Human Rights and Non-State Actors

This study offers a multidimensional threat assessment of the Taliban, examining its transformation from a non-state insurgent group into the de facto governing authority of Afghanistan. Through a synthesis of empirical data, government reports, and open-source intelligence, the report analyzes the Taliban’s ideological foundations, operational strategies, and evolving governance structures. Particular attention is given to the group’s strategic alliance with Al-Qaeda, its reliance on illicit economies—including narcotics trafficking and extortion—and its increasing diplomatic engagement, notably with Russia. Quantitative data from 1995 to 2020 reveal a dramatic escalation in violence, including a surge in suicide bombings and attacks on state and civilian targets. The Taliban’s transition into a state actor post-2021 marks a significant shift in its threat profile, complicating traditional counterterrorism frameworks. This research underscores the Taliban’s resilience, adaptability, and growing international legitimacy, presenting a complex challenge to regional stability and global security governance. The findings contribute to the broader discourse on insurgent-state transitions and the implications of legitimizing formerly designated terrorist organizations.

Las condenas contra empresarios de Chiquita Brands y un expresidente colombiano revelan un Estado capturado por élites políticas y económicas, articuladas con redes paramilitares, mafiosas e intereses extranjeros, donde la impunidad bloquea la verdad, la justicia y una paz real y transformadora. Por: Alfonso Insuasty Rodríguez*. Las recientes condenas contra siete empresarios bananeros y un expresidente permiten leer, más allá de los casos concretos, la persistente alianza entre poder económico, estructuras estatales, paramilitarismo, redes mafiosas e intereses extranjeros.

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between the effectiveness of teachers of Kendriya Vidyalayas and Navodaya Vidyalayas teachers and mental health. The study sample consisted of 370 secondary school teachers with 185 students from all types of schools. These participants were incorrectly selected from 12 districts in Himachal Pradesh, India to ensure a balanced presentation of gender and location. To collect data, this study used the Teacher Efficacy Scale (TES-UK) of Umme Kulsum (2017) and the Positive Inventory of Mental Health (PMHI-ACHR) developed by Agashe and Halode (2007). The results showed a strong positive correlation between the effectiveness of teachers in Kendriya Vidyalayas and Navodaya Vidyalayas and the mental health of educators. This indicates that improvements in mental wells in both educational settings can contribute to improving lesson effectiveness. Furthermore, this study confirmed a large link between these variables, increasing the idea that teachers who improve mental health tend to have greater benefits in occupations, but lower mental health tend to be less effective. These findings highlight how important it is to support teacher intellectual wells to improve general educational outcomes and quality of education.

Translating news reports can hardly be free from subjectivity, especially in relation to a conflict, since the opposing ideology often creates friction that necessitates translators to assume complex and multifaceted roles. The concept of positioning refers to participants' attitudes or stances toward the event or other participants in the event which significantly influences the interpretation of a text. The objective of this study is to examine the positioning regarding Hamas in a parallel corpus-based Israel-Palestine conflict. The corpus comprises 160 articles that have been translated from English to Indonesian. The researcher applied the evaluative model proposed by Pan and Liao (2020), that integrated CDA (Fairclough, 2013), Appraisal Theory (Martin & White, 2005), and Narrative Theory (Baker, 2006). It was found that the translators intentionally and carefully (re)positioned of Hamas by implementing a discursive strategy called redacted labelling in their actual activities. This can be done by omitting, adding, softening, and even strengthening the word construction embedded in these elements. The activities were motivated by the political stance of the news organization as determined by its official identity, media discourse counterpoints, the situation of the political of Indonesia toward the conflict, and their expectations of the reaction of the target audience. Examining news translation using CDA adds to translation theory by providing a critical perspective on how non-linguistic elements like ideology, power, and culture influence the translation process. It provides a more in-depth understanding of the translator's position as an agent who translates meanings, values, and worldviews as well as words.

Gazze katliamı" sözü her ne kadar 7 Ekim 2023 tarihinden itibaren sıkça kullanılmaya başlansa da İsrail'in Filistin topraklarındaki işgal ve katliam suçunun tarihi daha eskilere uzanmaktadır. Üstelik bu tarih 14 Mayıs 1948'de David-Ben Gurion öncülüğünde Tel Aviv'de toplanan Yahudi Millî Konseyi'nin İsrail Devleti'nin kuruluşunu ilanından çok önceye, 1850'lere gitmektedir.

This paper asks whether–and if so, how–Islamic groups such as Hamas that clearly define themselves outside a feminist framework can be studied in terms of women’s empowerment. The material discussed is based on fieldwork conducted with Hamas-affiliated female Islamists, as well as women’s rights activists in general, in the occupied Palestinian territories in 2007. Centrally, this work debates whether it is possible to think of women\u27s empowerment in non-feminist terms. The significance of this study lies in two critical contributions to questions of women’s empowerment in Muslim societies: Firstly, the case of Islamism exposes the hegemony of feminism–religious and secular–as a theoretical framework when we study conservative religious groups. The discourse of the Palestinian women’s movement functions as the ‘invisible’ framework that we often use to evaluate non-feminist groups. Secondly, this paper shows the importance of giving more attention to Islamist practice. While Musl...

Kadına yönelik şiddetle mücadele, 21. yüzyılın en önemli toplumsal hedeflerinden biri olarak öne çıkmaktadır. Birleşmiş Milletler, bu soruna özellikle Kadınlara Karşı Her Türlü Ayrımcılığın Ortadan Kaldırılmasına Dair Sözleşme (CEDAW) başta olmak üzere çeşitli araçlar yoluyla dikkat çekmektedir. Bu çalışma, kadına yönelik şiddetin insan hakları ihlali olarak ele alınmasını, ulusüstü yargısal denetim mekanizmaları bağlamında ve yargısal diyalog çerçevesinde incelemektedir. Kadına yönelik şiddet vakalarını değerlendirirken ulusüstü denetim mekanizmaları, benzer nitelikteki normları, yargısal diyalog yoluyla birbirleriyle uyumlu bir şekilde yorumlamaktadır. Bu etkileşim, bu tür ihlallerin denetim ve ele alınmasında dikkate alınması gereken evrensel standartların geliştirilmesini sağlamaktadır. Geliştirilen bu standartlar, daha sonra hem ulusal hem de ulusüstü yasal çerçeveleri etkilemektedir. Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi’nin Opuz/Türkiye Kararı, Amerikalılar Arası İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi’nin Cotton Field Kararı ve Amerikalılar Arası İnsan Hakları Komisyonu’nun Lenahan Raporu, kadına yönelik şiddetin toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı bir insan hakları ihlali olduğunu ve devletlerin bu bağlamdaki pozitif yükümlülüklerini vurgulamaktadır. Bu çalışma, ulusüstü yargısal organlar arasında geliştirilen etkileşimlerin, insan haklarının korunmasında dönüştürücü bir rol oynadığını amaçlı örnekleme yöntemi kullanarak ortaya koymaktadır.

that killed 17 civilians and injured many more, to Wagner's ongoing atrocities in Sudan, the world has been witnessing new forms of warfare that are both globalized and privatized. These new types of wars are the result of the rise of private military and security companies, commonly known as PMSCs, which have been performing roles usually taken by regular troops and national armies. The emergence of PMSCs in conflict zones around the world, where they operate in what can be described as "legal and regulatory grey areas", has introduced several challenges that not only pose hindrances to international peace and security, but also contribute to the shift towards a fragmented international system with weakened authority of international laws.

The greaTesT accolades given To acTors is often those of 'bravery' and 'risk-taking', rather than that of technical competency. We admire actors who appear to (or may claim to) 'lose themselves' in a role or who 'expose' themselves through their vulnerable portrayals. In my research of acting schools I have observed one teacher comment that ". . . it affects the audience to see the lines take the actor somewhere, rather than see the actor controlling the delivery, the package" (de-identified teacher cited in Seton 2004). Furthermore, various stakeholders in Western performance contexts, whether actors, teachers of acting, agents, directors, critics or audiences, are often invested in the pursuit of such demonstrable vulnerability. It would be reasonable to argue that the majority of Western acting schools are committed to enabling actors to be intentionally vulnerable; that is, they demonstrate the ability to affect and be affected by others. But at what price, to the actors, does vulnerability come in using their own embodied experiences as tools, mediums or channels? While some actors move from playing role to role with apparent ease, others seem to 'live out' their latest roles. Cheryl McFarren, in her doctoral thesis Acknowledging Trauma/Rethinking Affective Memory: Background, Method, and Challenge for Contemporary Actor Training (2003), interrogates the wisdom and ethics of training techniques that intentionally enable students (consciously or unconsciously) to tap into trauma as a resource for the development and enactment of characterisation. McFarren notes that acting teachers are neither trained nor necessarily equipped to recognise hyper-arousal and dissociative responses in students or help process traumatic experiences so that these do not leave a harmful residue (184, 201). While acting schools are effective in shaping actors in 'taking on' a role, there is far less guidance, if any, about 'removing' a role or debriefing after a season of performances. Actors may often prolong addictive, co-dependent and, potentially, destructive habits of the characters they have embodied. In fact, as Burgoyne, Poulin and Rearden (1999) have observed, many acting students are taken by surprise in the process of character creation. Yet, Burgoyne et al argue, they remain silent for fear of being judged odd or incompetent for not coping when they experience trauma as they embody 'characters' and their fictional lives. As I've indicated above, McFarren specifically interrogates actor training techniques that either trigger prior traumatic experiences of student actors or that impose new traumas on students. In terms of actors' embodied sustainability, I'd like to extend the consideration of how acting practices (training for, enactment of and debriefing from roles) impact on actors' lives by coining the term 'postdramatic' stress. I deliberately coin this term, not as a diagnosis, but as both an evocation and a Being There: After

y jurisprudencial frente al criterio o factor de imputación en los eventos de ocurrencia de daños producto del ejercicio de actividades peligrosas y actividades peligrosas concurrentes, siendo que de una parte se asume la culpa, y de otra el riesgo. El análisis económico del derecho como modelo de argumentación, permite justificar, una interpretación a partir del riesgo como criterio de imputación. El teorema de Coase, en materia de asignación de derechos y la teoría de Calabresi, sirven de sustento al momento de justificar la interpretación que asume al riesgo como criterio en los eventos en que se ocasionen daños. Es más eficiente imponer la obligación de prevención del riesgo a quien ejerce la actividad peligrosa, o en los eventos de actividades peligrosas concurrentes, a quien puede prevenirlo a un menor costo, que establecer una norma que distribuya el daño de manera recíproca. La anterior interpretación acompasa con los postulados filosóficos que se encuentran consagrados en la Carta 1991, en tanto y en cuanto, esta privilegia las libertades individuales, en la medida en que se dirima una disputa entre intereses económicos y del individuo, a favor del último. Palabras clave: Análisis económico del derecho, Eficiencia, Factor de imputación, Actividades peligrosas.

Öz: Cumhuriyetimizin kuruluş felsefesinde eşitlik ilkesi önemli bir yer tutmaktadır. Kuruluş yıllarından itibaren eşitliğin gerçekleştirilmesi için birçok hukuki ve sosyal düzenleme yapılmıştır. Kadının erkek karşısındaki konumunun değişmesi, kamusal alanda kendine yer edinebilmesine, temel haklarının yanında sosyal, ekonomik ve kültürel haklarının gerçeklemesine bağlıdır. Tüm bunlarla birlikte kadının güçlenmesi ve birey olmasının önünde bir engel olarak erkekten ona doğru yönelen şiddet gerçeği vardır. Şiddet ortadan kaldırılmadan ise, kadının tam anlamıyla hak ettiği yaşama sahip olması mümkün değildir. İstanbul Sözleşmesi'nin ülkemiz tarafından kabulü bu yolda atılmış, Cumhuriyet tarihimiz açısından en önemli adımlardan biri olmuştur. Sözleşmeyle birlikte kadına karşı şiddetin boyutları hukuken tanınmış, "toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği" kavramı daha çok konuşulmuş, tartışılmıştır. Ancak kabul edilmesinden yaklaşık sekiz sene sonra 20 Mart 2021 tarihinde Resmî Gazetede yayımlanan 3718 Sayılı Cumhurbaşkanı Kararı sonucunda sözleşmenin feshedilmesine karar verilmiştir. 1 Temmuz 2021 tarihinde ise resmen sözleşmeden çekilme gerçekleşmiştir. Elbette bu çekilmenin kadına karşı şiddet ve toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği bakımından sonuçları olmuştur. Çalışmanın amacı, İstanbul Sözleşmesi'nin sağladığı korumanın eşitlik ilkesi ve şiddetin ortadan kaldırılması açısından önemini ortaya koymaktır. Öncelikle sözleşme (*) Makale hakem denetiminden geçmiştir.

18 Ekim 1907 tarihli Sozlesmeye dayali borclarin Toplanmasi icin Kuvvete Basvurma- nin Sinirlanmasi Hakkinda Konvansiyon (Convention Respecting the Limitation of the Employment of Force for the Recovery of Contract Debts) http://avalon.law.yale.edu/ 20th_century/hague072.asp (30.01.2012); Ayrica bkz. Vaughan Lowe, International Law, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2007, s. 269

Amidst arguments that the nature of war has changed, notably by Kaldor (2006), Keegan (2004), Münkler (2005), and Van Creveld (2008), Private Military Companies (PMCs) have received increasing media and scholarly attention over the past decade. South Africa is no stranger to the media storm evoked by Blackwater USA during the recent conflict in Iraq Executive Outcomes (hereafter referred to as EO) caused a comparable controversy during the 1990s, first through their involvement in Angola after the withdrawal of the SADF, and later through their contract in Sierra Leone. At the time, PMCs were still a relatively new phenomenon, and thus research was scarce and it was difficult to discuss EO properly in the context of PMCs rather than as mercenaries. In the wake of the war in Iraq, the rapid growth of research into the PMC phenomenon has however provided a wealth of information that facilitates a better understanding of EO’s role in the post-Cold War conflict environment. This article...

This study, titled "The Ethical Compass: Islamic Principles Shaping Modern Humanitarian Law," explores the significant connections between Islamic humanitarian principles and contemporary international humanitarian law. It highlights the contributions of the Qur'an, the Prophetic Sunnah, and the teachings of Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib in creating ethical frameworks for warfare that prioritize the protection of non-combatants and the humane treatment of prisoners. The study emphasises the universality of these prohibitions by examining historical codes, such as the 1280 Spanish law that prohibited harm to non-combatants and aligning these with modern humanitarian concepts. It argues that the Martens Clause—which underscores the necessity of humane treatment even without explicit legal restrictions—deeply resonates with Islamic teachings, promoting a culturally inclusive dialogue on humanitarian principles in historical and contemporary contexts.

En este ensayo la autora hace un balance sobre la responsabilidad civil por el daño causado como consecuencia del ejercicio de actividades peligrosas en Colombia, a partir del análisis crítico de 21 sentencias de la Sala de Casación Civil de la Corte Suprema de Justicia.

The continent of Africa has experienced significant changes in the political and civil leadership connections with political change and transition in the recent past. In some cases, there are regular presidential elections, but irregular transitions. In the recent past, tensions arose between the presidential successors and predecessors, making the transition uneasy. In some cases, there is political instability, and the civil and political leadership would blame one another. Corruption, abuse of power and human rights violations have triggered some political changes and transitions in some instances. Moreover, in other cases, people rose against the state establishment in demand of democracy or accountability by the political leadership. Furthermore, the relations between political and civil leadership in Africa have often featured state security agencies, with the latter accused of being an instrument of state political leadership to suppress public views and political will, and to settle political scores. Therefore, this book seeks to analyse these interactions between and among political and civil leadership and their impact on political changes and transition in the continent of Africa. Among others, it shall assess: the role and impact of political and civil leadership in political changes and transitions; the relations of political and civil leadership with state security agencies and its impact on political outcomes; political governance and transition; external influences on political changes and transition; and other factors that affect political change and transition in Africa.
The book project shall cover a wide scope of topics, including, but not limited to, the relationship between political and civil leadership and factors influencing it in Africa; the role of political and civil leadership in political changes and transition; the relations of political and civil leadership with the people and its impact on political outcomes; the role of state agencies, especially those in the security sector, on political changes and transition; political governance challenges that may affect political changes and transition; external influences on political change and transition.

The evolution of the principle of proportionality in international humanitarian law (IHL) holds immense significance for ensuring compliance during armed conflicts. By examining its development in treaty law and recognizing its customary status, this paper highlights how proportionality can serve as a crucial guide for military decision-making, minimizing harm to civilians and civilian objects. The principle demands that any military advantage pursued must be proportionate to the methods and means of warfare employed.

This study delves into the dual nature of proportionality—its codification in treaty law and its recognition as a customary IHL rule—underscoring its pragmatic role in limiting the destruction caused by military operations. It reveals how international court rulings have cemented its conventional character, establishing proportionality as a foundational principle of modern IHL. The findings emphasize the balance that warring parties must strive to achieve between the anticipated military advantage and the collateral damage inflicted, highlighting proportionality's pivotal role in hostilities.

Given the principle's vital importance, this paper explicitly calls for global legislative bodies to incorporate proportionality into IHL documents. It also urges the International Committee of the Red Cross to amplify the principle's prominence in its publications and advocacy efforts, ensuring it remains a cornerstone of humanitarian considerations in warfare.

Keywords: Proportionality, Customary IHL Rule, Treaty Law, Humanitarian Law, International Law

https://www.crlsj.com/index.php/journal/article/view/62

La responsabilidad civil ha recibido un tratamiento exhaustivo desde el punto legal y jurisprudencial respecto a las diversas categorías que la integran, bien sean estas de carácter precontractual, contractual, post-contractual o extracontractual, y en relación con la responsabilidad civil extracontractual, respecto a la voluntariedad que le asiste al autor del daño, es posible identificar lo que tradicionalmente se conoce como responsabilidad subjetiva, derivada de la culpa, de cuyo contenido se ocupa el artículo 2341 del Código Civil colombiano y por otra parte, el de la responsabilidad objetiva, que proviene del despliegue de actividades peligrosas, en los términos del artículo 2356, no obstante que, en este último evento, persiste la idea de darle un alcance diferencial, lo que genera cierto grado de perplejidad por la ausencia de unanimidad en torno a la adecuada categorización del presupuesto sobre el cual se funda la responsabilidad allí prevista, puesto que ésta ha oscilado entre la denominada presunción de responsabilidad, la presunción de culpabilidad y más recientemente, en la denominada responsabilidad objetiva; posturas que muy a pesar de contar con una argumentación diferencial en su contenido, a la postre pareciera ser que llevan al mismo resultado y que se traduce 52 PRIVADO 18 La modernización de las instituciones del derecho civil en eximir de la carga de la prueba a quien padeció el daño irrogado con motivo del despliegue de la actividad, para que sea el que la ejecuta, el llamado a acreditar el motivo de exculpación, y para comprenderlo, se hará una aproximación jurisprudencial a dicho tratamiento. Palabras clave: Responsabilidad civi, carga de la prueba, presunciones, eximentes de prueba.

Opportunities and challenges facing existing CSOs and networks The key challenge facing viable security and justice CSOs is to find medium to long-term funding and then to develop appropriate organisational development strategies to enable them to support a sustained programme of work. This will require changing their habitual practices and their traditional patterns of conflict/competitiveness and financial mismanagement. Increasing donor interest in civil society participation in security and justice reforms opens new opportunities for CSOs to enter these previously closed domains of work, and there is enormous potential for them to develop capacities in research, monitoring, advocacy, public education and in partnership with the state security and justice system. Key CSOs and networks that DFID may be able to work with directly There are no strong and inclusive networks in the security and justice sector. Instead, there are a handful of networks with differing memberships, scope and political affiliations. This means that it is not simply a case of identifying one or two key networks as partners to support-instead there is a need to support a larger number of networks simultaneously, whilst encouraging them to collaborate and improve their relationships with each other. This is often best done at local and provincial level, where there are real grassroots-based organisations who are accustomed to working together. Depending on priorities, the following CSO networks could feasibly be supported by DFID and other donors:  Provincial human rights NGO networks;  Provincial 'synergies' of organisations working on SGBV;  National SSR network of CSOs (Reseau de la Reforme du Secteur Securitaire) ;  Network on Women, Gender and Security. Programme suggestions as how to best support Southern security and justice CSO capacity The new DFID SSAPRP is likely to fund individual CSOs for activities related to accountability, but only in the three pilot provinces. This will create enormous pressure to fund similar work or even to organise a further roll out. One of the most difficult ideas to lobby for in the DRC is the idea of a 'network' of activists in security and justice reform (broadly phrased) to share experiences, document their findings and inform decision-makers. 14 An assessment of the linkages and coordination, if any, between those organisations working within and across the security and justice fields Linkages and coordination amongst CSOs in security and justice is weak and clustered in thematic areas such as human rights and access to justice. The organisations that do work on security and justice issues do so from human rights and access to justice perspectives. Donors could feasibly initiate a more inclusive security and justice debate amongst CSOs by directing efforts towards facilitating a national platform furthering the engagement and collaboration of CSOs on issues of security and justice. Opportunities and challenges facing existing CSOs and networks Providing impetus for CSOs to engage with the government on issues of security and justice remains a significant challenge. CSOs are generally disengaged and it may be necessary for a lead organisation to be identified and to advance the process of bringing together security and justice stakeholders.

INCe tHe tAlIBAN ' S AuGuSt 2021 returN to PoWer IN AFGHANIStAN, amid the collapse of the u.S.-backed Afghan government, questions have swirled around the kind of state that the group is building in the second iteration of its Islamic emirate of Afghanistan. Is it the kind of state that will inevitably pose a threat to its neighbors and the international community, or is it one that will join the community of nations and be domesticated by the international system? Is it the kind of state that will reinstate a severe form of sharia, as it did in the past, persecuting women and meting out barbaric punishments, or is it one that will respect the rights of women and modern norms against cruel and unusual punishment? Perhaps most important of all, as far as the united States is concerned, is the question of international terrorism. Will it harbor terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda, as was the case before, or will it adhere

İsrail’in Ebu Gureybi: Hapishanelerdeki İşkence ve Tecavüzlerin Karanlık Yüzü
İsrail hapishanelerinde yaşanan işkence ve tecavüz skandalları, 2003 yılında Irak’taki Ebu Gureyb Hapishanesi’nde ABD askerlerinin gerçekleştirdiği insanlık dışı muamelelerle ürkütücü benzerlikler taşımaktadır. Tıpkı Ebu Gureyb’de olduğu gibi, İsrail’in gözaltı merkezlerinde de Filistinli mahkumlar sistematik işkence, cinsel saldırı ve psikolojik şiddete maruz bırakılmaktadır. Bu tür uygulamalar, uluslararası hukukun temel ilkelerine aykırı olmakla kalmıyor, aynı zamanda bir halkı sindirme ve kontrol altında tutma stratejisinin parçası olarak kullanılıyor.
Ebu Gureyb Benzerliği: Sistematik İnsan Hakları İhlalleri
Ebu Gureyb Hapishanesi’nde ortaya çıkan görüntüler, dünya kamuoyunda büyük bir infial yaratmıştı. Mahkumların çıplak fotoğrafları, işkence ve tecavüz sahneleri, ABD’nin Irak’taki askeri varlığının meşruiyetini sorgulatmıştı. İsrail hapishanelerinde yaşananlar da benzer bir yapısal şiddet modelini işaret ediyor. Filistinli mahkumlar, en temel insan haklarından yoksun bırakılmakta, sistematik işkence ve cinsel saldırılarla iradeleri kırılmaya çalışılmaktadır. Bu durum, uluslararası hukukun ve insan hakları sözleşmelerinin açık bir ihlali anlamına gelmektedir.
İşkence ve Tecavüz: İsrail’in Gölge Politikası
İsrail, Filistinlilere yönelik bu tür sistematik şiddeti, devlet politikası haline getirmiş durumda. İşkence ve tecavüz, sadece bireyleri cezalandırma aracı olarak değil, aynı zamanda Filistin toplumunu kolektif olarak sindirme ve direnişi kırma stratejisi olarak kullanılmaktadır. İsrail güvenlik güçlerinin gözaltındaki kişilere yönelik uyguladığı bu vahşet, Ebu Gureyb’deki gibi bir cezasızlık kültüründen beslenmektedir. Faillerin nadiren yargı önüne çıkarılması, bu tür insanlık dışı uygulamaların yaygınlaşmasına yol açmaktadır.
İsrail Toplumunun Radikalleşmesi ve Ordu İçindeki Etkileri
İsrail’deki bu uygulamalar, ordu ve güvenlik güçleri içinde bir tür radikalleşmeye neden olmaktadır. Ebu Gureyb skandalı, ABD ordusunun itibarını nasıl zedelediyse, İsrail hapishanelerinde yaşananlar da İsrail ordusunun ve devletinin uluslararası arenadaki meşruiyetini sorgulatmaktadır. İsrail toplumu içindeki milliyetçi ve militarist eğilimler, bu tür insan hakları ihlalleriyle daha da güçlenmekte, toplum içinde bir “biz ve onlar” ayrımı derinleşmektedir. Bu, sadece İsrail iç siyaseti için değil, aynı zamanda Orta Doğu’daki dengeler için de uzun vadede ciddi sonuçlar doğurabilir.
Uluslararası Toplumun Tepkisi ve Gelecekteki Senaryolar
İsrail’in işkence ve tecavüz uygulamaları, uluslararası toplumun tepkisini çekmeye devam edecek gibi görünüyor. Ebu Gureyb skandalı sonrası ABD’ye karşı uygulanan diplomatik baskılar ve yargı süreçleri, İsrail için de bir emsal teşkil edebilir. Birleşmiş Milletler, Avrupa Birliği ve insan hakları örgütlerinin, İsrail’e karşı daha sert yaptırımlar ve hukuki süreçler başlatması gerekmektedir. Ancak İsrail’in bu uygulamalara devam etmesi durumunda, Filistin direnişi daha da güçlenebilir ve bölgede yeni çatışmaların fitilini ateşleyebilir.
Evrensel hukuk, tecavüz ve kötü muameleye karşı mutlak bir yasak getirmiştir. İşkence ve Diğer Zalimane, İnsanlık Dışı veya Aşağılayıcı Muamele veya Cezaya Karşı Birleşmiş Milletler Sözleşmesi, İnsan Hakları Evrensel Bildirgesi ve Roma Statüsü gibi uluslararası belgeler, bu tür eylemleri insanlığa karşı işlenen suçlar olarak tanımlar ve hiçbir durumda haklı gösterilemeyeceğini vurgular. Özellikle tecavüz, savaş ve çatışma durumlarında bile, hem bir savaş suçu hem de insanlığa karşı işlenmiş bir suç olarak kabul edilir. Uluslararası Ceza Mahkemesi (UCM) ve Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi (AİHM) gibi kurumlar, bu tür ihlalleri yargılayarak cezasızlığın önüne geçmeyi amaçlar. Evrensel hukuk, devletlerin cezaevlerinde ve gözaltı merkezlerinde bu tür insanlık dışı uygulamaları önlemeleri için sıkı yükümlülükler getirir ve bu ihlallerin kurbanlarına adalet sağlama sorumluluğu yükler.
İnsan Hakları Evrensel Bildirgesi (1948)
Madde 5: “Hiç kimse işkenceye, zalimane, insanlık dışı veya onur kırıcı cezalara ya da muameleye tabi tutulamaz.” Bu madde, herkesin temel insan haklarına sahip olduğunu ve hiçbir durumda bu hakların ihlal edilemeyeceğini vurgular.
Cenevre Sözleşmeleri (1949)
Savaş Esirlerinin Korunması: Cenevre Sözleşmeleri, savaş esirlerine ve sivillere karşı her türlü kötü muamele, işkence ve insanlık dışı muameleyi yasaklar. Özellikle 3. Cenevre Sözleşmesi, savaş esirlerinin haysiyetine saygı gösterilmesi ve onlara kötü muamele edilmemesi gerektiğini belirtir.
Madde 3: İç savaşlar ve silahlı çatışmalar dahil olmak üzere, hiçbir durumda sivillere veya savaş esirlerine karşı işkence yapılamaz.
Avrupa İnsan Hakları Sözleşmesi (1950)
Madde 3: “Hiç kimse işkenceye, insanlık dışı veya aşağılayıcı muamele ya da cezaya tabi tutulamaz.” Bu madde, Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi (AİHM) tarafından sıklıkla kötü muamele vakalarında uygulanır ve bağlayıcıdır.
Medeni ve Siyasi Haklara İlişkin Uluslararası Sözleşme (1966)
Madde 7: Bu sözleşme, kimsenin işkenceye veya zalimane, insanlık dışı ya da onur kırıcı muameleye veya cezaya tabi tutulamayacağını belirtir. Ayrıca, mahkumlar da dahil olmak üzere herkesin onurlu bir şekilde muamele görme hakkı vardır.
İşkence ve Diğer Zalimane, İnsanlık Dışı veya Aşağılayıcı Muamele veya Cezaya Karşı Birleşmiş Milletler Sözleşmesi (1984)
İşkence Yasağı: Bu sözleşme, işkencenin mutlak olarak yasaklandığını ve hiçbir durumda haklı gösterilemeyeceğini belirtir. Sözleşmenin 2. maddesi, “Hiçbir istisnai durum, işkenceyi haklı kılamaz” der. Bu, savaş hali, iç siyasal karışıklıklar, ulusal güvenlik tehditleri gibi durumlarda bile geçerlidir.
Sorumluluk: İşkenceye karışanlar, bu suçu emredenler veya işkenceyi gerçekleştirenlerin sorumlulukları bulunur ve ulusal ya da uluslararası düzeyde yargılanabilirler.
Roma Statüsü (1998)
Uluslararası Ceza Mahkemesi (UCM): Roma Statüsü, işkenceyi insanlığa karşı işlenmiş bir suç olarak tanımlar ve UCM, işkenceyi işleyenleri yargılama yetkisine sahiptir. Statüde, işkence, geniş çaplı veya sistematik olarak sivil nüfusa karşı işlendiğinde insanlığa karşı suç olarak kabul edilir.
Mahkumların Muamelesine Dair Birleşmiş Milletler Asgari Standart Kuralları (Nelson Mandela Kuralları)
Mahkum Hakları: Bu kurallar, cezaevlerindeki mahkumların haklarına saygı gösterilmesini ve onlara insanca muamele edilmesini öngörür. İşkence, kötü muamele ve zalimane cezalar kesinlikle yasaktır.
Sonuç: Karanlık Bir Geleceğe Doğru
İsrail hapishanelerinde yaşanan işkence ve tecavüzler sadece kurbanları değil, aynı zamanda uygulayıcıları ve bu sistemi destekleyen toplumları da derinden yaralar. İsrail’in bu politikaları devam ettirmesi, uluslararası toplumda daha büyük bir izolasyona yol açacak ve Orta Doğu’daki çatışmaların daha da derinleşmesine neden olacaktır. Bu karanlık tablo, bölgenin ve dünyanın geleceği için ciddi tehlikeler barındırmaktadır.

This research highlights the increasing overlap, complementarily and even tensions between IHL, human right slaw, and transitional justice in the context of post-conflict situations. It emphasizes the importance of addressing the temporal dimensions of justice and accountability, as well as the need to interpret and apply these bodies of law in a harmonized and ''humanized" manner.

This article aims to examine the balance between security policies and human rights in counterterrorism efforts, with the goal of assessing human rights violations resulting from counterterrorism policies. The article will begin with a review of the existing literature and then introduce hypotheses, questions for examination, and methodologies to be used.

Counterterrorism has become the foremost security concern for many countries in recent years. However, the security policies and practices employed in this effort must not only aim to prevent terrorist activities but also uphold respect for human rights. The impact of counterterrorism policies on human rights at both national and international levels is often a subject of debate. These impacts are typically associated with violations of civil liberties, arbitrary detentions, torture, and ill-treatment. In this context, this article will conduct an in-depth investigation into how security policies and practices in counterterrorism can be brought into balanced alignment with human rights.

The bibliography to be used encompasses numerous studies that address the relationship between security policies in counterterrorism and human rights. These studies evaluate the effects of counterterrorism policies on human rights and assess their compliance with human rights standards, often highlighting contradictions. Additionally, international documents, court rulings, and reports serve as significant sources of information on this topic.

This article will employ qualitative research methods to analyze the balance between security policies in counterterrorism and human rights. The analysis will involve examining current policies and practices as well as reviewing international documents. Additionally, a more in-depth analysis may be conducted by focusing on a specific country or region.


Keywords: Counterterrorism, Human Rights, Security, Policy, Violation

İnsanlık tarihi kadar eski ve insanoğlunun siyasi örgütlenmesine paralel bir
şekilde gelişim gösterdiği görülen terörizm, günümüzde sadece ulusal veya bölgesel
planda etki ve sonuçlar doğuran bir sorun olmaktan çıkmış; uluslararası barış ve
güvenliğe yönelik en önemli tehditlerden biri haline gelmiştir. Uluslararası toplumu
tehdit eden bu sorunun küresel niteliği, terörizmin, uluslararası hukuk çerçevesinde
incelenmesini zorunlu kılmaktadır.
Terörizm konusunun ele alınışındaki en büyük sorunlardan birisi de ortak bir
terör/terörist tanımının yapılamayaşıdır. Neticede "Birine göre terörist olan kişi, bir
başkasına göre özgürlük savaşçısıdır" deyiminden hareketle bütün devletler ve kişiler
nezdinde “terörist” tanımı değişkenlik göstermekte, çoğu kez de net bir tanımı
yapılmamaktadır. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın ilk bölümünde terör kavramı, terörizmin
tarihsel gelişimi ve terör türlerine yer verilecek, ardından  uluslararası hukukta
terörizm tanımının gerekliliği ve terörizm tanımının oluşturulamamasının nedenleri
ele alınacaktır.
Çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde devlet ve şiddet ilişkisine değinilecek, meşru
güç kullanma yetkisi irdelenecektir. Devlet terörizminin boyutları ele alınarak
devletlerin terörizmle bağlantısı ve etkisi açıklanacaktır. Son olarak Çin Halk
Cumhuriyeti’nin uyguladığı politikalar devlet terörü bağlamında incelenerek bölgede
yaşanan insan hakları ve hukuk ihlalleri ortaya konulacaktır.

At the beginning of the last century, the idea of developing uniform and humane rules in armed conflict was reflected in both the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 and the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their additional protocols. In international armed conflicts, the issue of the protection of civilians, civillian status, the internment of civillians and the rights of civilians, in particular, has been the subject of the 1949 Geneva Convention No. IV on the Protection of Civilians during War, which forms the backbone of our article. The right to life, the right to health, the right to personal freedom and security, the freedom of religion and conscience, the right to education and the right to work, which civilians enjoy even during international armed conflicts, are just a few of the points that the Convention addresses. All these issues will be discussed in the context of the Convention in the following pages.

Barbara Stępień * summary: I. Introduction. II. The Forefront of the Current Crisis. III. Distress at Sea. IV. Human and Refugee Rights at Sea. V. An Elephant in the Room. VI. The European Union's Reaction. VII. Conclusions: Is this a Saramago Novel? VIII. Bibliography.

This report was in response to understanding the Job Provider system replacing the Welfare State. Susan Carew (Holmes) was trained in economics and found herself unemployed. In the report she outlines the structure of the Job Provider system disconnecting via contracts from the Australian Constitution.  This system completely removed welfare as a safety net and created a 'mutual obligation' like an employee.  The shift from those falling through the cracks due to changing job criteria, restructuring, job losses placed great pressure on those on welfare.  She describes her experience and the expectations of job providers.  She describes the rorting and corruption in the system that was never held to account (above the law).  She explains historical welfare policy and why work should be meaningful.  The Work for the Dole program was found to be unlawful under the Australian Constitution section 51 subsection 23a in relation to Conscription.  Working for free moves us towards slavery.  As a result of this report Susan experienced vilification (covert bullying) through debt imposed, surveillance when homeless, Probe group harassment, cut off welfare when suicidal, superannuation refused when homeless, subtle blocks on reapplying for welfare (later removed) and a secret file. Her attempts via Freedom of Information to access information were refused in 2018.  It raises questions about intolerance, private interests taking over public assets and the loss of our welfare system and democracy (right to say no). This was given to Human Services (now Services Australia) as feedback. It is an important document.

Resumen

La responsabilidad por actividades peligrosas ha sido uno de los temas más discutidos en la jurisprudencia y en la doctrina civil colombianas. La sentencia aquí analizada sostiene que en este ámbito debe aplicarse un régimen objetivo de responsabilidad basado en una "presunción de responsabilidad", apartándose de esta manera de la tradición jurisprudencial en la materia.

Abstract

The responsibility for ultrahazardous activities has been one of the most discussed topics in the Colombian jurisprudence and civil doctrine. The verdict analyzed here sustains that in this sphere, an objective system of responsibility should be applied based on a "presumption of liability", maintaining apart from the jurisprudential tradition on the matter.

The Government of the Republic of Namibia recognises the historic contribution of CSOs during the national liberation struggle. Since independence until today, civic space for citizen-led organisations and democratic freedoms in Namibia is scored among the highest on the African continent but has its challenges. The last Civil Society sustainability index (2022) confirms the above in principle, but points out that the sectoral infrastructure is still weak. The 2020 EPDN CSO mapping study affirms that “despite the economic and political turbulence” of the past few years, the civic space for civil society activity remains open. CSOs are able to form and operate largely without impediment”.
The foreword of the Government of the Republic of Namibia – Civil Society Partnership and Engagement (GRN-CSPE) 2024 policy states: “Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), as independent development actors in their own right, are invaluable partners in our nation-building efforts. They bring diverse perspectives, expertise, solutions and grassroots insights to the table, enriching our decision-making processes and ensuring that policies and programs are responsive to the needs of all Namibians, particularly the marginalised and vulnerable. (…) Through this policy, we seek to harness the collective potential of government institutions, civil society, and other stakeholders to address pressing societal challenges, promote good governance, and achieve our national development goals as outlined in the National Development Plan 6, Vision 2030 and the Harambee Prosperity Plan.”.
I had the chance to perform this EU-funded Technical Assistance mission in Namibia, hosted by EPDN at the National Parliament, whose objectives was to draft and present the 2024 GRN-CSPE policy and its annexes (Implementation Action Plan; Monitoring, Evaluation, Accountability and Learning framework; Resource Mobilisation strategy; Capacity Development Tools; Communication strategy and GRN-CSPE master presentation). The assignment was conducted through three phases from 4 March to 10 July 2024, with a maximum of 50 w/d.
The draft policy document was presented to a validation country wide forum in June 2024 and subsequently finalized. The Namibian NPC will soon publish it. I hereby present the CSPE Master Presentation and I thank warmly Christine Leiser for her continuous support.

The compatibility between Islamic law and international law has been a long lasting source of both academic discussion and social friction. This includes the Islamic laws on conduct of war (IsHL), especially in context of the Middle East conflicts. This article explores how there are two extreme opinions: 'Islamophobes' and apologists-both of them being dishonest. It will be shown that there are multi-level possibilities of relations between IsHL and International Humanitarian Law including possible incompatibilities, and that an ijma is a good room for reconciliation.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ethiopia, Kenya, and South Sudan are countries that have experienced chronic conflict due to internal and external influences. The dynamics of conflicts in these countries have evolved and brought about more complexity and diversification in the approaches used to resolve conflict. These countries are prone to chronic internal inter-ethnic clashes and border disputes that have claimed lives and displaced many people in the region. This study aimed to identify and analyse the approaches to peacebuilding used by diverse peace
structures in these regions with a descriptive research design applied to enable the researchers to meet the objectives of the study. Consequently, this study targeted Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs), Community Based Organizations (CBOs), and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) working in these countries.

makale, Aile ve Sosyal Politikalar Bakanlığı'nın eğitim amaçlı İsveç'te yaptırdığı araştırma faaliyeti kapsamında yazılmıştır. Makalede belirtilen görüşler ve fikirler sadece yazarın görüşünü yansıtmakta olup Aile ve Sosyal Politikalar Bakanlığı'nın resmi görüşlerini yansıtmaz.

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This article seeks to understand the manner in which the commitment to freedom of expression has evolved in both Canada and Colombia, based on the examination of historical patterns and court decisions. Through the lens of the Canadian experience, it looks at the difficulties faced by Colombia, where the state is still struggling to exercise the monopoly of power within its own territory as a first stumbling block to the consolidation of its democracy. Any effort to compare the exercise of liberties in two countries with such different legal traditions faces obvious challenges, even more so when after 200 years of independence one of the countries has still failed to achieve the stability and security required to assure sustainable economic development. However, in

Este trabajo aborda el problema de la así llamada “guerra contra el terrorismo”, las sanciones de la ONU y la posible responsabilidad penal internacional de las organizaciones terroristas internacionales (OTI), y la influencia de las mismas en el concepto contemporáneo de “personalidad jurídica internacional”. De este modo, las OTI, como destinatarios de las normas jurídicas internacionales que incriminan el terrorismo y las sanciones por ese delito, adquieren algún tipo de capacidad jurídica internacional que podría llevar a su personalidad jurídica internacional.

The three-decade-long armed conflict ended in Sri Lanka, by the military defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009. LTTE is defined as an international terrorist organization and banned in 32 countries. Terrorist acts of LTTE were under the category of crimes against humanity. After the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, today there is a new conflict on Sri Lanka, in the United Nations, between the Human Rights Council and the Office of the High Commissioner for the Human Rights for defining the past armed conflict as combat terrorism or an internal war as well defining the LTTE as a terrorist organization or not.

Birlesmis Milletler Insan Haklari Konseyi’nin 2015 yilinda ki ,30/1 sayili karari ile Sri Lanka’da yasanan terror ile savas sirasinda yasanan insan haklari ihlalleri ve ihlalleri ile ilgili iddialar hakkinda ki yargi mekanizmasinda Commonwealth ve diger yabanci hakimler, savunma avukatlari ve yetkili savci ve arastirmacilari dahil edilmesini istemistir. Ancak, Insan Haklari Konseyi, BM Kuresel Terorle Mucadele Stratejisi’nin bir yukumlulugu olan Sri Lanka’daki terorunun finansmani failleri icin uluslararasi bir ceza sorusturmasi istememistir. Insan Haklari Konseyi, Sri Lanka’daki terorizmin finansmani icin uluslararasi bir sorusturma acmayi talep etmeyerek, Sri Lanka’ da ki terorizmin finansmaninin faillerinin cezasiz kalmasini sebep olmustur.

The three-decade-long armed conflict ended in Sri Lanka, by the military defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009. LTTE is defined as an international terrorist organization and banned in 32 countries. Terrorist acts of LTTE were under the category of crimes against humanity. After the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka, today there is a new conflict on Sri Lanka, in the United Nations, between the Human Rights Council and the Office of the High Commissioner for the Human Rights for defining the past armed conflict as combat terrorism or an internal war as well defining the LTTE as a terrorist organization or not.