, and collective life. It argues that urbicide not only demolishes buildings but also dismantles heterogeneity and the conditions of possibility for dwelling, affecting the political essence of the city as a shared space. Drawing on historical and contemporary examples—from Warsaw and Beirut to Aleppo and Palestine—it contends that this form of violence undermines urban complexity and being-with-others, turning places of life into irretrievable rubble. The text proposes understanding urbicide as a political, cultural, and ontological phenomenon, the reflection on which is urgent in a world that is increasingly urban yet also more exposed to its systematic destruction.

Introducción a la edición 11 de post(s). Un número editado por Giulianna Zambrano M. que se pregunta por las potencias de vida que pueden existir o surgir en escenarios de devastación.

Cuando empezamos a imaginar esta edición, la pregunta por el horizonte–su prueba, su sacudida o su desplazamiento–quería ser una provocación a pensar qué puede existir o surgir ante la catástrofe ambiental, la innegable destrucción de la guerra o el colapso de infraestructuras de progreso o de futuro. Los ensayos incluidos en post(s) 11 nos invitan a mirar en la oscuridad, a sentir con otras vitalidades, a escuchar las intuitivas advertencias frente a nuestra dirección y nuestro deseo, a procurar formas suaves y cuidadosas para relacionarnos, a colectivizar nuestra memoria ahí donde se insiste en eliminarla, a situarnos y prestar atención.

Since 1973, more than 20 "truth commissions" have been established around the world, with the majority (15) created between 1974-1994. Some were created by international organizations like the United Nations (UN), a few by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and the majority by the national governments of the countries in question. Counting "Commissions of Inquiry" with "Truth and Reconciliation" commissions, a partial list is as follows: The UN sponsored, financed, and staffed the truth commissions in El Salvador (1992)(1993). Commissions sponsored by NGOs include Rwanda (1993) and Paraguay (1976). In South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) sponsored two commissions of inquiry (1992 and 1993) investigating its own conduct during the anti-Apartheid struggle. The better-known South African Commission of Truth and Reconciliation was established by South Africa's post-Apartheid parliament in 1995; the Commission's report was issued in October, 1998. Other governmentally sponsored commissions (several of which never published final reports) include Argentina (1983)(1984), resulting in the powerful report Nunca Mas, "Never Again," translated into English and published commercially in 1986 in Britain and the U.

The article analyzes research issues raised in publications on diplomacy, published after 2014 on the Polish publishing market. Particular attention was paid to the issue of defense diplomacy. In the first part of the article, seven monographs on diplomacy were analyzed in terms of their content, in search of issues related to defense diplomacy. However, the second part of the article analyzes the content of the only publication available on the Polish publishing market, entirely devoted to defense diplomacy, showing its strengths, weaknesses and its practical usefulness.

El texto analiza el concepto de urbicidio como la destrucción deliberada de ciudades, tanto en su dimensión material como simbólica, y distingue dos enfoques: uno ligado a procesos urbanos como la gentrificación, que desplaza poblaciones y transforma el tejido social, y otro a contextos bélicos, donde la aniquilación del entorno construido busca eliminar la memoria, la identidad y la vida colectiva. Se plantea que el urbicidio no solo destruye edificios, sino que desarticula la heterogeneidad y las condiciones de posibilidad del habitar, afectando la esencia política de la ciudad como espacio compartido. A partir de ejemplos históricos y contemporáneos —de Varsovia y Beirut a Alepo y Palestina—, se argumenta que esta forma de violencia atenta contra la complejidad urbana y el ser-con-otros, convirtiendo lugares de vida en escombros irrecuperables. El texto propone comprender el urbicidio como un fenómeno político, cultural y ontológico, cuya reflexión es urgente en un mundo cada vez más urbano pero también más expuesto a su destrucción sistemática.

Questo estratto è tratto dal saggio “Costituzione e Guerra. Una comparazione della disciplina giuridica in Italia ed in Germania” (ISBN: 9798284155851), pubblicato nel 2025.
Il documento include la prefazione, l’indice, un estratto del Capitolo III (Tra evoluzione e prassi: la Germania e la guerra nel mondo) e la bibliografia essenziale relativa a tale capitolo.
Il testo offre un’analisi dell’evoluzione normativa e giurisprudenziale della Germania post-1949 in merito all’uso della forza armata, con particolare attenzione alle missioni all’estero, all’interpretazione dell’Articolo 24 del Grundgesetz e al ruolo del Parlamento, evidenziando come, dall’unificazione ad oggi, la Germania abbia cambiato il suo atteggiamento e posizionamento nei conflitti internazionali.
L’opera, nel suo complesso, si propone di analizzare come gli ordinamenti italiano e tedesco abbiano disciplinato e limitato il ricorso alla guerra nei rispettivi assetti costituzionali, anche alla luce dei principi del diritto internazionale.

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This excerpt is taken from the book “Constitution and War. A Comparative Analysis of the Legal Framework in Italy and Germany” (ISBN: 9798284155851), published in 2025.
The document includes the preface, the table of contents, an excerpt from Chapter III (Between Evolution and Practice: Germany and War in the World), and the essential bibliography related to that chapter.
The text offers an analysis of the legal and jurisprudential evolution of post-1949 Germany regarding the use of armed force, with a focus on foreign missions, the interpretation of Article 24 of the Grundgesetz, and the role of Parliament. It highlights how, from reunification to the present day, Germany has progressively changed its stance and positioning in international conflicts.
The book as a whole aims to examine how the Italian and German legal systems have regulated and limited the recourse to war within their constitutional frameworks, also in light of international law principles.

Questo estratto è tratto dal saggio “Costituzione e Guerra. Una comparazione della disciplina giuridica in Italia ed in Germania” (ISBN: 9798284155851), pubblicato nel 2025.
Il documento include la prefazione, l’indice, un estratto del Capitolo II (Norme procedurali: l’Italia va in guerra) e la bibliografia essenziale relativa a tale capitolo.
Il testo propone una lettura della disciplina costituzionale italiana in merito alla procedura attraverso cui lo Stato, mediante le sue principali istituzioni democratiche, può autorizzare l’uso della forza armata in un conflitto.
L’opera, nel suo complesso, si propone di analizzare come gli ordinamenti italiano e tedesco abbiano disciplinato e limitato il ricorso alla guerra nei rispettivi assetti costituzionali, anche alla luce dei principi del diritto internazionale.

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This excerpt is taken from the book “Constitution and War. A Comparative Analysis of the Legal Framework in Italy and Germany” (ISBN: 9798284155851), published in 2025.
The document includes the preface, the table of contents, an excerpt from Chapter II (Procedural Norms: How Italy Goes to War), and the essential bibliography related to that chapter.
The text offers an analysis of the Italian constitutional framework concerning the procedure by which the State, through its main democratic institutions, may authorize the use of armed force in a conflict.
The book as a whole aims to examine how the Italian and German legal systems have regulated and limited the recourse to war within their constitutional frameworks, also in light of international law principles.

Questo estratto è tratto dal saggio “Costituzione e Guerra. Una comparazione della disciplina giuridica in Italia ed in Germania” (ISBN: 9798284155851), pubblicato nel 2025.
Il documento include la prefazione, l’indice, un estratto del Capitolo I (La disciplina della guerra nella Germania ante 1945) e la bibliografia essenziale relativa al primo capitolo.
Il testo propone una lettura storica e costituzionalistica della disciplina giuridica della guerra nella Germania pre-1945, attraversando l’Impero guglielmino, la Repubblica di Weimar e il regime nazionalsocialista.
L’opera, nel suo complesso, si propone di analizzare come gli ordinamenti italiano e tedesco abbiano disciplinato e limitato il ricorso alla guerra nei rispettivi assetti costituzionali, anche alla luce dei principi del diritto internazionale.

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This excerpt is taken from the book “Constitution and War. A Comparative Analysis of the Legal Framework in Italy and Germany” (ISBN: 9798284155851), published in 2025.
The document includes the preface, the table of contents, an excerpt from Chapter I (The Regulation of War in Germany Before 1945), and the essential bibliography related to the first chapter.
The text offers a historical and constitutional analysis of the legal regulation of war in pre-1945 Germany, covering the German Empire, the Weimar Republic, and the National Socialist regime.
The book as a whole aims to examine how the Italian and German legal systems have regulated and limited the recourse to war within their constitutional frameworks, also in light of the principles of international law.

Changes in the 21 st century global distribution of economic and political powers clearly suggest that the Peoples' Republic of China (PRC or China) can no longer be ignored, having emerged as a superpower of substantial significance. Attempts to understand this phenomenon have produced several literatures most of which have often relegated Africa to the margins in spite of the continent's key contributions to China's contemporary international profile. This paper historicizes Africa's socio-cultural and diplomatic capitals as indispensable factors in understanding the phenomenal rise of China within the international system. Based on the research findings, the paper holds that but for the strategic support of many African countries, the rise of China in the international system may have been delayed or frustrated by the West in its attempt to preserve its hegemony in the hitherto prevailing world order.

This chapter explores the persistent conflict over the Durand Line, established in 1893 between British India and Afghanistan. The border's arbitrary nature has deeply influenced regional stability, particularly impacting the Pashtun communities

Este breve escrito se propone analizar la crisis nuclear en Corea del Norte, tomando como marco la Teoría de los Juegos. Para ello, en primer lugar, se analizarán los dos “jugadores” principales en esta crisis - Estados Unidos y Corea del Norte – así como sus objetivos, intereses y motivaciones en juego. Luego, se esbozarán unas líneas respecto a la probable evolución de esta crisis en el futuro cercano, teniendo en consideración los intereses en juego, las “movidas” disponibles, y la racionalidad de los actores.Departamento de Seguridad Internacional y Defensa.Instituto de Relaciones Internacionale

Статья посвящена анализу основных направлений политики Республики Корея по обеспечению кибербезопасности после прихода к власти в 2022 г. администрации Юн Сок Ёля. На основе анализа официальных документов РК, включая новую редакцию Стратегии кибербезопасности 2024 г., автор показывает, что основным аспектом «проактивной» политики Юн Сок Ёля является апелляция к фактору северокорейской киберугрозы, что обусловливает необходимость развития наступательного киберпотенциала и превентивного реагирования на киберугрозы. Автор также отмечает, что за последние три года Южная Корея расширила свое участие в международных учениях по кибербезопасности (в том числе под эгидой НАТО) и в целом укрепила сотрудничество в области кибербезопасности со многими зарубежными партнерами. Наконец, важной частью политики по обеспечению кибербезопасности является реформирование процесса управления деятельности государственных и частных организаций сектора кибербезопасности, направленное на увеличение роли Национальной разведывательной службы и создание единого координационного органа — т.н. Национального комитета кибербезопасности. Автор заключает, что в условиях противодействия оппозиции, не согласной с политикой централизации и считающей, что усиление роли Национальной разведывательной службы в вопросах обеспечения национальной кибербезопасности является злоупотреблением властью и ведет к нарушениям прав человека, Юн Сок Ёлю не удалось реализовать главную инициативу своей политики кибербезопасности и принять Общий закон «О кибербезопасности». При этом данная ситуация практически идентична попыткам администрации Пак Кын Хе принять Закон «О кибертерроризме», также подразумевавший расширение сферы полномочий разведки и впоследствии заблокированный оппозиционной фракцией.

El arte no es monopolio de una sociedad, pero basta con que este arte sea patrocinado por una dinastía para que sea una expresión de su identidad. Eso sucede con la evolución de la caligrafía árabe en los textos coránicos que aparecieron a lo largo de la historia de los manuscritos del texto sagrado para trazar una historia de su evolución y su identificación con las ideas defendidas por los abasíes, el gobierno a lo largo de los siglos X y XI del Islam durante los cuales prevalece la corriente suní y el desarrollo de las decoraciones geométricas artesanales en Irán, Irak y Siria fundamentalmente. La historia de los primeros calígrafos del texto sagrado es diversa, pues provenían de diversos orígenes y clases sociales, lo que refleja la dependencia de los calígrafos del gusto y órdenes de sus benefactores. Los primeros calígrafos afamados fueron Ali el sobrino y yerno del profeta y Uthman, ambos califas del primer periodo del Islam, posteriormente fueron príncipes que se volvieron visires de la corte, tal es el caso de Ibn Muqla, hasta llegar a los que trabajaron como calígrafos que eran empleados del Kitabkhana de la corte de los califas. Ibn Muqla es un reformador e innovador de la escritura cursiva, él es quien da una forma definitiva al alfabeto mediante los puntos diacríticos, para facilitar y uniformar la grafía árabe. Con Ibn al Bawab se marca la segunda etapa de reforma de la caligrafía del Corán, quien continúa el método de Ibn al Muqlaq. El Corán de Ibn al Bawab tiene diseños geométricos más claros y más estilizados, lo que marca el momento en que el texto coránico se vuelve cursivo. Del ejemplar de este famoso calígrafo son trasladados a la arquitectura desde la óptica de la dinastía en el poder. Su ejemplar del Corán, que se conserva en la biblioteca Chester Beatty, es el primer ejemplar cursivo del texto divino en estilo nasij, con título y subtítulos en thuluthi. Este ejemplar es el que va a sentar las bases para la decoración de otros ejemplares del libro, y su estilo thuluthi se aplicó con gran éxito en la decoración arquitectónica. La evolución y estandarización de la escritura coincide con el surgimiento de una nueva clase en el poder.

La guerra ruso-ucraniana ha reposicionado a la geopolítica clásica y los
países más desarrollados están adoptando medidas para recuperar sus
capacidades militares operativas ante el riesgo de quedar expuestos a
las voluntades de las potencias que están incidiendo en la gobernanza
mundial. Nuevas armas, mayor tecnología y alianzas estratégicas trazan
la guerra del futuro y destino de las naciones, pero sin variaciones en las
estrategias y esencia natural y global de la guerra. La guerra en Ucrania
se aproxima a un punto de inflexión y su desarrollo está dejando a la vista
algunos objetivos geopolíticos actuales y la preeminencia del poder de
Rusia y el rol de otras potencias intervinientes.

Th is paper focuses on the use of diff erent forms of power by a (leader/patron/hegemonic) state to get the other (non-leader/client) states to cooperate with its policies. Most of the literature on cooperation operates on the level of bargaining power where the policy changes are directly visible. Th is article aims to show how the bargaining power model is not adequate in capturing the complete picture of the relationship between Turkey (a non-leader/client state) and the United States (leader/patron state) in their cooperation with regard to Iraq during the Gulf Crisis (1990) and the War against Iraq (2003). Hence, I attempt to show that the three levels of power as discussed by Krause is a better and more comprehensive framework for understanding and explaining the power relationship between Turkey and the US.

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : As Trump takes aim at global norms and institutions, the question of what parts of the post-Cold War order can be saved, and for whom, needs urgent attention. Moving away from these positions will require major changes. Trump 2.0 has generated optimism in Africa. South Africa, in particular, was initially optimistic. But later, bilateral relations with South Africa deteriorated as the Trump administration, including his economic advisor, South African-born Elon Musk, openly sided with the white SA establishment, at least for the next four years. Prospects for democratic transitions were also dashed, as Trump did not care about democratising sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), but rather supported African autocracies, such as in Biya's Cameroon, Gnassingbé's Togo, and the Central African Republic and Ivory Coast. Trump's intention to dismantle USAid threw all its contractors into disarray. Fear, pain and hunger were the terrible consequences of US funding cuts, for example in Kenya and war-torn Sudan. The US was the largest ODA donor in SSA. In fiscal year 2023/2024, the US had donated nearly $3.7 billion. Jihadism in the Sahel, the Horn of Africa and beyond is likely to intensify and spread. The isolationist US Africa policy under Trump could further reduce Western influence. Trump's trade policies, particularly the imposition of tariffs and withdrawal from multilateral agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), have affected developing countries' access to the US market. This is particularly true in SSA, which relies heavily on exports of commodities, textiles and manufactured goods to the US market. The imposition of tariffs on steel, aluminium and other manufactured goods further increased the cost of exports from these countries, leading to reduced competitiveness and a decline in trade volumes. African countries benefiting from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) have seen their benefits diminish, as the Trump administration has de-prioritised AGOA. ------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ: Alors que Trump prend pour cible les normes et les institutions mondiales, il est urgent de répondre à la question de savoir quelles parties de l'ordre post-guerre froide peuvent être sauvées et pour qui. L'abandon de ces positions nécessitera de grands changements. Trump 2.0 a suscité l'optimisme en Afrique. L'Afrique du Sud, en particulier, était optimiste au début. Mais par la suite, les relations bilatérales avec l'Afrique du Sud se sont détériorées lorsque l'administration Trump, y compris son conseiller économique, Elon Musk, né en Afrique du Sud, s'est ouvertement rangée du côté de l'establishment blanc sud-africain, du moins pour les quatre prochaines années. Les perspectives de démocratisation des pays à régime autocratique ont également été réduites à néant, Trump ne s'étant pas préoccupé de la démocratisation de l'Afrique subsaharienne (ASS), mais ayant plutôt soutenu les autocraties africaines, comme au Cameroun de Biya, au Togo de Gnassingbé, en République centrafricaine et en Côte d'Ivoire. L'intention de Trump de dissoudre l'USAid a fait le malheur de tous ses partenaires contractuels. La peur, la douleur et la faim ont été les terribles conséquences des réductions de financement américaines, par exemple au Kenya et au Soudan en guerre. Les États-Unis étaient le plus grand donateur d'APD en ASS. Pour l'année fiscale 2023/2024, les États-Unis avaient mis à disposition près de 3,7 milliards de dollars. Le djihadisme dans la région du Sahel, dans la Corne de l'Afrique et au-delà va probablement s'intensifier et se propager. Le djihadisme dans la région du Sahel, dans la Corne de l'Afrique et au-delà va probablement s'intensifier et se propager. La politique isolationniste des États-Unis en Afrique sous Trump pourrait réduire encore l'influence occidentale. La politique commerciale de Trump, notamment l'imposition de droits de douane et le retrait d'accords multilatéraux tels que le Partenariat transpacifique (TPP), a affecté l'accès des pays en développement au marché américain. -------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Da Trump die globalen Normen und Institutionen ins Visier nimmt, muss die Frage, welche Teile der Ordnung nach dem Kalten Krieg gerettet werden können und für wen, dringend beantwortet werden. Die Abkehr von diesen Positionen wird große Veränderungen erfordern. Trump 2.0 hat in Afrika für Optimismus gesorgt. Vor allem Südafrika war anfangs optimistisch. Doch später verschlechterten sich die bilateralen Beziehungen zu Südafrika, als sich die Trump-Administration, einschließlich seines Wirtschaftsberaters, des in Südafrika geborenen Elon Musk, offen auf die Seite des weißen südafrikanischen Establishments stellte, zumindest für die nächsten vier Jahre. Auch die Aussichten auf die Demokratisierung autokratisch regierter Länder wurden zunichte gemacht, da Trump sich nicht um die Demokratisierung von Subsahara-Afrika (SSA) kümmerte, sondern vielmehr afrikanische Autokratien unterstützte, wie in Biyas Kamerun, Gnassingbés Togo, der Zentralafrikanischen Republik und der Elfenbeinküste. Trumps Absicht, USAid aufzulösen, brachte alle seine Vertragspartner ins Unglück. Angst, Schmerz und Hunger waren die schrecklichen Folgen der US-Finanzierungskürzungen, zum Beispiel in Kenia und im kriegsgebeutelten Sudan. Die USA waren der größte ODA-Geber in SSA. Im Fiskaljahr 2023/2024 hatten die USA fast 3,7 Milliarden Dollar zur Verfügung gestellt. Der Dschihadismus in der Sahelzone, am Horn von Afrika und darüber hinaus wird sich wahrscheinlich verstärken und ausbreiten. Die isolationistische Afrika-Politik der USA unter Trump könnte den westlichen Einfluss weiter verringern. Trumps Handelspolitik, insbesondere die Verhängung von Zöllen und der Rückzug aus multilateralen Abkommen wie der Transpazifischen Partnerschaft (TPP), hat den Zugang der Entwicklungsländer zum US-Markt beeinträchtigt.

Азии возвращение Дональда Трампа в Белый дом восприняли спокойнее, чем в Европе. Союзники и соперники не имеют никаких иллюзий относительно того, что впереди: непредсказуемый президент, чья политика в этом регионе продолжится с того места, на котором он остановился в 2020 году. Поэтому они встревоженно ждут новой вспышки торговых войн, которые будут негативно влиять на их возможность развиваться. В отличие от горячих точек в Европе и на Ближнем Востоке, для которых президентство под лозунгом America First может стать катастрофой, азиатские игроки надеются на продолжение статус-кво, а возможно, и на заключение пары-тройки прагматичных соглашений.

Reseña al libro de Margaret Macmillan, La guerra. Cómo nos han marcado los conflictos, Madrid, Turner, 2021, 326 pp., ISBN: 978-84-18428-46-3, en Boletín de la Academia Chilena de la Historia, año LXXXIX, núm. 132 (2023) pp. 269-272, https://www.institutodechile.cl/wp-content/uploads/2024/12/boletin132.pdf

Kasianov observes the similarities of Soviet and nationalist narratives, as well as their hero figures. One of his most biting comments is a comparison of Vladimir Lenin and Bandera: "Both were short and had physical defects. Both were intolerant not only of enemies but also of allies who deviated from their orthodox perspective (254)." For Kasianov, it was quite natural that the national or ethnocentric view of Ukraine's past took over quite smoothly from the Soviet version, and Decommunization imposed a new narrative just as ruthlessly as the Soviet authorities had imposed Marxism-Leninism earlier. Today both camps, in Kasianov's view, are "intolerant, vindictive, and aggressive" (396). He is similarly dismissive of the "manner of speech" of the "agents of historical politics," which he describes as "cringeworthy," a "language of slogans and screams," a discourse that opposes "critical thinking, reasoning, and analysis," "nauseatingly primitive" and it can "lead to so many absurdities that one cannot help but think about the banality of evil as well as the evil of banality" (397). The book criticizes the various Ukrainian governments for delving into historical politics, "The war over the past can easily become the ideological basis for a real war." On the other hand, his comment in his Conclusion that the concept of Novorossiya "quickly went extinct" (395) has already been overtaken by time. The book is a thorough survey of the changing perspectives of historical politics from the 1990s and the manipulation of history as a discipline by Ukrainian state actors from the government, to the Institute of National Remembrance (particularly under the leadership of Volodymyr Viatrovych prior to 2019), and-not least-the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU). It contains a bewildering-and impressive-amount of information and sound judgment. But it is also in some ways an angry cry from the wilderness: Ukraine's most widely respected historian, cut off from all servility and rational analysis by those he once worked alongside, his discipline sacrificed to the whims of political leaders and activists working for political goals.

Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 has stimulated new wave of interest in the peninsula. However, most of the publications on the annexation are focused on the military issues, identity, and domestic politics. At the same time, the broader context of the annexation and its aftermath for the whole Black Sea region, including the issues of logistics, infrastructure, and global food security have been left unexplored. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 revealed how important these issues are not only for the Black Sea littoral states but for many faraway countries too.

In the ever-evolving geopolitical landscape, "Grey Zone Warfare" has emerged as a pivotal aspect of modern conflict. This concept encapsulates a strategic arena where both state and non-state actors engage in activities that operate below the threshold of conventional warfare, using tactics that obscure the distinction between peace and war. The ramifications of grey zone warfare are significant, enabling the pursuit of political aims through clandestine operations, subversion, and manipulation, all while avoiding direct military confrontation. This trend is increasingly observable in global hotspots such as the South China Sea, the Middle East, South Asia, Africa, South America, and Eastern Europe, highlighting a complex interplay of interests among a multitude of actors, including the USA, China, Russia, India, Israel, Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia.

“I’ve had a wonderful life,” he said. “I’ve had thousands of friends; I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.”

Jimmy Carter
1924 - 2024

("Jimmy Carter, former U.S. president and Nobel Peace Prize winner, dies at 100" THE ASSOCIATED PRESS December 29, 2024)

Desde la era zarista, lo que hoy conocemos como la Federación de Rusia se ha visto envuelta en una dicotomía sobre su pertenencia a Asia y Europa o como un puente de conexión entre civilizaciones. Esta discusión no sólo perteneció a la esfera política, sino que distintos pensadores forjaron lo que hoy conocemos como teorías eurasianistas.

Kashmir is not only a territorial disputed area between two important South Asian countries, India and Pakistanbut also the longest unresolved dispute in the World. These both nuclear powers have several times involved in fighting for Kashmir, the northern most State in Indian Union. In the past two decades, the region has been witness to a lot of violence which has also created tensions in the relations between India and Pakistan. There have been several rounds of dialogues on Kashmir between governments of India and Pakistan. Kashmir, is the northern most state in India. Until the mid-19th century, the term Kashmir geographically denoted only the valley between the Great Himalayas and the PirPanjal mountain range. In the present day, it denotes a larger area that includes the Indianadministered state of Jammu and Kashmir (which consists of Jammu, the Kashmir Valley, and Ladakh), the Pakistan-administered autonomous territories of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan, and the Chinese-administered regions of Aksai Chin and the Trans-Karakoram Tract.

Environmental degradation is one of the most threatening global challenges currently faced by humankind. Despite generally decreasing birth rates, the global population continues increasing in absolute terms, which is an unsustainable trajectory. Efficient solutions would require an acceptance of new ethical principles, in particular, that no population group may obtain advantages because of a faster growth. In countries with sufficient food and water resources, the birth rate may be higher than in regions where people are consuming desalinated water and foodstuff acquired through foreign aid. In the past, overpopulation has been reduced by wars, epidemics and starvation. Today, the possibility exists of applying humane, scientifically based methods, consciously choosing between birth rate restriction and mortality rise. Unlike preventable shortening of life expectancy, birth control is ethically neutral. International tensions are among reasons to boost childbearing. In conditions of durable peace and mutual trust, large projects could be introduced to improve the quality of life: irrigation systems, nuclear and other energy sources as an alternative to fossil fuels. Such projects would create many jobs and solve other impending problems.

Within international relations theory, there is significant disagreement on the nature and significance of leaders’ dispute outcome preferences. While many variants of realism assume that such preferences are relatively fixed and homogeneous, both the liberal and the constructivist schools view them as significant variables. This debate remains unresolved because, for the standard large-sample conflict data sets, there are no direct measures of leadership preferences over outcomes in given types of international disputes. Using a conflict bargaining experiment, we ask whether, after controlling for the effects of relative power and initial conditions, leadership preferences have a statistically significant impact. We use two different country samples—from China and the United States—to examine whether the impact of leadership preferences varies internationally. We find that realist-style preferences are a special rather than a general case, and that such differences have significant implications for understanding continuities and changes in Chinese and US foreign policies.

The stress humanitarian workers endure in today’s climate is unlike anything we have seen. Amid delivering aid and support for those in need, which is extremely difficult in and of itself, humanitarian workers must navigate the risky nature and ambiguity of modern warfare, the emotional burden of suffering, and the despair of loss. Above all, humanitarian workers often work under the conditions of unpredictable circumstances with personal risk. In an International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) study, nearly 40% of staff were at risk for at least one mental health condition(2). As the demand for humanitarian aid workers continues to increase, we must understand the effect of global challenges and the increasing complexity of their job, which can in turn impact on performance and mental states. It is equally urgent to create innovative programs and work organizations that can ensure the safety and well-being of humanitarian delegates while delivering protection and humanitarian aid to the victims.

The article describes the legal nature of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 76/262 (A/76/L.52) entitled "Standing mandate for a General Assembly debate when a veto is cast in the Security Council", adopted on April 26, 2022. We have analyzed this topic due to its relevance and the emergence of a new procedure of the United Nations General Assembly, aimed at increasing of the transparency and accountability of the United Nations Security Council, as a result of the ineffective activity of the Security Council in crisis in which our world finds itself today, in particular due to armed conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, which have led to complex humanitarian consequences. Many states and scientists have been expressing their interest in the issue of Security Council reform for a long time. We deeply researched the Resolution which is the first in a long time and a significant legal instrument that changes the existing mechanism of the functioning of the United Nations and has revived the discussions on the need for a complete reform of the Security Council in accordance with Resolution 62/557 of December 15, 2008. The purpose of the article is an overview of the new Resolution 76/262, namely the reasons and expediency of its adoption, cases of application and its effectiveness in modern conditions. The methodological basis of the study are the following general scientific and special methods of cognition of legal phenomena: the method of the philosophical level-the dialectical method; empirical methods-comparative, observation and description methods; general logical methodsanalysis, synthesis; specially-legal method. The article analyzes the main provisions of Resolution 76/262, the reasons for its adoption, examines cases of its application, and draws conclusions about the effectiveness of this resolution. We have differentiated the procedures provided for by Resolution 76/262 "Standing mandate for a General Assembly debate when a veto is cast in the Security Council" and Resolution 377 (V) "Uniting for Peace". We have reviewed the international legal conceptual foundations of the need to apply the resolution. The topic of reforming the United Nations against the backdrop of the current world security crisis is very important and relevant for further research by domestic scientists in order to formulate their own proposals, approaches and Сердюк В. М. Резолюція Генеральної Асамблеї ООН 76/262 як посилення колективної відповіді...

En el presente trabajo se abordará el conflicto armado que se suscita en la Franja de Gaza entre Israel y Palestina a través de los principios y normativa del Derecho Internacional Humanitario sobre la protección del ambiente en conflictos armados.
En este sentido resulta necesario precisar que el derecho internacional humanitario y el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos tienen por fin proteger la vida como la salud y dignidad de las personas, pero con perspectivas diferentes. En el caso del Derecho Internacional Humanitario, que será el enfoque de este trabajo, aborda disposiciones que no forman parte del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos por la temática tratada consistente en conflictos armados los cuales pueden ser de carácter internacional como no internacional (CICR, 2003, pp1).

International security is a comprehensive concept. There is a change in the dynamics of international security in the international arena. In the present context, the world has been shifting from unipolar to multipolar. The rise of China and the latest Russian attack on Ukraine have changed previous paradigms and parameters of international and regional security. After the proposed Belt and Road Initiate (BRI) by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, the United States and its alliance proposed the Indo-pacific strategy (IPS) to counter the BRI. This article aims to give answer how and why IPS is crucial for international security, South Asian regional security and national security of Nepal. The objectives of this article are to analyze the security challenges created by IPS in international arena, to assess the security threat created by IPS in South Asian region, and to explore how Nepal can resolve and minimize a threat created by IPS and protect and promote its national security regarding IPS. In the context of South Asia, India is also involved in IPS. India is the dominant power in South Asia, so the active involvement of India in IPS also creates a threat to the regional security of South Asia. Nepal has to be conscious of the security aspect while cooperating with China, India, and other countries. Nepal is sensitive in terms of geopolitical, geo-strategic, and geo-economic aspects. The immediate neighbors' China and India have been emerging as new great powers of the world. On the other hand, other great powers in the world also have prioritized Nepal strategically. So, Nepal has to continue its non-alignment trend and focus on its economic development and prosperity.

Es de destacar que una Guerra es mucho mas que las operaciones del campo de batalla. Aquí nos referiremos a acciones tácticas, maniobras operacionales y estratégicas a nivel del teatro de operaciones militar. Pero éxitos o fracasos en cualquiera de estos niveles solo tiene razón de ser, se potencian o de amortiguan en función de los objetivos políticos de la guerra que son “los que mandan” al pesar los resultados.

Combating domestic violence requires an interdisciplinary approach to solving this serious social problem, with law, legal practice and science playing a very important role. Theoretically, it appears as physical, psychological, sexual and economic violence, while the victims are mostly weaker social groups - women, children and the elderly. Numerous international documents, as well as national regulations in the field of family, criminal and misdemeanor law, provide protection against domestic violence, but statistical indicators do not speak in favor of sufficient effectiveness in their application in practice. The COVID-19 pandemic has in a way further intensified the existing ones, but also created new challenges in the fight against domestic violence. Measures of social isolation, unavailability of competent institutions and general uncertainty are just some of the causes that have contributed to the increase in the number of cases of domestic violence, and the possibility of protecting victims of such treatment.

Los estudios estratégicos, son un campo académico y profesional interdisciplinario de larga tradición en el mundo de habla inglesa, principalmente, y tienen como fin último contribuir en el ámbito de la conducción del Estado, permitiendo la materialización de acciones del gobierno, particularmente en las temáticas de seguridad y defensa.
Los estudios estratégicos del presente siglo XXI, tienen como ciencias auxiliares los estudios de seguridad y defensa, las relaciones internacionales, la geopolítica y la administración pública; y es en el marco contextual y conceptual de citadas ciencias que se retoma la segunda parte del artículo «Fundamentos de seguridad energética en el siglo XXI», en esta ocasión, particularmente resaltando como a través de la continuidad de los estudios estratégicos, se pueden generar líneas y áreas de investigación, que permitan la comprensión de los diferentes fenómenos de la dinámica mundial contemporánea, como lo es la actual problemática de continuidad en el suministro energético, derivado de conflictos como lo es la «geopolítica de la energía», donde se destaca de manera particular la «geopolítica del petróleo».

This study is an attempt to rethink exceptionalism both in Turkish Foreign Policy and in Global IR. It critically engages with Turkey’s contribution to the Global IR debate within the discourse of exceptionalism in Turkish foreign policy over its role in the Mediation for Peace Initiative (MPI). Following Nymalm and Plagemann (2019), we rethink exceptionalism used in Global IR, critically analyzing Turkey’s role in the MPI within the framework of internationalist exceptionalism. In doing so, we aim to unbox exceptionalism in Global IR and understand how some exceptional foreign policy discourses of non-Western states may contribute to the interconnectedness between regional worlds, as well as the circulation of ideas and norms between the global and local levels.

En este nuevo Análisis Semanal, Israel ha anunciado la expansión de sus operaciones militares a Rafah, poniendo en riesgo a más de 1.4 millones de desplazados. La comunidad internacional expresa preocupación por el financiamiento de la UNRWA, crucial para la asistencia humanitaria en la región. Además, ha habido un rechazo generalizado al anuncio israelí, con Estados Unidos calificando la respuesta como "desmesurada" frente a los ataques de Hamás. Mientras tanto, Hamás ha presentado una ambiciosa propuesta de paz y sus delegados se encuentran en Egipto tras el reciente rechazo por parte de Israel.