Institution Building and Reform

La provincia de Santiago del Estero, República Argentina, viene atravesando un importante proceso de reforma judicial, donde dimensión espacial y edilicia adquirirá una notable importancia El presente trabajo analiza estos aspectos desde una perspectiva socio-antropológica y desde un abordaje etnográfico, identificando elementos críticos y de construcción simbólica en torno a la situacionalidad de los agentes dentro de las estructuras institucionales, como factores claves para entender los modos en que se constituye el orden institucional en la experiencia cotidiana de los actores. También a través de estos elementos se pretende avanzar en las configuraciones de sentido de algunos agentes, y en los mecanismos a través de los cuáles se configuran las relaciones entre ellos en el marco de la institución judicial.

Much work has been done on democracy and liberal democracy. Despite this, scholars have failed to convey that these are two distinct ideologies. This paper challenges fundamental propositions that hold democracy as synonymous with liberal democracy. The paper delves into individualism, rights, liberty, media, and the protection of minorities. The work thereby explores the differences between the two conceptsfirst, in principles, and second, in practice. Empirical examples provided offer a posteriori evidence aimed at enforcing the assertion that democracy, when infused with liberal tenets, forms a novel governance system: liberal democracy.

This report is part of the larger project ‘Social Service
Workforce Mapping and Baseline in Southeast Europe’ implemented by Terre des hommes. The study
aims to provide an overview of the existing professional, paraprofessional and community-level child
protection practice in the region. More specifically,
findings from the study aim to:
• Provide a basic overview of the education and
training context in which child protection practices are delivered in the region (i.e., systems in
place for delivery of child protection services, related policies and frameworks, child protection
education, and resource management)
• Identify needs and opportunities for further professional development, training, and/or capacity
building to strengthen the child protection workforce in the region.

Following more than one decade of violent and uncertain transitions in the Balkans, the EU has envisaged a new strategy comprising the perspective of membership for all the countries in the region. The so-called Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) has become a word of faith loaded with high expectations for change. This paper seeks to analyze the potential of the SAP to foster promised transformation in the region. The paper proceeds in three parts. First, it elaborates on different forms of post-cold war interventions in the region; Second, it outlines the main instruments of the SAP. Third, it explores the innovative features of the SAP compared to the previous enlargement framework and analyses the implications of these innovations. The paper suggests that the SAP is an undisputed promotion compared to previous strategies in the region to the extent it has embraced the promise of membership and outlined the procedures of accession. Yet, the SAP suffers from the overloaded and not easily reconcilable double agenda combining stabilisation and association objectives. In addition, the SAP commitment to membership is rather vague and ambiguous compared to the previous case of enlargement. Overall, those features might emasculate the transformative power of EU enlargement strategy in the region since extensive conditionalities correspond to weaker incentives. Moreover, given the ambiguity inherent in the SAP, it is the dynamics within the EU itself that could mould the speed and the tone of a possible enlargement in the Balkans. It can not be taken for granted as long as the EU is busy to absorb the wide range of its new members while most EU countries keep resisting another wave of enlargement.

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.

It is widely recognized that accountability is key to 'good governance', the effective provision of public services and goods, and constructive relations between citizens and the state. Yet particularly in countries that are emerging from violent conflict formal accountability mechanisms are often weak or absent. In such settings decentralization has been assigned a pivotal role in the quest for improving governancehelping make it more inclusive and effective as citizens elect local governments and are closer to decision-making. But does decentralization lead to stronger accountability in post-conflict settings? This paper, which is work in progress, focuses on Kosovo, and highlights that despite efforts by the international community to help establish a functioning system of decentralized governance, accountability in the country remains weak. This is due to the fact that: The international community has used decentralization as a peace-building tool, principally seeking to protect the rights of the Serb minority in Kosovo by creating a number of new Serb-majority municipalitiesissues of accountability have been of secondary importance. International stakeholders have employed decentralization as a state-building tool without recognizing the strength of countervailing forceswidespread corruption; the absence of an active local civil society; and limited commitment by Kosovo's new political elites to the process. While decentralization has contributed to peace-building it has not strengthened accountability. Therefore, the paper asks whether citizen-driven, social accountability initiatives could help reenergize Kosovo's decentralized state-building project.

The notion that foreign aid harms recipient governments' economic autonomy and undermines citizens' trust in political institutions and actors remain prevalent and paradoxical. The fact that foreign aid has come to mean development assistance has raised a series of questions that have been debated in the scholarly literature. Moreover, it is universally acknowledged that donors use aid to achieve objectives other than development and poverty reduction. This study assesses the impact of foreign aid on the economic autonomy of different regimes (2001-2021) in Afghanistan. The study opines that foreign aid supported economic growth and the longevity of the Afghan government. However, on the other hand, both on-budget and off-budget foreign aid funding had several ripple effects. This study offers a comparative analysis of foreign aid in the Karzai and Ghani era; and explores the knock-on economic implications of aid dependency in Afghanistan. The comparative analysis of regimes in the post-9/11 context illustrates that stringent conditions were attached to aid granted to the Ghani administration compared to the Karzai administration. The study has found that US aid has undermined the economic setup in Afghanistan. However, the leverage of US aid to influence decision-making is minimal. Afghanistan's strategic calculation and policy-making are determined by regional security conditions rather than US influence. Furthermore, it is pertinent to note that since 2014, a significant decrease in US aid has been witnessed due to divergence between the two states. The significance of assistance in US foreign policy towards Afghanistan is minimal. The study suggests that foreign aid projects harm institutional trust by lowering citizens' evaluations of government performance and administrative competence. Additionally, aid projects can incentivize rent-seeking behavior and hurt citizens' perceptions of political corruption. In mapping the future discourse on aid in Afghanistan, the current authorities need to be more oriented toward foreign aid. As a policy tool, support has not been confined to the roles that foreign and economic policy theorists have prescribed.

Higher education and research cooperation in fragile contexts 2.1 Education, higher education and post-conflict rehabilitation 2.2 International support to higher education in post-conflict and fragile contexts 3 The higher education system in Somalia 3.1 Evolution of the higher education system 3.2 Current higher education landscape 3.3 International cooperation and higher education 4 Analysis of current challenges to higher education in Somalia 4.1 Weak governance and enabling environment 4.2 Weak research capacity and limited academic research production 4.3 Limited collaboration and exchange opportunities 4.4 Weak research culture and a weak research-to-policy nexus 4.5 An inadequate national research agenda 4.6 The problem of academic freedom 5 Conclusions and programming suggestions 5.1 Opportunities and modalities for support References Peer-reviewed journals Two issues per year of Mogadishu University Scientific Journal, published by the Research Unit. Somali Studies Journal published by the Department of Somali Studies Development partners' support for infrastructure, teaching and research NGOs and development partners commission the university to conduct research work Student union Yes South Somalia (75 universities)

Lebanon is currently experiencing a manifold of crises, the worst since the Civil War (1975-1990) that crippled the country and its people, among them a suffocating financial crisisthe worst economic and financial crisis that the world has seen since 1850, according to the World Bank. It is destroying the livelihoods and lives of the people of Lebanon, and also affects whatever public transport there is in this countryit is virtually non-existent. With respect to the latter, on 23 May 2022, a slight glimmer of hope appeared on the horizon, when a ship arrived at the Port of Beirut, carrying a first batch of the 50 buses that have been donated by France. This paper addresses this issue and looks at the challenges and opportunities for Lebanon's road transport sector.

Feldman, whose patient guidance over the course of the past two and a half years has made this project possible. In my first semester at the CUNY Graduate Center I enrolled in Lennie's seminar; and the discussions that ensued sowed the seeds that have developed into this thesis. In Lennie's seminar, my classmates and I were given both the structure and the freedom required to excel, and we delved into the texts vigorously. It was there that I was first introduced to the work of Jacques Rancière, with which I was initially quite enamored. I wrote a short paper on his theory of politics that advanced some reserved criticisms. Lennie's handwritten comments read: "I think there is a sharper critique of Rancière lurking in here." It seems that he was right about that, and I'm thankful that he encouraged me to keep digging deeper. His constructive criticisms have improved my ability to put together my arguments in a more cohesive manner, to eliminate unnecessary arguments, and to better separate the various distinct perspectives (mine included) that appear in my writing. Lennie also guided me during my first semester of teaching discussion sections at Hunter College. He was available throughout each week to discuss both the subject matter we were teaching and the pedagogical strategies I was trying out. From my first semester in graduate school, to my first semester teaching, to my final frantic months of writing and editing this thesis, Lennie has been supportive, kind, and generous every step of the way. Lennie is the kind of professor who teaches by casually and carefully encouraging the student down their own path, setting them at ease with his relaxed demeanor, but pushing them beyond themselves with his targeted attention; he has enabled me to grow through an activity that appears passive, but which is in fact incredibly attentive to my unique strengths and weaknesses. This is true teaching. Thank you. I would also like to thank Dr. Susan Buck-Morss, who has been incredibly supportive of my various intellectual endeavors, whose classes have been invigorating, and whose feedback on viii my writing has been a big help. The first part of Chapter Four originated with a short paper I wrote in her seminar during my second semester at the Graduate Center (Spring 2016). Chapter Four as a whole was presented at the Radical Democracy Conference hosted by the New School's Department of Politics in May of 2017, and was workshopped in the Politics and Protest Workshop hosted by the Political Science department at the Graduate Center in October of 2017. The feedback from the participants of both venues was invaluable. I would like to thank Dr. Jack Crittenden and Dr. Albert Celoza from my days as an undergraduate. Without the growth they facilitated, this work would not have been possible. With the help of Albert I first learned about international political economy, became involved in local political organizing, and was able to visualize the connection between the two. With the guidance of Jack, I slowly honed my writing ability thanks to the weekly task of workshopping two student papers in each seminar he taught, and thanks to his incredibly detailed feedback on our work. I can also thank Jack for my deep appreciation of Plato, whose Republic I read no less than six times in Jack's classes alone. I would also like to thank my classmates and friends at the Graduate Center for the great conversations and collaborations that we've shared. The atmosphere of the university played no small part in my intellectual development these last two and a half years. In particular, I would like to thank Jennifer Cruz-Marulanda, with whom I have shared many conversations about various aspects of Rancière's work, and whose keen insights have significantly influenced the trajectory of this thesis, especially Chapters Two and Three, where I elaborate and critique Rancière's ontological assumptions. When I was at my wit's end with this project, Jenn was there to help me through the maze… and also to remind me to take a break when I needed to. B Lee Aultman has also been a huge help in the development of this thesis. In particular, our ix conversations about Heidegger and Hegel have nourished my thinking for the past two years. My experience at the Graduate Center would not have been the same without Jenn and B. I also owe a huge thanks to Cameron Keys, whose conversations and feedback have been helpful throughout the project, and whose proofreading was invaluable in clarifying and strengthening certain arguments throughout the thesis. I am also indebted to my circle of friends from Phoenix, from whom I have learned so much, and who first initiated me into the world of graduate studies. Finally, I would like to thank my family, who, more than anybody else, have made me into the person I am today, and who have given me the fortitude I needed at times when I've been discouraged or frustrated with this work. Thanks to my parents, who have always encouraged me to pursue my own goals, and to my sisters, who have always been my pals ever since I can remember.

Reading packs are commissioned by the UK Government's Department for International Development (DFID) for independent study and professional development use. They are intended to be thought-provoking introductions to emerging issues and debates within the subject areas they cover. The views expressed are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of GSDRC, its partner agencies or DFID.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Copies of the book can be ordered by e-mail or post from OSI.

Technical education sector in India is an important part of the whole system of education. It has contributed significantly in making India one of the largest resources for technical manpower and thereby, being a catalyst in national development. The professional graduates who contribute to the technical manpower are produced in hundreds of colleges scattered all over the country. Viewed from an organisational perspective, the quality of the graduates produced primarily depends on the quality of academic programmes which, in turn, depends on the faculty, the inputs they provide to the students and the innovativeness they adopt in designing and delivering the academic programmes. Faculty inputs and innovativeness is associated with the image they have about the institution. The present study aims at finding out the interrelationships between perception of institutional image and innovativeness.
In this study, an attempt has been made to develop two independent measures of faculty's perceptions about image and innovativeness of their respective institutions. In addition, a separate scale has been devised to explore the perception of the students about their institutions. Based on these scales, relationship between faculty's perception about the institution's image and innovativeness has been examined. Also, congruence between students' and faculty's perception about the institution has been investigated. Certain important antecedents of these variables have been explored and implications of these findings for technical institutions, their academic programmes and output have been discussed.

Power-sharing, known also as a consociational democracy, is increasingly being adopted as a useful approach for conflict transformation and for promoting ethnic diversity in post-conflict and divided societies. This article explores power-sharing arrangements and their impact on interethnic relations and state legitimacy. It is based on the case study of Kosovo. This is done by the assessment of its key attributed dimensions, namely government coalition, segmental autonomy, proportional electoral system, and veto right. Moreover, it raises the question whether or not the existing constitutional and institutional design supports incentives to overcome rigid ethno-political identities. One of the major assumptions made in this article is that the current corporate model of powersharing challenges state building and does not encourage the emerging of a shared identity. In order to promote ethnic diversity and support state legitimacy, a more liberal type of consociational democracy is ...

In post-conflict societies, decentralization is often used as a conflict management tool to address territorial claims and interests. The latest example is the agreement between the Republics of Serbia and Kosovo of April 2013 over the status of four Kosovar municipalities which remained under de facto control and jurisdiction of Serbia. Nevertheless, there is a lack of comprehensive research on the long-term effects of decentralization on ethnic conflict. To contribute to filling this research gap, this paper focuses on the impact of decentralization on the establishment of sustainable peace through conflict transformation. Based on the theory on decentralization in post-conflict institution-building, two models of decentralization are developed. While the first model focuses on conflict management through the separation of ethnic groups, ethnic selfrule and conflict resolution on the level of political elites, the second model focuses on conflict transformation at the local level ...

provides economic analysis and policy advice with the aim of promoting sustainable and equitable development. The Institute began operations in 1985 in Helsinki, Finland, as the first research and training centre of the United Nations University. Today it is a unique blend of think tank, research institute, and UN agency-providing a range of services from policy advice to governments as well as freely available original research. The Institute is funded through income from an endowment fund with additional contributions to its work programme from Finland and Sweden, as well as earmarked contributions for specific projects from a variety of donors.

Leadership capabilities have been acknowledged to generate better employee performance, implicitly endorsing the thought that higher work motivation may be an outcome. Similarly, the culture of an organization may well be linked to the level of employee organizational commitment. The current research attempts to comparatively analyze the interaction of these variables in the banking and financial services and education industry in India. The study makes an attempt to analyze responses from these industries, with the intent of drawing comparisons, establishing similarities and general correlation between the variables as well as study the variance between the collected samples. Furthermore, the relationship between organizational culture and employee commitment proves culture to be a predictor of commitment, while retaining the difference between the two groups, on the dimensions of the variables. This analysis has been carried out in India previously in other sectors, and is valuable for these industries predicting exponential growth.

Jitneys can be an attractive public transport mode. Their smaller size and superior acceleration characteristics provide them with a speed advantage approaching that of the private automobile. Their low cost structure resulting from constant pressures to maintain financial selfsufficiency has allowed them to survive. In congested urban areas, jitneys have the potential to provide feeder service to line-haul transit as well as a denser network. Despite such strengths, however, evidence suggests that in recent years, the rise in congestion, decline in service quality and reliability, and the increase in operating costs have hurt jitneys' ability to compete effectively. Facing eventual gridlock, some urban areas, instead, choose a "rail solution" to the congestion problem. This decision will cause governments to consider new roles for jitneys and has the potential to alienate the industry and create a focus for opposition. As a result, the integration of jitneys with traditional public transport modes has become a major dilemma for many of these cities. One such example is in San Juan, where a rail rapid transit system, Tren Urbano, is expected to be operational in 2001, and the ptblicos (jitneys) are expected to provide feeder services to major transfer stations. The challenge is to help improve piblico service quality and reliability and place them in a strategic position that will best utilize their existing and potential strengths. This thesis identifies potential roles that jitneys can play as a public transport mode. It evaluates strategies for improving deficient services and suggests alternative options that would position jitneys to best achieve their full potential. It will apply the lessons from other jitney systems to the San Juan case and evaluate alternative strategies for improving the puiblico system. From a timing perspective, it recommends that a set of "experimental strategies" be implemented immediately on "weak" pdblico routes, potential feeder routes and on routes that are expected to be directly impacted by Tren Urbano. A minibus service should be contracted out to operating groups or companies to provide a scheduled, all-day service on routes poorly served by puiblicos and AMA buses. Improvements within the current conditions or a contracted minibus service can be implemented on potential feeder routes to Tren Urbano. The government should also experiment with more aggressive strategies by purchasing new vehicles, implementing fare integration, allowing owners to hire drivers, and providing a limited-term contract (leading up to Tren Urbano opening year) to operators on routes directly affected by Tren Urbano. Services on the above "experimental" routes should be monitored closely and assessed to see whether the same strategies can be applied to other routes and markets. The lessons can be used to help upgrade the remaining pdblico routes. In the event the proposed strategies are not adequate or do not produce the desired results, the government has the option to use Siemens as an agent to operate or contract out a separate feeder service to Tren Urbano.

Groundwater governance in Cuyama Valley, California unites the structural dilemmas of neoliberal environmental governance: a weak state, powerful corporations, a population called to participate but not to decide, and a limited vital resource. Creating institutions of self-governance in the conflictual domain of groundwater use draws local actors into the center of political struggles and strategies, as the State of California avoids governing or limiting groundwater use, purportedly for fear of getting embroiled in costly and lengthy lawsuits with private agroindustry. The SGMA process illustrates the power of property and money in the political game of sustainable resource governance, but it also confronts powerful actors with objectivizing satellite surveys, that point to absolute limits and challenge the growth myth. Institution-building for groundwater governance in Cuyama exposes the strategies of agricultural corporations towards local residents, highlighting the tensions ins...

Groundwater governance in Cuyama Valley, California unites the structural dilemmas of neoliberal environmental governance: a weak state, powerful corporations, a population called to participate but not to decide, and a limited vital resource. Creating institutions of self-governance in the conflictual domain of groundwater use draws local actors into the center of political struggles and strategies, as the State of California avoids governing or limiting groundwater use, purportedly for fear of getting embroiled in costly and lengthy lawsuits with private agroindustry. The SGMA process illustrates the power of property and money in the political game of sustainable resource governance, but it also confronts powerful actors with objectivizing satellite surveys, that point to absolute limits and challenge the growth myth. Institution-building for groundwater governance in Cuyama exposes the strategies of agricultural corporations towards local residents, highlighting the tensions ins...

Asian Values provided a convincing cultural explanation for high economic growth in East Asia up until the recent economic crisis, without many of the social problems that are normally associated with rapid development, However, the Asian economic crisis has prompted a re-examination of Asian values. This paper argues that the positive aspects of Confucian values outweigh its minuses and that it is up to the East Asian economies to take steps to maximize its positive aspects, The paper also argues that its minuses and that it is up to the East Asian economies to take steps to maximize its positive aspects, The paper also argues that its Weakness cannot be entirely blamed for the Asian economic crisis and that given the overwhelming evidence of East Asia' s remarkable economic performance over a sustained period, the effects of Confucianism on economic development should not be overlooked

Decentralization as a mechanism of conflict management has the capacity to both, increase and decrease the chances of conflict between different ethnic groups within states. Through decentralization, either ethnic groups can be accommodated within the governance system of the state, or their stance against the host state can be strengthened with the use of decentralized authority. This research study elaborates on decentralization as an ethnic accommodation strategy applied to the case of Kosovo. First, it explores how administrative, fiscal, and political dimensions of decentralization have affected the process of ethnic minorities´ accommodation. It provides analysis and answers on how the decentralization process has reduced the chances of conflict. Second, it critically examines the impact of the agreement for the establishment of the Association of Serb Majority Municipalities on decentralization and the overall governance system of Kosovo. This research was conducted using qua...

From 'ethnic conflict'… …to rational consensus … to ethnicization of politics … and impediment of politics …to radical democracy? The Dialectics of interethnic relations: antagonism, consensus, and agonism Antagonism Consensus without politics The outcome of denying politics Agonistic politics as an alternative to antagonism and consensus Conclusion Abstract: A decade since international actors engaged in peace-building and statebuilding processes in Kosovo, tensions still prevail between the two main ethnic groups, the Albanian majority and the Serb minority, in the country. After failing to build a rational consensus in a deeply divided Kosovo society, international actors have shifted the focus towards legalising the ethnic divisions by creating or allowing for state institutions to function on the grounds of ethnicity, thus perpetuating ethnic antagonisms. The technocratic approach of international statebuilding in Kosovo is sceptical about the domestic political process and sees it as damaging to the plans for Kosovo. However, as an outcome of impeding the political process, antagonisms take more radical forms and the formation of new political identities that overcome ethnicity, is prevented. This study considers pluralist democracy and politics of inclusion as a strategy for allowing communities to articulate and debate their political values and aspirations at a national level. Pluralist democracy would facilitate agonistic relations in which conflict is characterised by a struggle between political adversaries whose existence is legitimate and must be tolerated, thus replacing actual antagonistic relations between enemies seeking to eliminate each-other. Nevertheless, a consensus about certain rules of 'the game' regarding the space and the context in

This study examines how far the level of knowledge on a new public transport mode in Lebanon might affect mode choice. Indeed, passenger mode choice is a major issue associated with the effectiveness of new transport projects, as their level of effectiveness and feasibility will depend on the number of new adopters. This investigation is performed by developing mode choice models based on data collected via a questionnaire-based survey. The models were used to compare preferences among private cars, current public transport modes and a newly proposed Bus Rapid Transit system. The driving factors are divided into two categories: economic and psychological. The results reveal that explicit evaluations of several factors on the proposed transport modes yields mode choices different from direct evaluation. Besides, the structure of the utility function reveals that economic driving factors prevail over the psychological aspects, which is the opposite of what is observed with direct mode...

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Copies of the book can be ordered by e-mail or post from OSI.

Groundwater governance in Cuyama Valley, California, unites the structural dilemmas of neoliberal environmental governance: a weak state, powerful corporations, a population called to participate but not to decide, and a limited vital resource. Creating institutions of self-governance in the conflictual domain of groundwater use draws local actors into the center of political struggles and strategies, as the State of California avoids governing or limiting groundwater use, purportedly for fear of getting embroiled in costly and lengthy lawsuits with private agroindustry. The SGMA process illustrates the power of property and money in the political game of sustainable resource governance, but it also confronts powerful actors with objectivizing satellite surveys, that point to absolute limits and challenge the growth myth. Institution-building for groundwater governance in Cuyama exposes the strategies of agricultural corporations towards local residents, highlighting the tensions inscribed in the very design of SGMA's polycentric governance structure, between the power to decide and the power to advise. Local residents have appropriated the language of science to contest strategies of denial by the agro-corporations, and to speak reason to unreasonable water users.

Turkey has witnessed a remarkable period of development (2002-2020) under the JDP government in terms of the GDP per capita growth and democratic sphere. The same leader rules Turkey with both democratic and less democratic regimes between 2002-2010 and 2010-2020. These periods also include a similar type of citizens. The same political party, same leader, same citizens mean the less variable, and it may be more reflective of regime type and policies effect on GDP per capita growth. This situation is like South and North Korea but not the same. They also come from the same race, the same citizens, and the same cultural background. However, after being divided into North and South, they follow diverse polity, North follows an authoritarian regime, and the South follows a democratic regime in the long term. Therefore, their development process is also different. “Korea was split into two, with the two halves organized in radically different ways, and with geography, culture, and many other potential determinants of economic prosperity held fixed. Thus, any differences in economic performance can plausibly be attributed to differences in institutions." (Acemoglu, Johnson, Robinson, 2005).

Postwar cities demonstrate the most persistent continuities of war in peace. This effectively forces people into divided and politicised lives, undermines city-wide urban dynamics, and hampers wider peace processes that these cities are part of. It, however, also goes against what can be and historically is expected of the city – namely to transcend divides, bridge communities, and foster co-existence. This thesis asks the question of how it is so that continuities of war in peace are reinforced rather than transcended in the postwar city. To this end it uses extensive fieldwork in the postwar cities Belfast (Northern Ireland), Mitrovica (Kosovo), and Mostar (Bosnia-Herzegovina) as well as engages in novel theorising on the postwar city and the urban conflicts over peace(s) that permeate it. The ensuing argument is that the continuities of war in peace in the postwar city are reinforced rather than transcended for two mutually enhancing reasons. On the one hand, because urban confli...

Democracy has exploded in the 20 and 21 centuries, and while many assume that this would increase happiness, recently there has been evidence presented by critics that prove otherwise. Thus, one must ask the question, does democracy truly cause happiness? Literature suggests this is indeed the case, and through qualitative and comparative analysis it has been demonstrated that democracy does indeed cause happiness, but only if civil liberties are respected by their government. This was done by examining the arguments made by the critics of democracy and happiness. These arguments often focus on fledgling, illiberal democracies, instead of strong, established liberal democracies. These critics additionally use non-democracies who are economically powerful and stable to prove their point, instead of providing a more full view of nondemocracies. These results are often cherry-picked, and it is clear that more democratic nations are happier on average than non-democracies. Additionally,...

In the last two decades, many new democracies have adopted a semi--presidential system. However, scholarship still tends to focus on the negative effects of the system. Scholars believe that semi--presidentialism may encourage contradictory and ineffectual policies leading to government instability and democratic breakdown. In particular, cohabitation is considered to foster institutional conflict. This paper examines whether cohabitation is as problematic as the literature suggests. It does so, by analysing the effect of cohabitation in Timor--Leste, a young democratic state in a post--conflict setting. This paper confirms that in Timor--Leste cohabitation encouraged institutional conflict specifically, but not exclusively, over issues related to national security and defence. In addition, it shows that Timor--Leste's post--conflict context influenced institutional conflict and prevented democratic institutions from working optimally. The paper concludes that cohabitation in young democratic states outside Europe may be more perilous than recent literature on semi--presidential systems suggests.

Organizational culture and organizational structure have a correlated interrelationship. Structure determines the behaviors, attitudes, dispositions and ethics that create the work culture. In this paper, the authors analyze the interrelationship between the organizational structure and culture in the mining companies in Eastern Serbia. Investigation was conducted in two companies, with 138 participants in the survey. The research was conducted at the beginning of 2016. The questionnaires included 50 questions concerning the organizational structure and culture, and were anonymous. The results confirmed a significant correlation between the organizational structure and culture in the investigated organizations.

System transformation is a process that has its beginning and flow, and gradually arrives at the closing stages, that are likely to bring into being the intended system, though no system is safe from rolling back. Notwithstanding the considerable achievements of Kosovo democracy on system transformation, above all on the transition from an authoritarian to a democratic system, the consolidation phase has so far proved to be overly long and compromised, making the future and end results of the process highly unpredictable. Along with other internal and external multilevel actors determining developments on the consolidation phase within the complexity of the system transformation process, political parties are, generally regarded as irreplaceable institutions in a representative democracy. Their position at the second level of democracy consolidation, influencing the other three levels of the democracy consolidation structure, sets the consolidation process decisively dependent on th...

Power-sharing, known also as a consociational democracy, is increasingly being adopted as a useful approach for conflict transformation and for promoting ethnic diversity in post-conflict and divided societies. This article explores power-sharing arrangements and their impact on interethnic relations and state legitimacy. It is based on the case study of Kosovo. This is done by the assessment of its key attributed dimensions, namely government coalition, segmental autonomy, proportional electoral system, and veto right. Moreover, it raises the question whether or not the existing constitutional and institutional design supports incentives to overcome rigid ethno-political identities. One of the major assumptions made in this article is that the current corporate model of powersharing challenges state building and does not encourage the emerging of a shared identity. In order to promote ethnic diversity and support state legitimacy, a more liberal type of consociational democracy is ...

On September 10 th , the International Budget Partnership (IBP), a non-profit organisation based in Washington, released the Open Budget Index 2015. Croatia's scored 53 out of 100 points, which, regretfully, represents a deterioration from the previous, 2012 Survey results, underscoring the need for improvements in the quality and availability of national budget information. The Open Budget Index (OBI) is the only independent and internationally comparable indicator used for periodic measurement of the openness (transparency) of central government budget (hereinafter: budget) 1. The

Democracy is a vital element for the modernization of societies. Through democracy, countries can realize their economic development. Economic development is necessary to establish the required infrastructure in a country that will enable it to be classified as a developed country. A common value held by all rich and happy countries is democracy. Democracy is the foundation of political stability within a country. Political stability is an indispensable element for producing the policies required for economic stability. It is only possible to achieve stability in the economy when there is political stability created by a democratic environment. In almost all countries that do not have any democratic governing structure political conflicts and economic instability could potentially be seen. In this study, the relationship between democracy and economic development is analyzed as well as why democracy is necessary for economic development. The study also shows the relationship between...

This paper presents an initiative to revive the previous Somali-Swedish Research Cooperation, which started in 1981 and was cut short by the civil war in Somalia. A programme focusing on research capacity building in the health sector is currently underway through the work of an alliance of three partner groups: six new Somali universities, five Swedish universities, and Somali diaspora professionals. Somali ownership is key to the sustainability of the programme, as is close collaboration with Somali health ministries. The programme aims to develop a model for working collaboratively across regions and cultural barriers within fragile states, with the goal of creating hope and energy. It is based on the conviction that health research has a key role in rebuilding national health services and trusted institutions.

This paper presents an initiative to revive the previous Somali–Swedish Research Cooperation, which started in 1981 and was cut short by the civil war in Somalia. A programme focusing on research capacity building in the health sector is currently underway through the work of an alliance of three partner groups: six new Somali universities, five Swedish universities, and Somali diaspora professionals. Somali ownership is key to the sustainability of the programme, as is close collaboration with Somali health ministries. The programme aims to develop a model for working collaboratively across regions and cultural barriers within fragile states, with the goal of creating hope and energy. It is based on the conviction that health research has a key role in rebuilding national health services and trusted institutions.

The positive effects of intergroup contact on prejudice reduction have been widely validated by now. However, the potential of contact for intergroup relations is only available when there is readiness to have contact with outgroup members to begin with. In two correlational studies with the main ethnic groups in postconflict Kosovo, Albanian majority (Study 1, N = 221) and Serb minority (Study 2, N = 110), we examine how social identity complexity mechanism and distinctiveness threat contribute to predicting more readiness to have contact with outgroup members. As the establishment of a new national identity unfolds, we show that while there are different processes that work for each of the groups, distinctiveness threat is a central concern to both as it mediates the relationship between identity and intergroup outcomes. For the Albanian majority group, having more complex identities (or perceiving less identity overlap between national and ethnic identity) predicts more readiness...

System transformation is a process that has its beginning and flow, and gradually arrives at the closing stages, that are likely to bring into being the intended system, though no system is safe from rolling back. Notwithstanding the considerable achievements of Kosovo democracy on system transformation, above all on the transition from an authoritarian to a democratic system, the consolidation phase has so far proved to be overly long and compromised, making the future and end results of the process highly unpredictable. Along with other internal and external multilevel actors determining developments on the consolidation phase within the complexity of the system transformation process, political parties are, generally regarded as irreplaceable institutions in a representative democracy. Their position at the second level of democracy consolidation, influencing the other three levels of the democracy consolidation structure, sets the consolidation process decisively dependent on them. The way and extent to which political parties perform their expected functions: representation; integration; legitimation; innovation; and governing, have a determining effect on democracy consolidation prospects. Indisputably, their short-term poor performance, impedes, and later makes the rolling back of the consolidation process more likely. The impact political parties have on the democracy consolidation process is amplified as it takes place in an environment of high-level state and society party-driven politicisation, as currently is the case in Kosovo. Usually, the consolidation of internationally sponsored democracies entails democracy domestication, a process where parties are unavoidable to teach and inculcate democracy among and within society. Yet, since parties as the major institutions and driving forces within the process of democracy consolidation, fail to perform their normatively expected functions, there is no one to replace them particularly in a highly politicised society offering little space and opportunity for other substitution actors. Likewise, they destructively affect the prospects of the process. Political parties in Kosovo are found to perform their functions poorly, consequently ailing the democracy consolidation process at the current level of visual negative consolidation, with highly unpredicted prospects.

Customer satisfaction has been considered one of the most important factors in any industry or service due to its direct relation to customer retention. Recent estimates indicate that the mode share of public transport in Amman is only 17%; of these users 65% do not own a car, hence they are considered captive riders. This paper focuses on the user satisfaction with the public transportation system in the city. A user survey was developed to explore the satisfaction of bus users, minibus users and jitney users. Bus users were found to be the most satisfied. However, the overall average of satisfaction reflects that generally all users are not sufficiently satisfied with the transit system. Transport planners and decision makers could utilize the results and findings of this study, to focus on the attributes that are important for public transport users. The outcomes also direct the attention of transit authorities and operators towards the attributes that scored low in satisfaction, consequently requiring improvement. It is necessary to increase user satisfaction through improving the public transport system in Amman, in order to maintain existing users and attract new passengers. These improvements will make the city more sustainable and reduce the use of private cars in the future. Future research could replicate the adopted methodology with public transport users in similar countries for comparison purposes.

Introduction 1.1. The debate about local government reform in Kosovo 1.2. The aim of the report 1.3. Main findings 1.4. Methodology 2. General geographic and demographic characteristics 3. Analysis of local government and administration in Kosovo 3.1. Ethnic minority communities 3.1.1. The size of municipalities 3.1.2. Local political representation of ethnic communities 3.1.3. Ensuring equitability for ethnic communities 3.2. Local government politics 3.2.1. Government building and lack of opposition in municipal assemblies 3.2.2. The politicization of the executive body 3.2.3. Reforming the executive body 3.2.4. The influence of party centers 3.2.5. Public confidence in and satisfaction with the municipality 3.3. Municipal finances 3.3.1. The current financial situation of the municipalities 3.3.2. Municipality relations with central government institutions 3.3.3. Problems of accounting practices 3.4. Municipal administration 3.4.1. The current administrative organisation of municipalities 3.4.2. Municipality relations with central government institutions 3.4.3. Poor administrative efficiency 3.4.4. Improving administrative efficiency 3.4.5. Lack of technical specialists 3.5. Positive practices 4. Conclusions 5. Recommendations Annex A: The current system of local government and administration in Kosovo 1. The legal framework 1.1. Municipal competences 1.2. Municipal institutions 2. Sub-municipal arrangements Annex B: Arguments regarding the management of socially-owned enterprises and property

Contributions and Acknowledgments: A number of other individuals have participated in this publication and should be acknowledged: Yll Buleshkaj has assisted the writing of much of the report, Ilir Dugolli with legal aspects, Genc Krasniqi for running countless statistical cross-tabulations and interpretations, Dickson Bailey with election standards and procedures, Lulzim Peci on the political environment and incessant support to the project. Several of the names above along Valmir Ismaili are to thank for their sharp editorial remarks on several drafts of the paper. Burim Ejupi is thanked for tirelessly coordinating the project. Above all, there were two interns who should be thanked for having had the dreariest tasks of the study. Words of appreciation go to Barbara Hall of IREX for her trust and dedication to progress of civil society in general, and this project in particular.

The Kosovo Government should introduce clear and objective criteria which must be met for each new municipality is established. Until concrete criteria are set, the Government should not decide on new municipalities, and political parties should halt populist promises. Kosovars remember when we had 80 municipalities (more akin to basic administrative units before 1960). Promises for new municipalities manipulate local patriotism and remobilises strong local rivalries. After the municipal elections in the fall of 2013, the authorities should partner with the think-tank community to initiate a wider public debate to this effect. Criteria for new municipalities should be applied, and in this short memo we drew inspiration by the legal framework of the Republic of Bulgaria. Despite the difference in the population size and area, as well as population density and ethnic composition, this approach would give Kosovo a reliable framework which would provide a solid foundation to built upon ...

The purpose of the present study is investigating the opinions of managers working in textile industry functioning in Andhra Pradesh regarding the HRD practices and determine the association with employee performance. Hence the appropriate approach of research to achieve the above aims is descriptive research design. The present study follows non probabilistic-convenience sampling method. For reaching the objective we have collected information regarding HRD practices from 375 managers in textile industry considering the variables performance appraisal, career planning, training and development, reward and recognition, employee welfare, quality of work life and HRD climate. This study will help to analyze the influence of demographic variables on perception of HRD practices and employee performance.