Greek-Persian relations

PALLAS, 67, 2005, pp. 139-152. Le Plutarque d'Athénée: masque, modèle et tradition Aurélien BERRA (Université de Paris XII) Dans l'étude de la fortune qu'ont connue les Moralia dès l'Antiquité, il semble de la meilleure méthode de consulter Athénée, témoin habituel, car ...

Antiquité classique dans le contexte de la « cancel culture » étasunienne dans un petit ouvrage, plaisant et agréable à lire, présenté aux éditions de l'Académie royale de Belgique. La démarche de MMD diffère sensiblement de celle de Pierre Vesperini qui abordait, dans un ouvrage récent, le sujet Lu pour vous : Monique Mund-Dopchie, « Études classiques et "cancel ... Lu pour vous : Monique Mund-Dopchie, « Études classiques et "cancel ...

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

En enquêtant sur la place des vainqueurs en Grèce ancienne et le regard porté sur eux par les poètes et les penseurs, on constate que les critiques formulées à l’encontre de l’institution olympique remontent aussi loin que son éloge : dès ses premières mentions dans la littérature antique, c’est-à-dire dans le corpus de la poésie grecque archaïque. Nous nous concentrerons sur quatre textes dont les arguments se font fortement écho tout en se différenciant subtilement (le fr. 2 West de Xénophane de Colophon, le fr. 12 West de Tyrtée et, plus tardif, le premier fragment de l'Autolycos d'Euripide et les paragraphes 1-3 du Panégyrique d'Isocrate). Il convient de ne pas aplanir ce corpus, qui s’étend de la poésie didactique archaïque à la prose oratoire attique en passant par la philosophie et le théâtre. Si le fragment d’Euripide critique avec virulence les athlètes eux-mêmes, engeance parasite, Xénophane exige plutôt une réévaluation des places de l’athlète et de « l’intellectuel » dans la cité. Les reproches d’un Spartiate comme Tyrtée ne sont pas ceux de l’Athénien Isocrate ; celui-ci privilégie la figure de l’intellectuel (les récompenses sportives accordent trop de privilèges à la force brute), celui-là celle du soldat (les athlètes n’ont qu’une fausse force d’apparat et les récompenses les engagent à la faiblesse militaire) ; le fragment d’Euripide, très polémique, affirme les deux positions à la fois. Il est néanmoins possible selon nous de rendre raison de ces contradictions, de dégager la racine commune d’une défiance qui se décline en des discours divers appropriés à divers contextes politico-culturels. Notre hypothèse de lecture consiste à dire que ce qui pose problème dans les Jeux olympiques, que ce soit à Sparte, à Athènes ou en Sicile, n’est autre que le primat de l’individu, et que le discours honorifique qui fait rejaillir la gloire du vainqueur sur sa famille et sa cité a pu être perçu par Xénophane et d’autres penseurs comme un discours creux, qui cherchait à masquer sous l’éclat des récompenses le fait que la performance sportive n’appartient qu’à l’athlète et n’exprime jamais que sa propre force et sa propre adresse.

Drawing from the testimonies attributed to Ctesias of Cnidus, one of the most prominent Greek figures documented to have had contact with the Achaemenid court, we examine his portrayal of the queens and princesses of that era. This analysis aims to lend credibility to these testimonies, which have traditionally been regarded as mere gossip from the queens, observations by courtiers, or outright falsehoods. The depiction he presents of these women suggests that, according to Ctesias of Cnidus, women at the Achaemenid court wielded a level of influence that was unconventional by the standards of 5th century BC Greece. Moreover, it implies that Ctesias may indeed be recounting genuine political dynamics, despite the dissonance with contemporary Greek attitudes.

Agnès BÉRENGER La fonction d'ambassadeur, comme d'ailleurs un certain nombre d'autres fonctions qui demandaient à leur titulaire d'effectuer des voyages d'une longueur certaine, présentait un nombre important de risques, dont le moindre n'était pas celui de décéder au cours de l'ambassade et de ne jamais revoir sa patrie. Les Romains étaient d'ailleurs tout à fait conscients de l'existence de dangers de ce type, comme en témoignent certaines mentions dans des inscriptions ou des textes juridiques. Ainsi, dans des décrets des cités grecques pour honorer des concitoyens de retour d'une ambassade, il est parfois fait allusion aux dangers, fatigues et coûts liés à ces missions, comme en témoigne une série d'exemples rassemblés par Christian Habicht 1 , le problème pour nous étant que ces dangers sont en général évoqués de manière fort allusive. Ainsi, un décret du koinon d'Asie honore, au I er siècle av. J.-C., deux frères envoyés en ambassade à Rome, pour avoir affronté au cours de leur mission de nombreux et grands dangers, SROORX NDL PHJDY ORX NLQGXY QRX 2 . Le terme NLY QGXQR revient fréquemment, mais sans être accompagné de précisions supplémentaires. Certains auteurs évoquent toutefois les fonctions d'ambassadeur en soulignant les contraintes qui s'y rattachent, comme Plutarque qui, parmi les compensations du fait d'être exilé, souligne qu'un exilé ne se trouve pas contraint par sa cité à aller en ambassade à Rome 3 . D'autres inscriptions prennent le soin de préciser que l'ambassadeur a survécu à son voyage, par exemple une inscription votive découverte à Vasada et érigée en remerciement à Athéna par un Isaurien, Aurelius Diomedes, pour être revenu sain et sauf de plusieurs ambassades à Rome 4 . Un

To implement their policies and programs to improve the scientific system and the status of universities and research institutions, policymakers and planners in the fields of science, technology, and innovation consistently utilize laws and regulations as tools to shape and adjust regulations in accordance with their policies. On the other hand, today, utilizing specialized scientometrics knowledge in various stages of policy-making and planning in science, technology, innovation, and higher education—including the regulation and implementation of relevant policies—has become one of the most essential requirements in this field. Therefore, comprehending the details of upstream documents, executive regulations, and the laws governing the scientific system, technology, innovation, and higher education is considered one of the most important requirements for the success and scientific influence of scientometrics specialists in supporting science and technology policy-making and planning. In other words, a scientometrics specialist must possess a deep understanding of specialized scientometrics knowledge, as well as the skills required to utilize reference and specialized databases, visualize and analyze data, and develop various measurement and evaluation metrics and indicators. Additionally, the specialist must have a thorough understanding of the provisions outlined in upstream documents, as well as current laws and regulations that govern the science, technology, and innovation system at both micro and macro levels. In this case, a scientometrics specialist can shape policies and programs in the field by engaging in the formulation, updating, and implementation of relevant laws and regulations. As key and influential figures, scientometrics specialists can continually enhance their scientific and practical impact within scientific, technological, and higher education organizations. Their expertise is particularly vital in navigating and implementing upstream documents and regulations, which outline science and technology policies at both micro and macro levels. These policies not only determine the direction of science, technology, and innovation but also shape the trajectory of the country's higher education system. Among the most significant upstream documents and regulations are:
-  Comprehensive Scientific Plan of the Country,
-  National Development Plans (especially the Seventh Development Plan),
-  General Science and Technology Policies,
-  Higher Education Planning Policies and Regulations,
-  Faculty Promotion Regulations,
-  Faculty Employment Regulations,

-  Promotion and Academic Decline Regulations,
-  Basic Incentive Grade Regulations,
-  Grant Regulations,
-  Scientific Publications Commission Evaluation Regulations,
-  Educational Excellence Regulations,
-  Research Excellence Regulations,
-  Study Opportunities and Scientific Mobility Regulations,
-  Scientific Leap Guidelines,
-  And many similar upstream documents and regulations.
These documents, along with numerous other upstream policies and regulations, highlight the critical role of scientometrics in advancing science, technology, Innovation, and higher education. By leveraging their expertise, scientometrics specialists can ensure the effective implementation of these policies, thereby contributing to the growth and development of the scientific and educational landscape. After more than a decade of activity and the growing presence of scientometrics in the fields of science, technology, and higher education, stakeholders now expect scientometrics specialists to play a pivotal role in shaping and guiding scientific and technological policies and programs. To meet these expectations, specialists must not only demonstrate mastery and expertise in the technical aspects of scientometrics but also possess a deep understanding of the relevant laws, regulations, and upstream documents. From an evaluative perspective, scientometrics specialists should be thoroughly familiar with the details of these regulations and critically assess them when necessary. By identifying the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) within the science and technology landscape, they can positively influence the content of upstream documents and the regulations derived from them. This proactive approach enables scientometrics specialists to contribute more effectively to the policy-making and planning processes in science, technology, and innovation, while also shaping the trajectory of the higher education system. However, several important questions arise that warrant careful consideration and discussion:
-  To what extent has the previous and new master’s degree program in scientometrics succeeded in equipping graduates with the skills to identify and understand upstream documents, as well as the current scientific and research laws and regulations of the country in previous and new master's degree programs in scientometrics?
-  How much progress have faculty members and professors of scientometrics made in enhancing their own expertise in this area, and what steps have they taken to empower themselves within this domain?
-  In more than a decade of scientometrics activities in the Iran's higher education system, to what extent have experts in this field been able to effectively engage with relevant management and executive sectors?
-  How have scientometricians leveraged their expertise in science and technology regulations to influence the science, technology, and innovation system, as well as the broader landscape of higher education in the country?
-  What mechanisms can be established to facilitate collaboration between scientometrics experts and policymakers?
-  From a scientometric perspective, how can the strengths and weaknesses of existing regulations be systematically evaluated to guide future enhancements?
-  What role can scientometrics play in addressing emerging challenges in science, technology, and higher education?
-  How can the impact of scientometrics-driven policies be measured and optimized over time?
Addressing these questions will not only enhance the role of scientometrics specialists but also ensure that their contributions lead to meaningful and sustainable advancements in the scientific and educational systems.

The present research aims to analyze the orthographic errors of German-speaking learners of Persian at the elementary level. To do so, pieces of writing of 34 students were gathered via self-motivated method and examined based on the corpus of orthographic errors, using the frameworks proposed by Keshavarz (1994) and Ziahoseini (1999). 850 phonological, morphological, and orthographical errors were identified. Phonological errors were divided into four processes of incorrect substitution, incorrect addition, incorrect deletion, and incorrect order of graphemes. Also, the errors were classified into 2 groups of interlingual errors and intralingual errors on the basis of error origin. The results showed that 672 phonological errors were interlingual whereas 218 errors were related to intralinguial errors. In addition, 671 errors were classified as incorrect substitution, 316 errors as incorrect addition, 268 errors as incorrect deletion, and finally 25 errors as incorrect order of graphemes. The incorrect substitution of graphemes included both incorrect addition and incorrect deletion.  Finally, the frequency of phonological processes in making errors was computed and presented in relevant tables. The research findings revealed that Persian as a second language had a greater impact on learners’ orthographic errors than did mother tongue.

2a -Direction d'ouvrages collectifs Athénée et les fragments d'historiens. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg (16-18 juin 2005), coll. Études d'archéologie et d'histoire ancienne, de Boccard, Paris, 2007. Les Perses vus par les Grecs. Lire les sources classiques sur l'empire achéménide, coll. U, Armand Colin, Paris, 2011. Athéniens du Pseudo-Xénophon (V e siècle av. J.-

Ce volume propose d’abord un dossier d’articles sur des « intraduisibles » antiques, des cas où, de l’Antiquité à la Renaissance, on a pu refuser de traduire un terme grec ou latin ou éprouver une difficulté, voire une incapacité à le faire. Six études de cas sont suivies d’un essai de typologie, qui montre que, de l’écart culturel aux choix rhétoriques personnels, les divers obstacles à une traduction sont plus culturels que linguistiques.
Un second dossier porte sur la représentation de l’espace dans la Bibliothèque historique de Diodore de Sicile, histoire universelle qui vise à embrasser l’ensemble de la terre habitée. Portant plus particulièrement sur les îles, sur l’Égypte ou sur les traces de l’activité d’Héraclès tout autour de la Méditerranée, les cinq études proposées sondent les liens entre espace et temporalité, entre mythe et géographie, entre représentation de l’espace et contexte de l’époque de César.
Une troisième section présente des articles originaux de thèmes variés, de la supposée « révolte des satrapes » aux serments augustes sous l’Empire romain en passant par l’origine des noms de dieux grecs selon Hérodote, des aspects de la pensée politique et historique d’Aristote, le pomerium de Rome et les nouvelles lectures d’un palimpseste de Strabon.

Dès le lendemain des guerres médiques, des Grecs d'Asie Mineure composèrent des Persica. Loin de se limiter aux conflits gréco-perses, ces Histoires perses étaient consacrées au passé et aux coutumes de l'empire perse. Chaque génération ambitionna ensuite de renouveler le genre. Un demi-siècle après Ctésias, Dinon de Colophon et Héraclide de Kymè poursuivent ainsi la tradition. Tout en cultivant les anecdotes piquantes et les histoires d'intrigues, ils décrivent l'univers du Grand Roi -de ses prérogatives et du luxe qui l'entoure aux subtiles hiérarchies qui organisent sa cour. Sans se contenter des habituels clichés sur les « barbares » ou les vaincus des guerres médiques, ils dévoilent un pan méconnu de la vision grecque des Perses. Leur témoignage est cependant biaisé tant par leur point de vue grec et leurs objectifs littéraires que par la transmission fragmentaire de leurs textes. Il requiert de ce fait une approche spécifique. Le présent ouvrage donne ici, dans une nouvelle édition revue et augmentée, avec le texte et la traduction de leurs fragments, un commentaire qui prend en compte leur mode de transmission et qui les confronte à l'ensemble des sources, grecques et non grecques, textuelles et iconographiques. Il permet d'apprécier les apports de ces sources à l'histoire de l'empire perse et propose un aperçu général du genre des Persica, livrant de précieux aperçus sur les rapports de la culture grecque avec le monde perse.

Abstract. In Plato's First Alcibiades (123b-d), Socrates says he has been told by a trustworthy man among those who "went up" to the Great King that he walked for almost a day along a rich expanse of land that the locals called the King's wife's belt, one of those rich estates reserved for the King's wife and named after elements of her finery. A precise analysis of the text shows that this witness could not have been one of the Ten Thousand, as is most often assumed, but rather a member of an embassy that crossed the empire under the reign of Artaexerxes I. It is tempting to think that it was Pyrilampes, since he took part in a diplomatic mission to the court at this time and was, moreover, a relative of Plato.
Résumé. Dans l’Alcibiade majeur de Platon (123b-d), Socrate dit tenir d’un homme digne de foi parmi ceux qui sont « montés » auprès du Grand Roi qu'il a longé pendant près d'une journée une riche terre étendue que les gens du pays appelaient la ceinture de la femme du Roi, l'un de ces riches domaines réservés à l'épouse du Roi et nommés d'après des éléments de sa parure. L’analyse précise du texte montre que ce témoin ne pouvait être l’un des Dix-Mille comme on le suppose le plus souvent, mais plutôt un membre d’une ambassade ayant traversé l’empire sous le règne d’Artaxerxès Ier. Il est tentant de penser qu’il s’agissait de Pyrilampe, connu pour avoir pris part à une mission diplomatique à la cour à cette époque et, de plus, parent de Platon.

Thirty-five late Persian period Samarian coins have been found in six controlled excavations, indicating a relatively limited geographical distribution within the southern Levant. Their distribution pattern also highlights the centrality of the religious center at Mount Gerizim, where more than 80% of the coins were found. Other sites, where mostly a single specimen of a Samarian issue was found, are Elyakhin, Dor, Gan Soreq, Jerusalem and Khirbet Qeiyafa. Several corrections to previous identifications and attributions of these finds are suggested. In addition, a comparison between the distribution patterns of Samarian coins and that of Philistian and Yehud coins is offered.

Attestés dans de nombreuses provinces hellénophones, les serments par la personne ou la Fortune de l’empereur étaient pratiqués en contexte public et privé, notamment pour assurer la protection des donations, des contrats ou des tombeaux. Tout comme les invocations et les adjurations, ces serments
s’avèrent révélateurs du statut divin accordé aux empereurs et de sa perception par la population. Le réexamen de la documentation épigraphique permet de préciser le rôle juridique et les implications légales de ces
pratiques, mais aussi de comprendre comment les empereurs se sont progressivement imposés comme des divinités protectrices et garantes.

Attested in many Greek-speaking provinces, oaths by the person or Fortune of the emperor were used in both public and private contexts, in particular to ensure the protection of donations, contracts and tombs. Like invocations and adjurations, these oaths reveal the divine status accorded to the emperors and the population’s piety towards them. A re-examination of the epigraphic documentation will help us to clarify the legal role and implications of these practices, but also to understand how the emperors were gradually seen as protective and guarantor deities.

À Thucydide, l’historien athénien du ve siècle av. J.-C., on n’associe généralement pas la piété, la croyance ou la foi1. Ces éléments sont évoqués plutôt en lien avec d’autres historiens tels qu’Hérodote, Xénophon ou Plutarque, entre autres. En fait, le titre que j’avais imaginé tout au début pour cette contribution était « Thucydide, entre croyance et incrédulité ». Ce titre et le titre actuel reflètent l’image trouble que les chercheurs rencontrent en ce qui concerne les intérêts de Thucydide au sujet de la sphère divine dans son oeuvre La guerre du Péloponnèse. Ils reflètent également la situation difficile que Thucydide a pu ressentir lorsqu’il écrivait d’une guerre fratricide dans l’ombre d’Homère et d’Hérodote. Ces géants de la littérature grecque savaient comment capter l’intérêt de leurs auditeurs. Leurs épopées ne se contentent pas de réfléchir à des thèmes existentiels centraux, elles savent aussi susciter les émotions chez leurs lecteurs. Comme ses prédécesseurs, Thucydide a également écrit sur la guerre avec des intrigues politiques et militaires, de bons et de mauvais exemples, des gagnants et des perdants. Mais Th ucydide a traité l’héritage mythopoétique – transmis principalement par Homère et Hésiode – d’une manière différente de celle d’Hérodote. Ce dernier a fait face à ce « dilemme herméneutique » en confirmant l’action et le pouvoir divins, mais il n’inclut pas les dieux dans ses récits de la même manière que les poètes. Étant donné que Thucydide est souvent considéré comme le deuxième, voire le véritable père de l’historiographie grecque, il convient de se demander comment il a développé sa propre herméneutique concernant la place de la sphère divine dans l’historiographie. Notre contribution cherche à stimuler la discussion là-dessus, dans le cadre d’un projet qui explore comment l’historiographie grecque et l’historiographie biblique ont en commun de nombreuses caractéristiques sur cette question-là.

This chapter examines the representations of the Battle of Cunaxa that are provided by Xenophon, Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch. It focuses on the processes of selection, abstraction and schematization that any effort to translate an intense and confusing event like a full-scale battle into a compelling narrative inevitably – and also wilfully – involves. More specifically, it explores how compositional and stylistic choices in the narrative representation of events lead readers to imagine, feel, judge, and understand what happened at Cunaxa in certain specific ways. The author concentrates mainly on salient elements of Xenophon’s and Diodorus’ radically different accounts, adducing Plutarch more selectively. Features that the accounts have in common allow us to say something about how battle was generally imagined in Greek historical writing (as opposed to other genres and periods), while differences between them give an impression of the range of possibilities within the genre. It is the author’s contention that most of the differences have to do with the various ways in which Greek historians deal with questions of ‘historical distance’.

The so-called “daiva inscription” of the Persian king Xerxes I (ca. 486–465 BC) is one of the most intriguing documents of the Achaemenid kings, mainly due to the mention of the word that gives this text its name. The sole mention of this word has led scholars to believe that this text marks an unprecedented turning point in Persian history: the one presenting the Great King as a religious fanatic, strengthening the image handed down to us by Greek historiography—especially the one of Herodotus. Four interpretative models have been postulated to understand this word’s function, three of which have identified the Persian daivas with specific historical agents and events. The last one focuses instead on the nature of the textual content in a broader sense. Further problems arise when dealing with the question of when this text was crafted. This conundrum was mainly understood through the view of Greek historiography, disregarding much of the contradictory evidence that will be presented here.

Les sources littéraires du II e siècle après J.-C permettent d'étudier la spatialité spartiate à une échelle plus fine. Alors que Thucydide et Xénophon font rapidement allusion, à l'époque classique, aux structures de Sparte, Plutarque et surtout Pausanias mentionnent ses lieux et ses monuments. Leurs représentations peinent cependant à concorder. La localisation de l'Assemblée spartiate pose notamment problème. D'après la Grande Rhètra retranscrite par Plutarque, elle se tenait à l'air libre, hors de la cité, entre le pont Babyka et l'affluent de l'Eurotas, Knakion1. Pausanias préfère la trouver au coeur de la cité, lui donner un cadre monumental et l'associer à d'autres lieux :

À de rares exceptions près, chaque fois qu'on a eu besoin des services d'un traître, on en a trouvé un. On serait normalement tenté d'en conclure que l'homme, qui passe pour le plus ingénieux des animaux, peut, à bien des points de vue, être considéré comme le plus sot. Les autres animaux, qui sont esclaves de leurs besoins physiques, ne commettent d'erreurs que lorsqu'ils cherchent à satisfaire ces appétits-là. Les humains, au contraire, qui se flattent d'être doués de jugement, se fourvoient parce qu'ils raisonnent mal, tout autant qu'en obéissant à leurs instincts naturels 1. Ainsi Polybe conclut-il les réflexions générales et personnelles qu'il soumet à ses lecteurs, au livre XVIII de ses Histoires, sur les faits de trahison et les traîtres, offrant ainsi un commentaire sur un type d'événements et de conduites qu'il rapporte à de nombreuses reprises dans son oeuvre. Pour rappeler brièvement des faits connus mais non moins déterminants pour comprendre le rapport entretenu par l'auteur aux faits de trahison, Polybe, né vers 200 à Mégalopolis, cité importante de la Confédération achéenne, en devint hipparque en 169, alors que son père, Lykortas, en avait déjà été l'un des dirigeants entre les années 190 et 168. Il fut témoin de la 1 Pol. 18.15.14-16. Ἀλλ᾿ ὅμως τούτων οὕτως ἐχόντων οὐδεὶς οὐδέποτε δεηθεὶς ἠπόρησε προδότου πλὴν τελέως ὀλίγων τινῶν. Ἐξ ὧν εἰκότως εἴποι τις ἂν ὅτι τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος, δοκοῦν πανουργότατον εἶναι τῶν ζῴων, πολὺν ἔχει λόγον τοῦ φαυλότατον ὑπάρχειν. Τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλα ζῷα, ταῖς τοῦ σώματος ἐπιθυμίαις αὐταῖς δουλεύοντα, διὰ μόνας ταύτας σφάλλεται· τὸ δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος, καίπερ δεδοξοποιημένον, οὐχ ἧττον διὰ τὴν ἀλογιστίαν ἢ διὰ τὴν φύσιν ἁμαρτάνει. Pour les extraits de l'oeuvre de Polybe, les traductions sont celles qui ont été publiées dans la C.U.F. (Belles Lettres). La traduction des livres qui n'ont pas été publiés dans cette collection est celle de Denis Roussel (1970) (Gallimard), l'édition celle de la Loeb Classical Library (traduction de W. R. Paton, revue par F. W. Walbank et Chr. Habicht). Enfin, dans la suite de cette contribution, les références dont l'auteur n'est pas mentionné renvoient à l'oeuvre de Polybe, celles entre crochets correspondant aux faits de trahison numérotés et présentés dans le tableau. 6 Voir la contribution d'A. Laffon dans ce volume. 7 18.13.8. 8 18.15.1-4 (traduction légèrement modifiée).

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Je vais présenter un texte d'Hérodote (c. 485-430) qui rapporte la prise de pouvoir du trône de Perse par Darius en 521. C'est un texte d'apparence lisse, dans sa première partie au moins, qui dresse les mérites et les travers respectifs de trois modes de gouvernement : la monarchie, l'oligarchie et la démocratie-c'est ainsi qu'on le trouve introduit dans les manuels de « sciences po ». Un indice de son caractère un peu particulier tient dans le fait qu'Hérodote luimême prévient que son contenu est « difficile à croire » pour des lecteurs grecs, avertis, on le suppose, du caractère unique de leurs institutions et de leur art du gouvernement. Si le début du texte justifie sa place dans un manuel d'histoire des institutions politiques, sa teneur bascule quand, au terme de cette discussion de droit constitutionnel, Hérodote fait état du stratagème qui permet à Darius, partisan de la monarchie, d'éliminer les hypothétiques partisans de l'oligarchie et de la démocratie. Les faits rapportés sont alors de nouveau quelque peu « incroyables », on va le voir-pour l'étudiant de base de « sciences po », cette fois, entretenu dans l'ignorance des modes de gouvernement « exotiques »… On peut raisonnablement avancer que la science politique, regard critique sur l'art du gouvernement des hommes, commence quand on s'avise de mettre en parallèle plusieurs modes de gouvernement. « Pourquoi le feu brûle-t-il à l'identique en Perse et en Grèce et pourquoi les normes sont-elles diverses ? » demande Aristote (Éthique à Nicomaque, V, 10, 1134b). Le texte d'Hérodote en cause (III, 67-87) est ainsi donné dans les manuels pour le premier spécimen de réflexion politique, je l'ai dit. Il s'agit d'une discussion qui implique trois notables perses qui, le trône de Cambyse, mort en 522, étant occupé par un usurpateur, se réunissent pour prendre le pouvoir et discutent du meilleur régime à mettre en place. Hérodote prévient donc ses lecteurs que les « discours [de ces Perses] paraîtront incroyables à quelques Grecs ». En effet, comment imaginer dans la bouche de « barbares » ce topos de la raison grecque sur les avantages et les défauts respectifs des constitutions politiques ? « Ils n'en sont pas cependant moins vrais », insiste Hérodote (III, 80). Il n'est pas interdit de se laisser gagner par l'incrédulité alléguée des lecteurs grecs : une lecture critique des faits qu'il rapporte permet de voir que ces « discours » relèvent, non pas d'une discussion de droit constitutionnel-comme pourrait en avoir des citoyens grecs ou des étudiants de « sciences po »-mais exprime, indirectement et confusément, à travers le prisme de la conception grecque, la structure à trois fonctions caractéristique des institutions politiques dites « indo-européennes ».

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Deux grandes victoires improbables ont forgé la gloire dont Athènes jouit aujourd’hui. À Marathon, en 490 avant notre ère, les hoplites athéniens ont vaincu une armée perse qui les surpassait largement en nombre. Dix ans plus tard, quand les Perses sont revenus, une flotte grecque les a défaits à Salamine. Les Grecs reconnurent que c’étaient les marins athéniens qui avaient le plus contribué à cette seconde victoire éclatante. Eu égard à ces deux grands succès, nous pensons souvent que les soldats athéniens étaient soit des hoplites, soit des marins. Pour autant, des milliers d’entre eux combattaient également en tant que cavaliers et archers. Cela signifie que l’Athènes classique avait quatre branches militaires. Ce chapitre relate les faits essentiels relatifs à ces quatre corps et à la manière dont les Athéniens les organisaient. Il explique comment les Athéniens se retrouvaient dans un corps plutôt que dans un autre.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Alexandre le Grand est une figure historique extrêmement connue qui n’a
cessé de fasciner. Sa légende s’est construite de manière complexe et deux
axes seront analysés dans cet article : un Alexandre héroïque et impétueux,
se rapprochant du légendaire Achille et des figures homériques, mais aussi
un Alexandre unificateur des Grecs contre l’ennemi commun qu’est la Perse.

Résumé du livre: Dans l’Antiquité, trahir sa patrie pour la remettre à l’ennemi est considéré comme une des transgressions les plus graves que peut commettre un citoyen. Les textes antiques regorgent d’épisodes saisissants, dans lesquels les auteurs dépeignent la douleur collective des citoyens tombés sous le joug de l’ennemi à cause d’une trahison. Les sources décrivent précisément les causes de cette catastrophe civique, manigancée dans l’ombre d’un complot ou résultant de l’action d’un individu isolé. Les hommes politiques, les savants et les historiens antiques critiquent vigoureusement cet acte déloyal qui est redouté par toutes les cités en temps de guerre. Pour insister sur le caractère inadmissible de ces trahisons, les auteurs brossent un portrait négatif des traîtres, en décrivant leurs sombres motivations, leur intelligence avec l’ennemi, leur passage à l’acte et, enfin, le châtiment mérité que leur infligent les hommes ou la fortune. Le renouvellement récent des travaux sur les complots antiques permet d’étudier ces trahisons sous un nouvel angle et d’en analyser les causes, les modes opératoires et les conséquences aussi bien pour les traîtres que pour les cités. L’étude de ces différentes thématiques permet aussi de comprendre comment les communautés antiques se sont prémunies contre ces trahisons, que l’on considérait alors comme faisant partie des désastres civiques les plus traumatisants.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Ctesias’ Persika describe the figure of Artoxares, a “Paphlagonian eunuch (eunoûkhos)” who reportedly served as an advisor to the king of kings Artaxerxes I (465-424 BCE) and later acted as a supporter of Ochus (Darius II, c. 423-404 BCE) in the royal succession (FGrH 688 F14-15). According to Ctesias, Artoxares ultimately plotted to have the king killed and, after being denounced, was duly punished by the queen Parysatis. The majority of scholars accept that this Artoxares is to be identified with a certain Artaḫšar mentioned by the Murašû family business archive from Nippur, Southern Babylonia, especially since his political and economic ascendancy in the archives coincided with a moment of reported support against the rebel Manuštanu / Menostanes – whom, additionally, he seemed to replace as a magnate (CARDASCIA, G., 1951, p. 92; LEWIS, D., 1977, p. 21; STOLPER, M., 1985, p. 91-92; DANDAMAEV, M., 1992, p. 36; 2011 [1996]; PIRNGRUBER, R., 2017, p. 62; BE 10, 88; PBS 2/1, 104). Interestingly, this same Manuštanu / Menostanes is implicitly presented as a eunoûkhos in Ctesias’ narrative (KUHRT, A., 2010, p. 332; WATERS, M., 2017, p. 113), and the treatment he receives in the archives could be associated with such courtiers. Through a discussion of these figures in the Babylonian family archives, the peculiar nature of archival sources, and many terminological uncertainties, this conference seeks to explore if, and how, this particular set of tablets can help us understand the reality of “eunuchs” in the Achaemenid Empire – a reality for which we virtually lack non-Greek sources. (...) Besides, while the ongoing debate on the meaning of Akkadian ša rēši as a “courtier” or as a “castrate male” in the Neo-Assyrian and Babylonian sources has motivated some scholars to question even the rendering of Greek eunoûkhos consistently as a castrated official, we shall endeavor to demonstrate that this revisionist view is untenable, and that Ctesias clearly thought that Artoxares at least was an emasculated courtier.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Alexander's sudden and mysterious death by poisoning is an integral part of his vita in medieval French and Latin literature. The conqueror is an ambivalent hero, as ambivalent as the theme of poison in the works about him. The constant threat produced by his encounters with harmful liquids is suggestive of his excessive desire, a vice that is compared with venom in Alexandrian literature. The conqueror's unquenchable thirst is a metaphor for his immoderate and ever-unsatisfied desire. Alexander is forced to wander in the deserts of Asia Minor and India in search of fresh water. When he does find water, his expectations are systematically disappointed, as the water more often than not turns out to be toxic. But Alexander's misfortune of having to drink bitter water is comparable to the Passion of Christ, and identifies the ancient hero with epic warriors of the " matière de France" such as Roland or Vivien. The hero's poisoning can also be seen as enhancing his status. His foreshadowed death adds a pronounced tragic dimension to his destiny. In his quest for absolute domination, Alexander is fettered by the limitations of his mortal body. Invincible warrior, hero of the unlimited, Alexander is also a terribly human figure who meets in death by poison the limits of his ambition, a metaphysical hero who knows the hour of his death and is reminded of it many times in the course of his journey.

Divorce in Zoroastrian and Islamic Law,” Religious Studies, University of Religions and Denominations, vol. 4: 8, 105-121 (co-authored with Kolsoum Ghazanfari and Parvin Davari) In Islam and Zoroastrianism certain rules govern the divorce without which it is not valid. An examination of these rules and the legal details involved can shed more light on this important problem. The present study will examine the conditions of divorce and the right to divorce in Islam and Zoroastrianism and the financial obligations that come with the divorce. Our study show that in both religions certain conditions are imposed that make the divorce more difficult. Although there are certain similarities between the two religions, the divorce law in Zoroastrianism went through certain changes as the political situation changed and made the divorce more difficult as a desperate attempt to keep the foundations of Zoroastrian family strong under the rule of Muslims.