History of Terrorism

Żydowski instytut historyczny "Sztuczny antySemityzm" -antyŻydoWSkie WyStąpienia na dolnym śląSku W 1956 roku Na przełomie lat czterdziestych i pięćdziesiątych nagonki antyżydowskie w Zsrr (walka z tzw. kosmopolityzmem żydowskich pisarzy, spisek lekarzy kremlowskich), podobnie jak procesy polityczne ludzi władzy pochodzenia żydowskiego w krajach satelickich (procesy Laszlo rajka na Węgrzech oraz rudolfa slanskiego w czechosłowacji) spowodowały, że także w Polsce podejmowano próby montowania procesu Żydów podejrzewanych o spiskowanie przeciwko socjalistycznej ojczyźnie. Śmierć stalina położyła kres próbom zorganizowanej nagonki, jednak jak pokazała bliska przyszłość, była to jedynie krótka przerwa w działaniach wymierzonych w ludność żydowską. Wraz z przemianami zachodzącymi w państwie polskim od drugiej połowy lat pięćdziesiątych, zmianie zaczął ulegać stosunek PZPr i społeczeństwa do żydowskiej mniejszości narodowej. Była to konsekwencja napięć, jakie zaczęły występować w Polsce w okresie tzw. odwilży (czystki w Wojsku Polskim, aresztowania ludzi z establishmentu, dymisje Jakuba Bermana czy Hilarego Minca, poznański czerwiec, walka natolińczyków z puławianami, VII i VIII Plenum Kc PZPr, polski październik) i państwach demokracji ludowej (XX Zjazd KPZr, powstanie węgierskie). szczególnie od drugiej połowy 1956 r. w pełni uzasadnione były obawy władz partyjnych przed reakcją ludności na dynamicznie zmieniający się krajobraz polityczny. społeczeństwo w Polsce było w stanie wewnętrznych sporów, pełne nierozwiązywalnych napięć, mogących w każdej chwili doprowadzić do wybuchu niekontrolowanych konfliktów. * * * Tzw. odwilży w 1956 roku towarzyszył wzrost antysemityzmu. Wówczas to silniej ujawniły się, hamowane dotąd przez aparat władzy, fobie i niechęć do Żydów. To one sprawiały, iż swój szerszy społeczny oddźwięk miały antyżydowskie sygnały wysyłane przez niektórych przedstawicieli władzy. Dolny Śląsk był regionem, w którym antysemityzm objawił się najsilniej. Złożył się na to przede wszystkim

Is 'Terrorism' a useful term?  Does it still have meaning? The answer is yes, it is still a valid term, and it still has value; however, the term is often misused and subject to abuse, and the meaning depending on the motives, political agenda, and objectives of the one using the term and how it is generally applied. The word terrorism has been utilised by state and non-state actors alike for political and non-political agendas. Some scholars have chosen to work with open-ended definitions, while others delineate several different types of purposes (Schmid 2021).

This article examines the rhetorical strategies of Israeli liberal academics, intellectuals, and human rights lawyers in denying or diluting the charge of genocide during Israel’s most recent assault on Gaza. The article argues that this mode of denialism serves an ideological function: it severs the present violence from the foundational dispossession of the Nakba, thereby obstructing transformative decolonization and reducing genocide to an aberration rather than a structural outcome of settler colonialism. Through analysis of these discursive maneuvers, the article highlights how liberal denial reinscribes settler-colonial domination by limiting solidarity, resisting structural remedies such as the right of return, and containing the transformative power of naming genocide.

Paweł Skubisz, Most Jedności - Most Wolności! Wielka wymiana szpiegów z czerwca 1985 r., portal: przystanekhistoria.pl , 10 VI 2025 r.

Artykuł popularnonaukowy omawia problem przygotowań do wielkiej wymiany szpiegów z czerwca 1985 r. pomiędzy państwami bloku wschodniego a Zachodem. Władze USA zdecydowały się uwolnić szpiegów komunistycznych z PRL, NRD i LRB. Byli to Marian Zacharski, Penyu Kostadinov, Alfred Zehe i Alice Michelson. W zamian więzienia w PRL, NRD i prawdopodobnie LRB opuściło 25 agentów państw NATO. Niestety nie znamy pełnej listy uwolnionych, poza osobami z Polski. W artykule poruszono zagadnienie długotrwałych rozmów prowadzonych z Departamentem Stanu USA przy udziale niemieckiego adwokata Wolfganga Vogla.

https://przystanekhistoria.pl/pa2/teksty/116796,Most-Jednosci-Most-Wolnosci-Wielka-wymiana-szpiegow-z-czerwca-1985-r.html

Paweł Skubisz, Wiadukt, knebel i biszkoptowy labrador, czyli (nie)codzienna praca funkcjonariuszy Biura "B" MSW w PRL, Kurier Historyczny IPN Bezpłatny dodatek do "Kuriera Szczecińskiego" nr 5 (25), "Kurier Szczeciński", 12 IX 2025 r.

Artykuł popularnonaukowy poświęcony historii Biura "B" MSW w PRL w latach 1956 - 1990. Przybliża genezę powstania tak zwanej "obserwacji zewnętrznej", czyli nowoczesnych rozwiązań związanych z działalnością policji i służb specjalnych w Europie Środkowej, Europie Zachodniej i w USA, a następnie recepcji tych rozwiązań w Rosji Carskiej i ZSRS, a stamtąd w Polsce ludowej i PRL. W artykule została omówiona struktura, organizacja, zasady doboru i szkolenia kadr Biura "B", a także główne ich zadania i sposób ich realizacji. Omówiono też największe sukcesy Biura "b", takie jak zatrzymanie pracowników i agentów wywiadu Zenona Celegrata, Petera Burke, czy Alberta Mullera.

https://24kurier.pl/akcje-kuriera/kurier-historyczny-ipn/wiadukt-knebel-i-biszkoptowy-labrador-czyli-nie-codzienna-praca-funkcjonariuszy-biura-b-msw-w-prl/

Whether political leaders playing the nationalist card to enhance their legitimacy provoke the activity of terrorist groups is an important yet underexplored question. I argue that there is a positive association between nationalist leaders and certain types of terrorist groups, depending on the ideology of the group. My analysis focuses on four specific group ideologies: ethnonationalist, leftwing, right-wing, and religious fundamentalist. Specifically, I conceptualize that: 1) nationalist leaders amplify the activity of ethnonationalist terrorist groups that advocate for the interests of ethnic others, 2) nationalist politics diminish the activity of left-wing groups primarily focused on addressing economic inequality, 3) nationalist leaders empower right-wing groups that target perceived outgroup members, and 4) nationalist politics increase the activity of religious fundamentalist groups that resist persecution based on their beliefs. The empirical findings indicate some deviations from these expectations. Nationalistic leadership is a significant driver of activity among ethnonationalist and religious fundamentalist terrorist groups, reduces the engagement of leftwing groups, and has minimal impact on right-wing groups. Overall, this analysis suggests that nationalist leaders present a security risk, as their actions likely incite, rather than mitigate, the activities of specific terrorist groups.

En septiembre de 2020, en plena pandemia COVID-19, se estrenaba en el Festival Internacional de San Sebastián, con notable éxito, el largometraje Ane. Un lm rodado en lengua vasca que, según los críticos, venía a con rmar el excelente momento que vivía el cine vasco y que efectivamente consiguió llevarse el premio Irizar, el cual distingue a la mejor película vasca estrenada en dicho festival. La cinta, avalada también en los premios Goya con tres galardones, y no menores-mejor actriz principal, mejor actriz revelación y mejor guion adaptado-, ponía el foco en su joven director, David Pérez Sañudo, quien, curtido en el terreno del cortometraje, conseguía con Ane su primera película larga. De marcado carácter autoral, cine lento y minimalista propio de una tradición de cine vasco que viene asentándose desde hace más de una década, con aclamadas películas como Loreak (Goenaga y Garaño, 2014) y Oreina (Koldo Almandoz, 2018), Ane me interesa en esta ocasión por su visión radicalmente novedosa a la hora de tratar un tema que no es ajeno al cine vasco: la maternidad y su representación. De hecho, puede decirse que la gura de la madre ha sido una de las grandes presencias en el cine vasco desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX: un tema recurrente, un leitmotiv de ascendencia mítica e incluso un recipiente de miedos y fobias masculinas. Sin embargo, en contadísimas ocasiones se ha tratado el tema de la maternidad desde el punto de vista de la madre, un ser humano completo, no exento de contradicciones, arrepentimientos, culpas y muchos otros vectores de identidad que la atraviesan. Ane viene a romper con esta tendencia, construyendo un personaje materno central, que no se de ne solo en relación a su maternidad. Aunque la película que aquí me ocupa se titula Ane, en realidad es la madre de Ane, Lide, la absoluta protagonista del lm, presente en casi todos los planos de este: una mujer cercana a la madurez, divorciada, con un trabajo precario y duro, que fue madre demasiado joven y cuya hija, Ane, de diecisiete años, se está alejando tanto de ella que un buen día Lide llega a casa y no se la encuentra ahí. Ane ha desaparecido. Y es esta ausencia, este vacío, primero tomado con resignación, con creciente angustia después, el que pone en marcha el lm.

Аннотация. Терроризм возникает и развивается при конкретных ис
торических условиях в отдельных странах и регионах в разные периоды. Данная статья прослеживает главные контуры терроризма в Соединенных Штатах Америки между 1865–1914 гг. В статье показано как американский терроризм сильно отличался от терроризма в Российской империи и европейских странах в данный период. Многие работы автора данной статьи подчеркивают самобытность российского терроризма в истории европейского и мирового терроризма. Можно тоже говорить об американской самобытности в терроризме. Как и российский терроризм, американский терроризм имел переполненное игровое поле участников, но состав участников и разновидности терроризма отличались от российского и европейского терроризма. Терроризм по социальным, расовым и этническим признакам преобладал в США. Три президента были убиты по разным причинам. Особенное место имели терроризм и насилие анархистов, тредюнионов, редпринимателей и других противников тредюнионизма. Самым
большим аспектом американской самобытности было широкое ис
пользование линчевания и других вариантов внесудебной расправой
[самосуда], особенно на южных и западных штатах. Члены расист
ских организаций, вроде Ку Клукс Клана, комитетов бдительности, и
групп мстителей-виджилантов, убили тысячи людей. Американские
исследователи всегда группируют линчевание и другие разновидности  самосуда под рубрикой терроризма. Широкое использование самосуда отражало слабость федерального правительства в правоприменении и недоверии многих американцев к централизованному государству. Линчевание и другие методы расправы считались выражением народной воли в установлении справедливости ив обеспечении соблюдении
штатных и местных норм поведения. Данная тема имеет актуаль
ность из-за продолжающегося недоверия многих американцев к федеральному правительству и вспышек правого терроризма.

This study investigates psychological warfare as a strategic tool in colonial occupations, with a focus on its mechanisms, objectives, and societal impacts. The purpose is to analyze how occupying powers employ psychological tactics to weaken resistance, control populations, and maintain dominance. Adopting a qualitative analytical methodology, the research examines historical cases, theoretical literature, and documented practices in Palestine and other occupied territories. Key findings show that psychological warfare operates through intimidation, propaganda, misinformation, and social fragmentation, eroding collective morale and fostering dependency. These tactics often complement military and political control, producing long-term socio-political subjugation. The study concludes that understanding these psychological dimensions is crucial for developing effective counter-strategies. Its added value lies in offering policymakers and resistance movements insights to strengthen societal resilience and mitigate the impacts of occupation-driven psychological operations.

Casi siempre estudiamos a ETA como grupo, como entidad colectiva que comete atentados, elabora comunicados, amenaza las vidas y pone en peligro la convivencia pacífica, pero nos suele faltar información de los individuos que hacen posible la persistencia de esa organización" (F. Domínguez, 2002, p. 11) Tras la denominada trilogía del cine vasco, Imanol Uribe volvió a retomar el tema de ETA en la gran pantalla, inspirándose en una novela de Juan Madrid (1993), que nada tenía que ver con el terrorismo. Uribe compuso una película que vino acompañada por un éxito de crítica y de público inusitado a tenor de la temática tratada: el sórdido universo de ETA. Uribe aterrizaría, en sus inicios, en la cinematografía española como un extraterrestre. Poco o nada conocía sobre el universo de ETA y la izquierda abertzale, pero en 1977 vería la luz su primer trabajo, el documental El proceso de Burgos. El filme fue estrenado con mucha polémica en el Festival de San Sebastián donde sería, a pesar de las resistencias, proyectado. En él recogía el testimonio de la mayor parte de los procesados en Burgos, dando pie a un trabajo coral y crítico contra el franquismo pero cercano a la ideología abertzale (J. Angulo, C. F. Heredero y J. L. Rebordinos, 1994). En su segundo largometraje, La fuga de Segovia (1981), esta vez, de ficción, volvería a ocuparse de los presos de ETA, en un hecho también histórico, que coincidía en un contexto nuevo, el proceso de negociación que daría pie, finalmente, al abandono por parte de ETA político-militar de la violencia terrorista. Parte de sus integrantes conformaría Euskadiko Ezkerra que acabaría integrándose en el Partido Socialista de Euskadi. Y finalmente, en 1983, Uribe daría un paso más y rodaría La muerte de Mikel (1983), muy crítica con la izquierda abertzale. A partir de ahí, la cinematografía de Uribe iría por otros derroteros, confirmándole como un excelente cineasta 1 , con mayor o menor éxito, hasta 1994, cuando decidiría rodar Días contados, retomando, de nuevo, la cuestión de ETA, viéndola desde un prisma muy diferente, reflejando el fin de su sacralización. El tratamiento de ETA en el cine ha sido extenso, y polémico, a lo largo de los años. Abundan los filmes que han retratado la violencia terrorista o temáticamente han venido vinculados 1 De su arranque en el cine documental nos encontraríamos con que iría tocando otras más diversas temáticas y distintos géneros como Adiós pequeña (1986),

Данная статья прослеживает как Российская революция 1905-1907 гг. стала первой гражданской войны в Европе в ХХ веке. Многие революции включают элементы гражданской войны между разными слоями населения. В Революции 1905-1907 гг. элементы гражданской войны сильно отличались от прежних европейских революций, потому что эта революция являлась первой европейской революцией с участием политических партий и террористическом компонентом. Размах раздробления социума и масштабность насилия в 1905-1907 гг. можно сравнивать со Французской революцией 1789-1804 гг. и с революциями в Австрийской империи в 1848-1849 гг.
This article examines how the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907 became the first civil war in 20th century Europe. Many revolutions contain elements of civil war. In the Revolution of 1905-1907, the elements of civil war strongly differed from previous European revolutions because this revolution was the first European revolution with the participation of political parties and a terrorist component. The massiveness of the fragmentation of society and violence can be compared with the French Revolution of 1789-1804 and the revolutions of 1848-1849 in the Austrian
Empire.

Терроризм в России между 1866–1911 гг. явился предтечей мас
сового терроризма в современном мире. Многие историки полагают, что терроризм в России явился неудачным средством политической борьбы, так как террористам не удалось достичь своей главной цели — свергнуть самодержавие. Советские историки утверждали, что терроризм был основан на ложных понятиях о революционной
борьбе и что террористы заменяли борьбу народных масс интеллигентским единоборством с самодержавием. Такие интерпретации не соответствуют историческим реалиям и нуждаются в определенной корректировке. Несмотря на многие неудачи, левые террористы все же добились некоторых тактических и идеологических целей.
Ключевую роль в этом процессе играла организация «Народная воля». Масштабность и продолжительность российского терроризма сильно отличали его от терроризма в европейских странах. Террористам удалось вынудить правительство пойти по пути репрессий, тем самым задержать превращение России в либеральное и конституционное государство европейского типа

This paper examined the Boko Haram violence in northern Nigeria using the analytical lens of state failure through state-level analysis. It also stressed that the socioeconomic and political grievances in the NorthEastern region of Nigeria do not only contribute to the operational success of Boko Haram but also to the continuing inability of the Nigerian state to deal with the challenge to ensure national prosperity effectively. Having established that the current "sectarian" conflict in Nigeria is a factor of Nigeria state failure the government therefore needs to actively respond to the plight of its people. Increasing rates of poverty and unemployment should be seriously addressed and more attention needs to be accorded to security issues in the country. The government also needs to ensure adequate protection of domestic cultures and economies in the age of neo-liberal globalisation.

W latach 50-tych peerelowskie służby specjalne poniosły wiele dotkliwych strat związanych z ucieczką na Zachód kilku wysokich rangą oficerów wywiadu. 23 czerwca 1959 r., pod pretekstem wyjazdu urlopowego do Bułgarii i Jugosławii, zbiegł pułkownik Paweł Monat, szef Wydziału Attachatów Wojskowych w Zarządzie II Sztabu Generalnego.
Jego dezercja stała się prawdziwym ciosem dla wywiadu PRL. Jako jeden z najważniejszych oficerów w wywiadzie wojskowym był w posiadaniu wielu tajemnic państwowych oraz wywiadowczych. Po jego ucieczce wojskowe służby zostały zmuszone do zmiany sposobów łączności z rezydenturami oraz siatkami wywiadowczymi na terenie Europy Zachodniej.

A major issue of the colonial and post-colonial state in Nigeria has been the contention over the institution of mechanisms with which to mitigate ethnic conflicts. There has been the federal character or quota and the creation of states. In this regard quota was established to ensure ethnic balance in the federation while state creation exercise was later embarked upon in order to break the historical collusion between ethnic groups and politics while. However, the process of state creation has been jettisoned albeit temporarily given its inimical effects. Yet the federal character remains in active operation even though it is almost as problematic as state creation. This paper argues that the issue of state creation in Nigeria is about justice and so is beyond the often bandied argument that further creation of states is inimical to the practice of federalism in Nigeria.

In recent years, a growing body of empirical research suggests that indiscriminate violence against civilian targets tends to carry substantial political risks compared to more selective violence against military targets. To better understand why terrorist groups sometimes attack politically suboptimal targets, scholars are increasingly adopting a principal-agent framework where the leaders of terrorist groups are understood as principals and lower level members as agents. According to this framework, terrorist leaders are thought to behave as essentially rational political actors, whereas lower level members are believed to harbor stronger non-political incentives for harming civilians, often in defiance of leadership preferences. We test this proposition with an original content analysis of terrorist propaganda videos. Consistent with the principal-agent framework, our analysis demonstrates statistically that terrorist leaders tend to favor significantly less indiscriminate violence than their operatives actually commit, providing unprecedented insight into the incentive structure of terrorist leaders relative to the rank-and-file.

In recent years, a growing body of empirical research suggests that indiscriminate violence against civilian targets tends to carry substantial political risks compared to more selective violence against military targets. To better understand why terrorist groups sometimes attack politically suboptimal targets, scholars are increasingly adopting a principal-agent framework where the leaders of terrorist groups are understood as principals and lower level members as agents. According to this framework, terrorist leaders are thought to behave as essentially rational political actors, whereas lower level members are believed to harbor stronger non-political incentives for harming civilians, often in defiance of leadership preferences. We test this proposition with an original content analysis of terrorist propaganda videos. Consistent with the principal-agent framework, our analysis demonstrates statistically that terrorist leaders tend to favor significantly less indiscriminate violence than their operatives actually commit, providing unprecedented insight into the incentive structure of terrorist leaders relative to the rank-and-file.

Indice: Marcella Aglietti, Tra libertà e ordine. La crisi costituzionale in Spagna al crepuscolo della Restauración (1917-1919) •  Giacomo Demarchi, Dalla crisi della Restauración alla crisi del costituzionalismo: il settennato primoriverista come “razionalizzazione” dell’autoritarismo •  Rubén Pérez Trujillan, Burocracia, Iglesia y Constitución: ¿crisis de la Segunda República •  Antonio Rivera Blanco, La crisis institucional vasca (1995-2005) •  Leonida Tedoldi, La crisi catalana, la Costituzione spagnola e il Tribunal Constitucional (1998-2010)

This thesis aims to show how political necessities in the Middle East have instigated a
shift in contemporary Twelver Shia discourse. The study relies mainly on evidence from the
region, focusing on the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a participant observer, I approach the
phenomenon with a nuanced understanding of its emergence within a complex social system. I
use discourse analysis to examine different aspects of the recent rise of a sectarian and divisive
version of Shia doctrine that is gradually becoming the dominant discourse among the
mainstream Shia in the Middle East and diaspora. 
While scholars and analysts have aptly underscored political factors over religious causes
in current sectarian conflicts, there remains an unexplored dimension: the influence of the
political power struggle on shaping religious sectarian identity in unprecedented ways.
According to Hashemi and Postel (2017), Sectarianization is a purposeful tactic utilized by
political actors such as authoritarian regimes in specific settings to promote their agendas by
leveraging public emotions associated with particular religious identities. Adversaries also
employ sectarianization to undermine each other's political power.
This descriptive study illustrates how taking advantage of the provoked emotions of Shia
believers through religious rituals for political purposes has caused a transformation in the
religious discourse within mainstream Shia communities with the potential to breed hatred and
violence. Apart from geopolitical concerns, several other factors have contributed to the rise of
immoderate Shiism. The advancement of technology and the widespread use of social media, for
example, have played significant roles in propagating this narrative.
Despite this gradual transformation unfolding over a decade, its noticeable indicators are
not apparent to outsiders or those who do not regularly interact with the general religious
population, mainly because the changes have predominantly influenced religious beliefs,
convictions, and rituals. However, promoting Shia extremism may exacerbate sectarian conflicts,
as we have witnessed in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and recently, Iran. In the Middle East, people are
already grappling with challenging political, socioeconomic, and environmental issues. The
impending consequences of sectarian conflicts threaten to aggravate the situation for all.
Investigating this issue can offer researchers and policymakers a more comprehensive view of
present and potential future tensions in that region, enhancing their ability to address the
underlying complexities.

The world has become a global village. Drastic advances in technology and communication have intensified the ever increasing pace of globalization. This study is an attempt to examine globalization from an evolutional point of view. Furthermore, it evaluates whether or not terrorism is part of globalization. The interrelation between terrorism and globalization is subject to controversies. On one hand, some views assert that terrorism is spreading not because of globalization but because some people are excluded from globalization. On the other hand, certain views claim that globalization may be one of the main causes of the spread of terrorism because it assists terrorist groups to distribute their literature and enforce their views on like-minded people in other parts of the globe. In light of this background, the first section of this work defines the notion of globalization, the second section discusses the characteristic of globalization, the third section explores the history of globalization, the fourth section evaluates the existing controversies and fifth section presents the globalization Islamic view. The sixth section investigates whether or not terrorism is part of globalization, and the seventh section presents the conclusion.

A leııgthy dispute which for almost fifty years opposed the Ottomaıı Empire to the United States is a patent instance of the failure of Ottoman diplomacy to assert its legitimate rights in the face of a cynical manifestation of Great Power Realpolitik. Though the dispute was largely of an "academic" nature, it acquires a different stature when placed in the context of the post-Tanzimat Ottoman statesmen's aspirations to free the Empire from the shackles of the Capitulations. The dispute had its origin in the working of Article 4 of the Turco-American Treaty signed in the Ottoman capital on May 7, 1830. Article 4 of the treaty, conceming penal matters related to American subjects residing and working in the Empire, was poorly drafted in its Turkish original and it could be construed that mixed cases were also to be heard by American consuls to the exclusion of Turkish courts, that is, it was giving American subjects the right of exterritoriality in ali but name. Ottoman-American Diplomatic Relations; Capitulations; Foreigners in the Ottoman Empire.

Największe kłamstwo to nie wymysł. To prawda, która nie została powiedziana w całości". -słowa Churchilla, które dość trafnie opisują stan postsowieckiej historiografii. Minęło ponad trzydzieści lat od upadku ZSRR. Przez cały ten czas w przestrzeni akademickiej, dyplomatycznej i publicznej Ukrainy i Polski panuje milczenie. Milczeniejako forma niewidzialnej cenzury. Bo są tematy, których lepiej nie dostrzegać, są fakty, które wygodniej jest uważać za "nieciekawe", i są postaci, o których zbrodniach "nie ma potwierdzenia", bo potwierdzenia… nie szuka się. Poniżejtrzy plamy lakmusowe. Trzy pytania do tych, którzy nazywają siebie historykami, ale nie widzą tego, co jaśnieje przez archiwa jaśniej niż odłamkowy błysk.

This article presents a comparative historical analysis of the medieval Nizari Ismaili Assassins and contemporary religious terrorist organisations. Drawing on terrorism studies theory and historical accounts, the paper explores structural and strategic parallels in ideology, tactics, and objectives between the Assassins—an 11th–13th-century sect renowned for targeted political killings—and modern religiously motivated terrorists. The introduction frames political violence as a recurring phenomenon and posits the value of examining historical cases like the Assassins to enhance understanding of modern terrorism. A review of the literature on Religious Terrorism establishes definitions and provides a theoretical context, particularly regarding Islamic terrorism. The article then provides a detailed historical overview of the Assassins, including their origins, methods of operation, and mythologisation in historical narratives. Against this backdrop, twelve key similarities between the Assassins and contemporary religious terrorists are analysed, including asymmetrical warfare strategy, clandestine organisation, recruitment and indoctrination, the use of martyrdom, and the communicative function of violence. Important differences—especially the Assassins’ relative avoidance of civilian targets—are also highlighted. The conclusion discusses how these comparisons reveal enduring patterns and a degree of strategic rationality in terrorist violence, underscoring the significance of historical analogies for developing a nuanced understanding of religious terrorism and informing future research in the field.

This article draws on ethnography and life history interviews conducted in a central Karachi neighbourhood with militants affiliated to Pakistan's student organization, the Islami Jamiat‐i‐Tuleba. It explores a complex configuration of national and city politics, local processes, family dynamics and individual biography in the trajectories of male youth to some violent jihadist scenes in Pakistan and Afghanistan (c.1986–2006), and raises questions concerning the way violence is collective (political, societal, local) as well as private, idiosyncratic and imagined. Violence in this context is not solely driven by deprivation, exclusion, Karachi's arms trade (burgeoning since the mid‐1980s) or notions of Islamist ideology. Rather it derives from resourceful ways people use social networks to subvert their everyday difficulties in local communities, and relate to themselves and others in a field of social, psychological and political domains. The article also prioritizes affect...

The article attempts to explore the securitization of militancy of General Pervez Musharraf government (1999-2008) after the US War on Terror in Pakistan. This article addresses the fundamental question whether Musharraf government succeeded to securitize militancy and whether the audience (public) accepted militancy as a threat or not? We argue that the audience did not accept the threat as such and the issue was counter-securitized. We analyse the speeches of different leaders of the political and religious parties where they through speech acts countersecuritized the issue of militancy. The study contributes to the theoretical discussion on securitisation and counter-securitization using the model in Pakistan. The study contributes to the empirical literature by analysing militancy in Pakistan after 9/11 in the light of securitization framework.

Abstract:

From January 1981, the incoming Reagan Administration took a hard-line neo-conservative Cold-War stance as regards the emergent civil-war in El Salvador. This resulted in massive US foreign-aid and military-assistance to the right-wing junta under the guise of combatting Soviet-sponsored terrorism. However the brutality of Salvadoran para-militaries groups and massacres perpetrated by ‘death-squads’ trained, funded and equipped by the US resulted in the Reagan Administration’s funding and ethics being vociferously challenged both in the US and internationally. Drawing on recent extensive email correspondence with a small group of photo-journalists who reported from El Salvador between 1981 and 1984, this presentation will examine the public-relations battle that ensued between the competing perspectives being presented by the Reagan administration in Washington with the photo-journalism reporting that was emanating independently from El Salvador. This photo-journalism will be seen to support the perspective that the position being presented to US public and Congress by the administration was an ideological-construct that was both inaccurate and politically-motivated. This paper will place this battle for public-opinion within the wider context of US counter-terrorism policy under Reagan which will demonstrate the Reagan administration in the Salvadoran context ‘weaponised’ counter-terrorism to ultimately fight terror-with-terror through supporting a regime that committed state-sponsored terrorism.

As a result of the national rebellions, which were the most important effects of the French Revolution, the existence of monarchies that had continued their existence with the power they received from God until that day, came under threat in the 19th century. In this context, some monarchs in the said century resorted to political symbolism tools that would further strengthen their existence in the eyes of society. In this study, the traces of this attitude, which was also seen in monarchies such as England and Russia, will be examined within the framework of the sovereignty area of Abdulhamid II, one of the last sultans of the Ottoman Empire, covering three continents. The source of the study is the archive information of the Malumat newspaper, one of the leading publications of the period, which was examined in a way that covers the years 1898-1901. In these archive sources, data on the political visibility of Abdülhamit II, supported by concepts such as the caliphate, especially the Pan-Islamist policy, were compiled and in this context, various traces of the political symbolism constructed by Abdülhamit II in the Ottoman geography were encountered in 40 different newspaper issues of Malumat. In this context, these information obtained will be discussed under three main headings: symbolism within the context of discourse language, symbolism within the context of visual tools such as flags and coats of arms, and symbolism coming to life within the framework of official ceremonies.

Why do some rebel groups use terrorism as a tactic while others do not? Why some opposition groups engage in terrorism while others do not is of obvious importance both to the study of terrorism more generally, and to policy makers. But most existing studies of terrorism are not well-equipped to answer this question as they lack an appropriate comparison category. This project examines terrorism in the context of civil war to remedy this problem. I argue that terrorism is more likely to be used when it is expected to be most effective, namely against democratic governments, and when the otherwise prohibitive legitimacy costs of using terrorism are expected to be lowest. I argue that legitimacy costs vary with government regime type, rebel aims and rebel funding sources. This paper derives hypotheses from the theory, as well as from prominent alternative arguments, including the notion that terrorism is a weapon of the weak, and that it is caused by competition among groups (outbiddi...

La década de los setenta fue uno de los periodos más violentos en la historia reciente de Europa occidental. Los principales focos fueron la convulsa España del tardofranquismo y la Transición, los Troubles de Reino Unido y los Anni di piombo de Italia, países en los que se registraron cientos de atentados terroristas, víctimas mortales y heridos. Para afrontar la creciente amenaza terrorista, las instituciones tomaron medidas como la promulgación de sucesivas leyes y decretos antiterroristas. Este artículo analiza la evolución de este tipo de normas en España, en comparación con la que se experimentó en Reino Unido, así como su aplicación en momentos significativos como el Proceso de Burgos o los consejos de guerra que desembocaron en las cinco ejecuciones de septiembre de 1975.

Dos décadas después de los atentados del 11M es necesario reflexionar sobre el ejercicio periodístico realizado y determinar si la sociedad española vivía uno de los primeros momentos de desinformación o si las acciones editoriales correspondían a un periodismo deficiente. Esta investigación parte de un estudio descriptivo que nos ayuda a contextualizar el objeto de estudio, para, en una segunda fase, que descansa sobre la técnica de la entrevista en profundidad, someter a juicio de cuatro expertos en desinformación y comunicación política la labor de los medios de comunicación y la estrategia de comunicación gubernamental. Tras la investigación, queda demostrado que los medios incurrieron en periodismo deficiente, si bien se aprecian en algunos medios afines al gobierno prácticas desinformativas. Los expertos coinciden en que el gobierno ejecutó una estrategia desinformativa, tratando de engañar a la opinión pública. Todo ello contribuyó a fragmentar el discurso público y afectó las elecciones generales.

This paper is dedicated to the Memorial to the Deserter in Hamburg as a site of remembrance and a political statement in public space. It focuses on the question of the visibility of commemoration for Wehrmacht deserters and other victims of Nazi military injustice. The memorial is analysed in its historical, political, and aesthetic context, situated between the militaristic 76er Monument and Alfred Hrdlicka's antifascist counter-monument. The paper shows how the Memorial to the Deserter functions not only as a counter-monument but also as a symbol of empowerment for many activists. Through its design, it opens new perspectives on desertion as a form of resistance and simultaneously addresses current issues surrounding the right to asylum for conscientious objectors. As such, the memorial exemplifies a pluralistic and self-critical culture of remembrance in Germany.

A true story, tragic and involving, which sees he saving power of two young mothers killed in Sant’Anna di Stazzema, and their sister, survived through a singular game of fate, trying to contrast the deadly violence of the executioners, a vile bunch of supposed supermen, nazis and fascists together. A rediscovered episode of "Women’s Resistance". This book, a kind of family photo album enriched by a series of documentary testimonies, collected with passionate intensity, tells a private story that, due to the unpredictability of human events, has crossed with the great history of the twentieth century. By recalling the drama lived by the protagonists of the narrative, the story told by Marco Piccolino strives to preserve the memory of the pain of the victims. At the same time, it endeavour to  to prevent the  oblivion of the infamy of those who, on 1944, mercilessly killed women and children.

IDSS COMMENTARIES (10/2002) IDSS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of IDSS.

Coming on the heels of the October 2002 Bali and August 2003 Jakarta Marriott bombings, the recent Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) attack on the Australian embassy in Jakarta demonstrates very clearly that the terror network, despite its numbers having been decimated by counter-terror action by regional governments, retains the capacity to mount significant terrorist atrocities. What is extremely significant is that while the embassy attack bore the imprint of senior JI bomb-maker Azahari Husin, he evidently had the assistance and support of new recruits. This suggests that the JI organization is regenerating itself. Ultimately, counter-terrorism success depends on the ability of regional governments to prevent terrorist organizations from regenerating. This paper seeks to unearth the dynamics driving the JI regeneration process. It attempts to interrogate the complex processes by which ordinary young Muslim men are transformed into indoctrinated JI militants. It shows that the intersection of four broad factors are especially important in the creation of new cohorts of indoctrinated JI: the radical Islamist ideology of Qaedaism; the historical, political and socio-cultural backdrop of Southeast Asia and especially Indonesia; the individual make-up of JI terrorists; and the "ingroup space" within which individual terrorists are enmeshed. In doing so this paper sheds much-needed light on the burning question of why Western-educated, seemingly modern individuals like Azahari Husin can be transformed into extreme fundamentalist fanatics capable of committing mass murder in the name of religion.

La aparición de experiencias de violencia política por diversos grupos políticos durante la dictadura franquista y la Transición no constituye un fenómeno aislado, ni en el contexto europeo, ni en el internacional. Las influencias del convulso contexto de la segunda mitad de siglo XX, abrió debates sobre el uso de la violencia política, basado en diversas experiencias, producto de los conflictos que se van a producir en la competencia de las potencias vencedoras de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. La Descolonización y las guerras coloniales el fenómeno guerrillero en America Latina, así como las experiencias de la nueva izquierda radical que se va a desarrollar desde diferentes culturas políticas son algunos de los elementos centrales van a influir en los grupos de oposición al franquismo. Diversas culturas políticas radicales van a poner en marcha grupos armados en Europa. Desde los "pequeños nacionalismos Europeos", hasta las guerrillas urbanas izquierdistas, sumado al activismo violento de las nuevas generaciones de extrema derecha que van a suponer la otra cara de la moneda del sesentayochismo, el fenómeno de la violencia política va a suponer uno de los fundamentales desafíos durante el último tercio del s. XX.

While digital religion and digital protest can ideally serve the common good, religious nationalist and fundamentalist movements have exploited these tools to disrupt the social fabric and create dangerous political outcomes. This paper examines how religious communicators within Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) and Alternative for Germany (AfD) perceive and enact their responsibility within digital spaces, leveraging the power of “networked communities” and the collective identity of the digital “crowd” to advance their agendas of religious fundamentalism and political conservatism. Bypassing traditional media, groups like the AfD and TLP exploit digital religion to build communities, spread propaganda that merges religion with national identity, frame political issues as religious mandates, and mobilize collective action. Campbell’s concept of the “networked community” demonstrates how digital technologies form decentralized, fluid, and global religious communities, distinct from traditional, geographically bound ones. Both the TLP and AfD have tapped into this new digital religious space, shaping and mobilizing political and religious identities across virtual borders. Gerbaudo’s idea of the “digital crowd” complements this by examining how collective action in the digital age reshapes mass mobilization, with social media transforming how political movements operate in the 21st century. Although the AfD’s platform is not overtly religious, the party strategically invokes ethno-Christian identity, framing opposition to Islam and Muslim immigration as a defense of German cultural and Christian values. Similarly, the TLP promotes religious nationalism by advocating for Pakistan’s Islamic identity against secularism and liberalism and calling for strict enforcement of blasphemy laws. Recognizing digital spaces as tools co-opted by religious nationalist movements, this paper explores how communicators in these movements understand their responsibility for the social and long term consequences of their messages. Using Luhmann’s systems theory—where communication is central to social systems—this paper analyzes how the TLP and AfD leverage individuals’ need for purpose and belonging to mobilize them digitally. By crafting emotionally charged experiences, these movements extend their influence beyond virtual spaces and into the broader public sphere. Finally, this paper will reflect on the theological implications of these dynamics both on and offline. How do religious communicators in digital spaces reconcile their theological frameworks with the social impact of their communication? Can digital religious communities be harnessed to foster social cohesion and inclusivity instead of exacerbating social divisions? Through this lens, the paper seeks to deepen our understanding of the intersection between digital religion, political mobilization, and theological responsibility in the digital age.

Taking Steps To Address The National Emergency With Respect To Assassination Conspiracies That Threaten Earth.

A Head of State Document by the Executive Office of the Head of State of Earth on 12/05/2025.

This Executive Order is enacted and promulgated to foil assassination conspiracies, particularly by the Black Hand organisation, throughout Earth's territory.

Afera Bergu, znana również jako sprawa Bergu, należy do tych wydarzeń w dziejach polskiej emigracji politycznej, które budzą największe kontrowersje i niejasności. Była ona nie tylko głośna, ale przyczyniła się również do pogłębienia podziałów w środowisku polskiej emigracji i naczelnych władz RP na uchodźstwie. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi syntetyczne omówienie operacji Departamentu III MBP o kryptonimie „Ośrodek”, która doprowadziła do afery Bergu, a także poprzedzających ją działań bezpieki m.in. w ramach spraw o kryptonimach „Wawel”, „S-02” i „S-04”. Ze względu na złożoność tych prowadzonych w latach 1946–1954 rozpracowań skoncentrowano się przy tym na uporządkowaniu głównych wątków i przedstawieniu ich przez pryzmat historii uczestniczących w nich osób.

En los últimos años, la transición a la democracia en España ha vivido una contestación en cuanto a ciertos elementos que la caracterizaron. Uno de esos elementos, el referido a su carácter pacífico y no violento, es el que ha sido más contestado últimamente. Este trabajo viene a sumarse a esta tendencia para mostrar una realidad más que conocida. Para la elaboración de esta investigación, se ha acudido a la revisión bibliográfica de las últimas novedades editoriales y científicas que ahondan en esta idea acerca del peso y la importancia de la violencia y el terrorismo para entender el fenómeno de la Transición en España. De igual forma, también se acude al recurso a diferentes fuentes. Todo ello con tres objetivos principales: elaborar un acercamiento al fenómeno del terrorismo y la violencia política en el País Vasco y Navarra durante la transición a la demo-ABSTRACT In recent years, the transition to democracy in Spain has experienced a contestation of certain elements that characterised it. One of these elements, referring to its peaceful and non-violent nature, is the one that has been most contested in recent times. This work adds to this trend in order to show a reality that is more than well known. In order to carry out this research, a bibliographical review of the latest editorial and scientific publications has been carried out to examine the weight and importance of violence and terrorism in order to understand the phenomenon of the Transition in Spain. In the same way, it also resorts to the use of different sources. All of this with three main objectives: to elaborate an approach to the phenomenon of terrorism and political violence in the Basque Country and Navarre during the transition to democracy in

u 5 ¿Quién ha sido? Perpetradores, política y poesía después del 11-M Mi proyecto actual de investigación se centra en las representaciones de la violencia, la solidaridad y la memoria en la poesía española reciente, y en su intersección con la otredad étnica, sexual, de género, lingüística y religiosa, así como la globalización, la tecnología de la comunicación y los nacionalismos. En concreto, analizo la respuesta a los atentados terroristas de los trenes de cercanías de la clase trabajadora que tuvieron lugar el 11 de marzo de 2004 (conocidos en España como el 11-M). Este acontecimiento, que ocurrió días antes de las elecciones generales, puso de relieve las fuerzas culturales que subyacen en las nociones de identidad nacional, la transformación económica, el papel de los medios de comunicación y el contrato social en la España actual. Esta tensión se pudo comprobar en las grandes manifestaciones contra el neoliberalismo, la alianza de España con Estados Unidos en la "guerra contra el terrorismo" y el terrorismo vasco en los primeros días después de los atentados. Tras estas protestas populares hubo investigaciones policiales, batallas legales, y la creación de archivos y memoriales culturales. Mi estudio gira en torno a los textos poéticos dejados en los altares espontáneos erigidos en los lugares donde tuvieron lugar los atentados, publicados en libros, periódicos y antologías, incorporados a los monumentos, depositados en el Archivo del Duelo y/o publicados en blogs y otros foros electrónicos. Hay, literalmente, miles de estos textos poéticos, incluyendo poemas originales y libros escritos por reconocidos poetas de la Península y Latinoamérica, entre otros lugares; una novela escrita por un poeta estadounidense (Leaving the Atocha Station, de Ben Lerner), poemas de los dolientes, poesía de ocasión, canciones y oraciones, y textos de niños. Estos textos sirven como una especie de prisma que resalta narrativas contrapuestas acerca de identidades, géneros, naciones, tecnología y modernidades que se remontan a la Guerra Civil y que

The paper explores the historical evolution of terrorism, emphasizing the transition from state-sponsored actions to the rise of non-state actors utilizing guerrilla tactics, particularly from the 1950s to the late 20th century. It examines the motivations behind various terrorist movements, linking them to geopolitical and socio-religious contexts, and discusses contemporary implications seen in events like the Charlie Hebdo attacks in France.

In public discourse, the two typically different concepts "religion" and "violence" are frequently used nowadays in the same context through the agency of mass media. As a result of this process, religion and violence seem so indisputably intertwined that even questioning this combination can be considered meaningless. The conceptual or perceptive connections between religion, violence and mass media as main guiding elements of human perception are illustrated and accordingly discussed in this paper. The perception is managed in such a manner that even intrinsically and ontologically a peace generating institution like religion can smoothly be put and mentioned together with its antonyms such as violence through the medium of mass media. In fact, these two concepts should form the two opposite ends of a dichotomy. However, in this case, the binary opposition concerned is transformed cunningly into the singularity, in which religion is directly equated with violence and terror and vice versa, in which violence and terror can be mentioned in the same breath as religion. The decisive role of mass media in this transformation process is also critically discussed by taking thought control into account. In this respect, probable functions of the use of hard and soft power are brought to the fore in order to exert thought and action control whilst manufacturing necessary consent or dissent.

Introduction: Historical Background The Spanish mission to spread Christianity was largely successful throughout the Philippines, except in the central Islamic lands of Mindanao and the southern islands. These areas remained outside Spanish control. After the United States conquered the Philippines in 1898, it sought to bring the Muslim regions under its authority. The United States had to endure the bitter defeat of its 1902-1912 war in the Pacific before conquering the Islamic regions. The United States continued its remaining colonial government until the independence of the Philippines in 1946 and encouraged the transfer of Christianity to Mindanao. Generally, in these years, the population of Mindanao was 85 percent Muslim and 15 percent Christian. Now, this ratio has been reversed. Currently, Mindanao has about 85 percent Christians and 15 percent Muslims. The despotic government of President Ferdinand Marcos in 1969-1986 sought to crush the opposing Muslims but fell in 1986 due to a popular uprising supported by the Catholic Church, known as "People Power." Corazon Aquino, the widow of the assassinated opposition leader Benigno Aquino, became president through a public gathering and governed the country with good intentions in the period 1986-1992. Her lack of decisiveness and inexperience led to various unsuccessful coup attempts by political-military adventurers who attempted coups several times. The December 1989 coup was almost successful until US planes showed their power over the skies of Manila. President Aquino had promised to serve only a limited term before stepping down from power so that the natural political process could resume. She kept her promise. Looking back, we see that she played a historic transitional role, especially in paving the way for her successor, former General Fidel Ramos. President Ramos enthusiastically pursued a reform agenda, including tax reforms, but his popularity declined in favor of his vice president, Joseph Estrada, a former fearless movie star. Estrada was elected president in 1998 but had little success in governing the country. He carried out aggressive but unsuccessful military campaigns against opposing Muslims. However, evidence of his personal financial corruption led to his arrest in 2001. He was succeeded by Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, his vice president. In 2002, facing seemingly difficult problems, including the growth of religious extremism, she announced that she was not a candidate for the planned 2004 elections. However, she later changed her mind and was reelected. 1