Gaza Strip

During the latter half of the 19th century, the town of Gaza in southern Palestine’s coast was integrated into the global system of maritime trade. The town exported large quantities of the northern Negev barley, a commodity of specified qualities for beer brewing in Europe, particularly Britain. As the barley trade developed, the town gradually abandoned its traditional role as a market on the margins of the desert and as a logistic point for the annual Hajj caravans, and came to rely, almost solely, on the precipitation-dependent trade in barley. The article portrays this transformation and demonstrates how parallel modernization processes in the Ottoman desert frontier in Palestine and in the urban industries and culture of Victorian Britain entangled to create supply, demand and a set of connectors between them. In essence, Ottoman ongoing efforts to “civilize” the Bedouin tribes of southern Palestine by forced settlement and pacification of violent struggles led these nomadic societies to increasingly rely on cultivation of barley as a mainstay. By ceasing to be nomadic and becoming semi-nomadic and even sometimes to sedentary, the tribes were able to accumulate great surpluses of this “cash crop” and traded with merchants from nearby Gaza. Concurrently in Britain, new systems of taxation opened up the brewing industry to private brewers and retailers, thus creating a surge in demand for the beverage. Technological innovations introduced at the same time at the breweries gave rise to new flavors, colors and textures of beer that largely transformed the experience of its consumption. In search for large quantities of the perfect raw material for modern brewing, Gaza emerged as a temporary international port city. Following a few decades of this “barley boom,” however, a series of droughts proved this monoculture financial backbone to be highly unreliable for the town. Probing these processes, it is argued that the barley trade prevented Gaza from fully evolving into a port city, thus situating it on a different path into the 20th century than its neighboring coastal cities along the Mediterranean shore.

The purpose of this research is to publish a manuscript of the treatise Sefer Habri’a (The Book of Creation), written in 1670 by Rabbi Avraham Binyamin Nathan ben Elisha Chaim Halevi Askhenazy, also known as Nathan Ghazzati or Rabbi Nathan of Gaza. It has been copied into several manuscripts, which ended up scattered around the world, until they were ultimately collected by professor Chaim Wirszubski Z.L. of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in the 1930s and 1940s. Wirszubski set out on a project of conducting a scientific edition of the treatise, and even published a small part of it.  However, misfortune has prevented him from finishing his great work, and he was called upon to teach in the Great Yeshiva in heavens. Now, the reader is presented with a full edition, accompanied by a comprehensive and methodical research. The research is separated from the original text, to allow the reader to focus on the text itself, if they so wish. Those who would seek to also delve into the analysis, can easily do so.
It is not everyday that a person is awarded the great privilege of returning a lost book to the collective Jewish library. Even more so when it is a book written by one of the greatest rabbis in recent generations, least of all a halakhic figure of the magnitude of Rabbi Nathan. We are faced with an unparalleled text in Rabbinic messianic and Hebrew literature. It is the central text of the Sabbatean movement after Sabbatai Zevi’s conversion to Islam. Sefer Habri’a was written by the progenitor of the movement, Rabbi Nathan of Gaza. Rabbi Nathan was famously considered a prophet by the spiritual leaders of the Jewish world in his time, and was one of those who declared Sabbatai Zevi to be a messiah. He was the one who explained the profound meaning of Zevi’s conversion, and the one who tried to prevent the masses from converting along with him.
If we wish to be certain that we can indeed declare “thou art our brother” to Nathan, we must look at this renewed text from every possible perspective. The text’s uniqueness, it’s complexity, length and meaning introduce many challenges, both on the technical-philological level and on that of semantic analysis. We should also pay heed to how socially problematic the Sabbatean movement is, following the heated debates that arose several generations after Zevi’s conversion. On that subject, we can view Sefer Habri’a as a treatise which ascribes profound meaning to Zevi’s ‘foreign acts’, through the Ha’ari’s hyper-nomic system. That is, the Lurianic Kabbalah, which unequivocally accepts the Jewish Halakha as sacred, is the treatise’s main method of discourse. It seems that the survival and continuity of Jewish tradition after the crisis was Rabbi Nathan’s main motivation in writing this immense work. That is, the desire to give a profound kabbalic meaning to the commandments of halakha, in the face of a shifting historical reality is at the heart of the text.
Sabbateanism is a grave subject in Jewish history. Therefore, whenever a new Sabbatean document is published, we must ask ourselves how its publication will affect the existing knowledge we have. When people read new material that contradicts what they perceive to be true, they often develop a ‘resistance front’, assuming that every new claim must be proved out of the existing body of knowledge, as if the unknown can be explored from the confines of the known. The problem here is evident - new information cannot be added in this way, and true learning cannot be achieved. All that can happen is that we pour old knowledge into a slightly different mould, at best. That said, there are times when a newly published document is so important that it demands of us to re-examine all of our previous held knowledge. More often than not, those who are tasked with preserving knowledge are not enthusiastic by the appearance of a new research which undermines the well known system to which they adhere. Therefore, if we wish the new knowledge to be properly accepted by people in that position, upon publishing such a document we must present in detail what we retain, and what we reconsider. It is possible that Sefer Habri’a would lead us into rethinking the Sabbatean movement in its entirety. It is, after all, a fundamental text written by the movement’s progenitor, immediately after the conversion. We will soon see that Sefer Habri’a would lead any observant reader to a clear understanding that it is a Kabbalah book that follows directly the writings of the Ha’ari. It is a direct continuation, and some would even say the highlight, of the Lurianic corpus. In this manner we can also see that Torat Israel, the Jewish halakha and the well-being of the nation at a time of crisis were undoubtedly on the mind of the author, Rabbi Nathan of Gaza, and that he was a loyal grand sage of Israel.

_______________ Since Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2005, the displacement of Jewish settlers has been examined by researchers from various disciplines of humanities and social sciences by means of diverse research methods. This article deals with the characteristics of the uprooted settlements/communities before and after their evacuation within a theoretical framework adopted from the literature about colonialism. The unique economic situation of the Gaza Strip as an area occupied by Israel, attracted many settlers to this area. Throughout the period of their stay in the region the settlers prospered and improved substantially their socioeconomic standing. However, after their displacement many of these economic advantages ceased to exist, and with their return to areas within the Israeli boundaries they were faced with new-old economic realities which they had tried to evade when they first settled in the Gaza region. This article examines the changes in the economic features of the displaced settlers on the background of the geographic changes caused by their transfer from the region in 2005 and their resettlement within Israeli borders. This is done by relating to their opinions as well as those of the official entities regarding their socioeconomic status before and after their displacement and their objective and subjective difficulties in reconstructing the previously more advantageous conditions which they benefited from, partly due to the unique geography of the Gaza region.

The study aimed to find out the factors that cause fetal death in the womb in governmental hospitals in Gaza Strip a controlled study during the period 2018-2019. The study problem was formulated in the following main question: What were the most important factors causing childhood deaths in the womb? The study used descriptive and analytical methods. the study sample was (70) women and (70) controls. For each case, one control was matched. The study found that the average age of cases was (29.60) years compared to (27.1) for controls. The most common maternal risk factors for fetal intrauterine death were parity (24.3%) among cases versus (21.4%) among controls. Medication/substance, congenital anomalies of the fetus, bleeding in the third trimester of pregnancy, prolonged pregnancy after birth, and intrauterine growth retardation are the main risk factors. The study recommended conducting a continuing education program for women and nurses about risk factors for fetal death in the womb.

Since 30 March 2018, Palestinians in the Gaza Strip have been holding weekly Friday
demonstrations along the 1949 armistice line between Gaza and Israel. Called by its organizers the Great March of Return, the protest is focused on the right of return of Palestinian refugees and their descendants to their ancestral homes in what is now Israel. Additionally, demonstrators are protesting the illegal eleven-year air, sea, and land blockade imposed by Israel and supported by Egypt.
Gaza is home to almost 2,000,000 Palestinians, two-thirds of them refugees. Population density is one of the highest in the world and nearly half the population was under fourteen years of age in 2015.* The blockade, in force since 2007, has worsened what were already dire living conditions. In 2017, the World Bank placed youth unemployment in Gaza at 60 percent, with growth in real gross domestic product (GDP) dropping to 0.7 percent as a result of the hollowing out of the productive base by the decade-long blockade.
It is in this context that the weekly Friday demonstrations began on 30 March 2018 after Gaza-based journalist and activist Ahmed Abu Artema wondered in a Facebook post “what would happen if 200,000 protesters gathered near the Israel fence with Gaza Strip, and entered the lands that are [theirs].”‡ Tens of thousands of people answered the call, and eventually the Great March of Return movement, established by Abu Artema and an organizing committee composed of fellow activists, received the official blessing of all major Palestinian political factions. The launch date for the protest marked Land Day, the annual commemoration of 6 Palestinian citizens of Israel killed by Israeli police and army troops on 30 March 1976 as they protested Israeli land confiscations in the Galilee. While the Great March of Return was supposed to culminate on 15 May (when Palestinians commemorate the Nakba, the mass expulsion that preceded and followed the declaration of the State of Israel in
1948), the protests have continued to this day. Tents have been erected at five locations along Gaza’s eastern boundary, where the Israeli military meet the now weekly Friday protests with deadly fire as well some kind of nerve gas. As the Journal went to press, Israeli snipers had killed upward of 190 Palestinians from Gaza, many of them children, as well as emergency medical personnel, and local journalists; they had injured and maimed an estimated 18,000 unarmed protesters.
On 7 June 2018, the Journal of Palestine Studies had the opportunity to speak to Dr. Ghassan Abu Sitta, the head of plastic and reconstructive surgery at the American University of Beirut (AUB) Medical Center, about ten days after his return from volunteering in Gaza for two weeks in May. Abu Sitta is a veteran of battlefield medicine: he worked as a medical volunteer in Iraq during the Gulf War (1990–91); in Palestine during the First and Second Intifadas (1987–93 and 2001–5); in South Lebanon during Israel’s so-called Operation Grapes of Wrath (1996), and in Gaza during the Israeli attacks of 2008–9, 2012, and 2014. He is also one of the founders and the codirector of the Conflict Medicine Program (CMP) at AUB’s Global Health Institute.
Dr. Abu Sitta arrived in Gaza three days ahead of the 14–15 May demonstrations that were expected to be the culmination of the six-week Great March of Return, coinciding with the annual commemoration of the Nakba as well as the relocation of the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. He spoke to the Journal about the medical preparations ahead of the protests, the unfolding of events on 14–15 May, the types of injuries he witnessed and treated, the kind of ammunition being used by the Israeli army, the state of the health sector in Gaza, and last but not least, he underlined the inaction of the international community, including that of the Arab countries.

The experience of strategic planning in Gaza Strip provides valuable clues to help analyze the complex nature of cities undergoing an asymmetric and recurrent fight for territorial dominance. The local and international efforts to build peace and
create an independent Palestinian State address spatial planning as a cornerstone. This chapter explains a United Nations capacity building program (1996-8)1, presenting strengths and weaknesses of the strategic planning approach. This was
determined by high population density, severe land, water and social services shortages, in an intricate scenario of geopolitical and military interests.

The priorities and the methodology for the strategic planning were discussed, taking into account the nature of the fragmented spatial structure of the Gaza Strip, resulting in the overlap of the traditional Palestinian ownership urban pattern, refugee camps, and Israeli military settlements. In this complex scenario, strategic physical planning is assessed by the support provided by the Palestinian administration in land development to alleviate the habitat crisis, at short notice, but also its capacity to counterbalance the effects of the Israeli settlement policy
over a long time, in the search to build a really independent Palestinian state. On the other hand, proposals for local economic development are matched by an emblematic renewal of public places, satisfying physical, psychological and
organizational reconstruction as essential components of a sustainable reconstruction plan. The manner in which the plan contributed to the achievement of both short and long time habitat improvement, involved symbolic and spiritual signs. The paper assess the strategy adopted to revert fragmentation through inclusive urban and regional development. Despite its success in terms of strategic tasks accomplished, the plan fails to promote full participation.

The notion of collective responsibility is not without its difficulty. One may claim that, as men are responsible for the lives they lead, so collectively they must be responsible for the resultant situation. But that claim is too rapid to be convincing. No doubt, single elements in the resulting situation are identical with the actions or the effects for which individuals are responsible. But the resulting situation as a whole was neither foreseen nor intended, or when it does happen that it was, still such foresight and intention are apt to reside not in the many but the few and rather in secret schemes and machinations than in public avowal. 1 Thus Lonergan on some difficulties in an idea that he will nonetheless go on to defend. In this short note I will look at one difficulty in the idea of collective responsibility by introducing the idea of collective intention. Here we may begin by recalling St. Anselm, " Every will inasmuch as it wills something, wills as it does because of something … Wherefore every will has a what and a why, for we will absolutely nothing unless there be a reason why we will. " 2 Or in other words, we may speak of an agent X who wills an object Y because of an intention Z. The problem as regards common responsibility is that we can suppose two agents (or groups sharing a common aim) who find a common cause in wanting the same object but do so for different reasons. In other words, X1 and X2 both want Y but X1 wants Y for the sake of Z1 but X2 for the sake of Z2 where Z1 ≠ Z2. We may also recall that St. Thomas, in his commentary on that locus classicus of Aristotle on the idea of responsibility, by no means reduces responsibility to intentionality. For he argues that " it is unreasonable to assert that a man who does unjust actions does not wish to be unjust. " And he deploys the metaphor of someone who goes for a walk on a hot day and becomes sweaty. 3 Although it was unintended it was foreseeable that the walker would become sweaty – but concretely the agent is responsible. For here and now the choice is either to walk and get sweaty or to avoid the sweat by not walking: the choice manifests the preference schedules of the agent. In this sense one wills the effect if one wills the cause. Returning to collective responsibility, we can imagine two groups getting together to attain a common object, perhaps agreeing to act in particular circumstances (at a definite time, for example) when the action may be seen to lead to consequences that are actively intended by the first group but not by the other. Indeed, if such intentions were spelled out to the others some of the others would harbour misgivings on that project: X2 does not want Z1. This of course underlines Lonergan's point about " secret schemes and machinations " – for the first group may be aware that their intentions are not commonly shared, and this is why they keep them secret. Still, in this example where certain consequences are foreseen by only one group, we can suppose that eventually those consequences will become obvious to others, at any rate to those willing to raise questions-awkward because they indict X2 for choosing Y when it contributed to Z1 even though X2 did not intend Z1.

Sixty years since their displacement, millions of Palestinians continue to share the condition of a stateless people deprived of their basic human rights. Today, over four million registered refugees live beyond historic Palestine and nearly two million remain within ‘temporary’ refugee camps throughout the Middle East. This paper examines the impact of statelessness upon the human rights of Gaza refugees in Jordan. My analysis concerns the lived experience of rightlessness and the human rights discourse of Palestinian activists and the National Centre for Human Rights in Jordan. Gaza refugees have few options but to articulate their demands for human rights in terms of the right to Jordanian nationality. Their human rights work thus consists of asserting their domestic legal right to Jordanian nationality at the expense of their universal human rights. Jordan's primary human rights organization advocates on the Gazans’ behalf by translating their concerns into the international language of human rights claims. In the process, however, the centre subordinates Gazans’ universal human rights to the principle of state sovereignty. This paper suggests that protecting the universal rights of stateless people must address the limitations inherent within the logic of nationality as the practical basis of human rights.

This study examines the employment issues in the fields of information technology and communications (ICT). In April 2013, the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics issued the annual report for labor markets; there was a shocking percent (41.8%) of unemployment between the graduates of ICT departments in Gaza Strip. The purpose of this study is to determine the gaps between the market needs and the quality of graduates. In the recent years, there was a rising trend toward freelancing (Revell et al., 2009), the concepts of freelancing still not well formulated for the graduates in Gaza Strip (El-Alami et al., 2013), the study is clearing the dust for the graduates in the fields of ICT to move toward the freelancing instead of the traditional jobs, this move should dramatically reduces the rates of unemployment. Set of recommendation is available for the responsible parties (Universities, ICT Companies, Students, Graduates and Governmental Authorities) in order to enhance the working environment and thus reducing the unemployment in ICT fields.

This paper examines the Palestinian use of incendiary kites and balloons that emerged during Gaza's Great March of Return. Kites and balloons are rarely thought of as unstoppable weapons in contemporary theatres of war and resistance. Yet, for an extended period the Israeli military was unable to halt these aerial explosives from burning large quantities of agricultural fields and natural forests surrounding the Gaza Strip. The article critiques the security literature that discusses this new method of Palestinian resistance as another instance of terrorism. Instead, by drawing on Palestinian and Fanonian theorisations of violence in anti-colonial movements, I attempt to make the kites and balloons legible as a form of indigenous resistance to settler colonialism that can be an internally mobilising tool for Palestinians. The paper argues that the low-tech aerial explosives were mobilised as a response to high-tech militarism and long-standing settler colonial processes still shaping dynamics on the ground. These innovative forms of resistance momentarily broke the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip and in burning trees planted to cover destroyed Palestinian villages open up questions surrounding the struggle over land in Israel/Palestine. The paper concludes by delineating how despite some immediate breakthroughs, it remains questionable whether these militant kites and balloons are long-term politically viable techniques of resistance.

GİRİŞ Batı Şeria ve Gazze Şeridi 1967 yılında İsrail işgal devleri tarafından işgal edilmiştir. İşgal edilmiş bu topraklarda önceden beri süre gelen bir hukuk sistemi ve yönetim mevcut olmasına rağmen işgalin ardından tüm yönetim yapısı ve yasal hükümler İsrail tarafından iptal edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda, Filistin'de eğitim, İsrail tarafından yapılan askeri düzen ve yaptırımlardan zarar gören ana sektörlerden biridir. 1 1967'ye kadar Filistin'in eğitim sistemi Ürdün ve Mısır'ın düzenlemelerine tabi iken 1967 yılından itibaren İsrail'in yönetimi altına girmiştir. Filistin'in eğitim sistemini tekrar kendi elinde toplaması ise 1994 yılında mümkün olmuştur. Filistin topraklarında 50 yıldır uzayıp giden İsrail'in uyguladığı siyasi şiddete rağmen eğitim Filistinliler için önem ve öncelik açısından gündelik hayatlarının ilk sırasında yer almaktadır. 2013 yılında Dünya Bankası'nın yaptığı bir ankete göre genç Filistinlilerin (10-24 yaş) yüzde 60'ı eğitimi hayatlarının ilk sırasına koymuşlardır ve bölge ile karşılaştırıldığında Filistin'de okuma-yazma oranı diğer ülkelere göre oldukça yüksek olup yüzde 90 oranındadır. 2 Dünyadaki ve bölgedeki diğer eğitim sistemleri ile karşılaştırıldığında Filistin'de okula kayıt durumu, kızlar ve erkekler toplam %90'ın üzerinde oldukça yüksek bir orandadır. Filistin'de İsrail'in silahlı saldırıları altında yaşayan çocuklar için okul güvenli ve korunaklı bir yapı olması gerekirken okul şiddetin çeşitli türlerinin maruz kalındığı bir yer haline gelmiştir. Batı Şeria ve Doğu Kudüs özelinde düşünecek olursak öğrenciler okula giderken ve eve dönerken İsrail askerleri ve İsrailli yerleşimciler tarafından fiziksel şiddete maruz kalmakta ve bu yüzden de öğrencilerin eğitim imkânları sınırlanmaktadır. Okul içerisinde de çeşitli şiddete maruz kalan öğrenciler ya akranları olan İsrailli yerleşimci ailelerin çocuklardan ya da öğretmenlerinin uyguladığı dayak cezası ile fiziksel şiddete maruz kalmaktadır. Bu araştırma Filistin'de okullardaki eğitim üzerine yoğunlaşmıştır. Makale boyunca Filistinli öğrenciler ve aileler üzerinde nasıl ve ne derece bir psikolojik baskı ve fiziksel şiddet olduğu ortaya konacak okulların ve verilen eğitimin güvenilirliği tartışılacaktır.

Abstract:
This research aims at identifying the reality of the situations of the water in Palestine. This research uses descriptive analytical approach based on analysis and revision of available literature related to this issue. The research deals with the history of the situation of water resources in the Palestinian territories. It reviews the water resources in Palestine, and identifies the measure of  the availability of water. and what is the disposable rates uses per capita, supply and demand? The search ends with reviewing the challenges faced by the advantage and the optimum utilization of the available water resources. One major conclusion is that the water problem is political par excellence and that the Israeli-Palestinian agreements are the exact basis for the distribution and exploitation of water. Although the international law ensures the Palestinians' right to a fair share of water resources, there is no justice between Israel and Palestine in water distribution, Palestinians have no ability to get their water rights.
The study express a set of recommendations. The most important is  the  necessity to work hard on improving the terms of bilateral agreements to allow for optimal utilization of water resources in the Palestinian territories, especially in the West Bank, with a priority to develop a strategy to support water utilities and to identify future investment priorities. work is needed on the adoption and the establishment of projects to collect rainwater in coordination with the competent authorities, and on the legalization of drilling wells in parallel with the work on the rehabilitation of existing treatment plants and up gradation plans until the treated water may be used to inject the aquifer or to irrigate.
Keywords: Water, Palestinian Territories, Gaza strip, West bank, Water resources  in Palestine, Israelian settlements.

هدفت هذه الدراسة إلى التعرف على مدى تأثير العوامل البيئية والشخصية على نجاح ممارسات العمل الحر في قطاع غزة، وتكون مجتمع الدراسة من خريجي مؤسسات التعليم العالي في قطاع غزة العاملين لحسابهم الخاص عبر شبكة الانترنت.
استخدم الباحث المنهج الوصفي للوصول إلى نتائج هذه الدراسة، وكانت أداة الدراسة عبارة عن استبانة تم توزيعها إلكترونياً على عينة الدراسة البالغة 155 فرداً، وقد تم استخدام برنامج التحليل الإحصائي (SPSS) لتحليل البيانات وتفسيرها.
خلُصت الدراسة إلى عدة نتائج وقد كانت هذه النتائج غير مشجعة فيما يخص دور العوامل البيئية (التعليم العالي، الواقع الاقتصادي، الثقافة المجتمعية)، حيث حصل التعليم العالي على وزن نسبي مقداره 38.60% كمؤثر ومساعد على نجاح ممارسات العمل الحر، فيما كان الوزن النسبي للعوامل الاقتصادية كمؤثر على نجاح ممارسات العمل الحر هو 45.41%، أما فيما يخص الثقافة المجتمعية فقد كان التأثير يقف تقريباً على الحياد بوزن نسبي بلغ 54.78%.
أما فيما يخص العوامل الشخصية فقد كانت النتائج إيجابية، حيث بلغ الوزن النسبي للسمات الشخصية كمؤثر على نجاح ممارسات العمل الحر 77.14%، فيما وجدت الدراسة أن 73.98% من أفراد العينة يمتلكون المهارات الأساسية للنجاح والاستمرار في بيئة العمل الحر عبر الانترنت.
اُختتمت الدراسة بعدة توصيات من شأنها أن تساعد في نشر ثقافة العمل الحر بين الخريجين وتساهم في تحقيق النجاح والاستمرارية للأفراد العاملين لحسابهم الخاص عبر الانترنت، وقد كان من أهم هذه التوصيات:
- ضرورة تعزيز الجامعات للتعليم الريادي وتحديث المقررات بما يتفق مع متطلبات سوق العمل عبر الانترنت والاهتمام بتطوير مهارات الطلاب الإدارية واللغة الإنجليزية.
- إعادة النظر في برامج التوظيف الروتينية التي تقوم بها الحكومة (التوظيف على بند البطالة) واستبدالها بالتدريبات المدفوعة الأجر على العمل الحر عبر الانترنت.
- ضرورة اتقان مهارات التواصل وتسويق الذات واتقان اللغة الإنجليزية بجانب تطوير وتحديث المهارات التخصصية باستمرار باعتبارهم من أهم مقومات النجاح والاستمرارية.

The Lower Miocene Libyan Giraffe (Zarafa zelteni Hamilton, 1973) Fossils from Gaza City, State of Palestine.

By: Sharif Prof. Dr. Sc. Norman Ali Bassam Ali Taher Mohammad Ahmad Ahmad Mostafa Abdallah Mohammad Khalaf-Prinz Sakerfalke von Jaffa.

أحافير الزرافة الليبية ( زرافة زّلتّني هاميلتون ، 1973) من عصر الميوسين السُفلي من مدينة غزة ، دولة فلسطين
بقلم : الشريف أ. د. نورمان (نُعمان) علي بسام علي طاهر مُحمد أحمد أحمد مُصطفى عبدالله مُحمد خلف اليافاوي العيزري

Abstract: Lower Miocene Libyan Giraffe (Zarafa zelteni = Canthumeryx sirtensis) fossils were known from Al-Hula Lake, North of Palestine, discovered while drying the lake; and from Tel Rakhma (Yeruham) in the Northern Al-Naqab (Negev) Desert, South of Palestine. Recently, In November 2017, an upper jaw fossil measuring 25.5 cm, and a vertebra fossil measuring 12.5 cm, both belonging to the 17.8 million years old primitive Libyan Giraffe (Zarafa zelteni Hamilton, 1973) were discovered in Gaza City, South-west Palestine. The fossils originate from a muddy soil area from the Gaza Strip. Both relatively big fossil objects were found amongst hundreds of smaller fossil objects and broken pieces, covered with mud, during planting work done by Gaza City Municipality, on the central island of Jameat Al-Duwal Al-Arabiyah (Arab League) Street in Gaza City, in November 2017.

مُلخص : تم إكتشاف أحافير زرافة عصر الميوسين السُفلي الليبية ( زرافة زّلتّني = كانثومّريكس سيرتّنسيس) من بُحيرة الحولة ، شمال فلسطين ، أثناء تجفيف البُحيرة ؛ ومن تل رخمة (يروحام) في شمال صحراء النقب ، جنوب فلسطين . وفي شهر نوفمبر 2017 ، تم العثور على أحفورة فك عُلوي بطول 25.5 سم ، وأحفورة فقرة ظهرية بطول 12.5 سم ، تنتميان إلى الزرافة الليبية البدائية ( زرافة زّلتّني) ، وذلك في مدينة غزة ، جنوب غرب فلسطين . ويُقدر عُمر الأحفورتين ب 17.8 مليون سنة ، ويرجع مصدرهما من منطقة ذات تربة طينية في قطاع غزة . وقد تم العثور على هاتين القطعتين الأحفورتين الكبيرتين نسبياً ، وسط مئات من القطع الأحفورية الأصغر حجماً والقطع المُتكسرة ، والمُغطاة بالطين أثناء أعمال الزراعة التي كانت بلدية مدينة غزة تقوم بها في الجزيرة الوُسطى بشارع جامعة الدُول العربية في مدينة غزة ، في شهر نوفمبر 2017 .

Reference: Khalaf-Prinz Sakerfalke von Jaffa, Sharif Prof. Dr. Sc. Norman Ali Bassam Ali Taher Mohammad Ahmad Ahmad Mostafa Abdallah Mohammad (February 2022). The Lower Miocene Libyan Giraffe (Zarafa zelteni Hamilton, 1973) Fossils from Gaza City, State of Palestine. Gazelle: The Palestinian Biological Bulletin. ISSN 0178 – 6288. Volume (Band) 40, Number 206, February 2022, Seiten(S) pp. 1-21. Published by Prof. Dr. Norman Ali Khalaf Department for Environmental Research and Media, National Research Center, University of Palestine, Gaza, State of Palestine. (With English and Arabic abstracts). https://palestine-fossils.webs.com/zarafa-zelteni

هدفت هذه الدراسة الى بيان دور المشاركة المجتمعية في رسم خطط وسياسات الهيئات المحلية في قطاع غزة (دراسة حالة بلدية غزة)، وتحديد أولوية العمل على تحقيق مبدأ المشاركة المجتمعية لدى فئة الدراسة، والى قياس مدى تطبيق مبدأ المشاركة المجتمعية في بلدية غزة من حيث منهجية عمل البلدية وآلية اتخاذ القرار في المجلس البلدي ولجان الأحياء واجتماعات البلدية العامة مع المواطنين. ويتكون مجتمع الدراسة من جميع أعضاء لجان الأحياء حيث بلغ عددهم وفق إدارة  البلدية (70) عضوا؛ حيث استخدام الباحثان  أسلوب العينة العشوائية لجمع بيانات الدراسة حيث تم توزيع (50) استبانة . وتوصلت الدراسة لعديد من النتائج الهامة  بحيث لا يوجد إشارة إلى تأثير مشاركة المواطنين في التخطيط الحضري و آلية اتخاذ القرار؛ فضلا عن تمثيل المواطنين من خلال المجلس البلدي أو تنسيق البلدية مع لجان الأحياء واجتماعات البلدية العامة مع المواطنين على المشاركة المجتمعية في رسم خطط وسياسات بلدية غزة. وخلصت الدراسة بتوصيات حول تعزيز مفهوم المشاركة المجتمعية للمواطنين عبر اعتماد آلية للمشاركة في خطط عمل وسياسات بلدية غزة ومجلسها البلدي. كما توصي بالمساهمة في إيجاد مزيد من الدعم التقني والمعنوي لمبدأ المشاركة المجتمعية عبر تخصيص جزء من الموازنات السنوية لهذا الأمر، وتسويق مفهوم المشاركة المجتمعية في العديد من القنوات الإعلامية و اعتماد برامج تدريبية وتوعوية للعاملين في بلدية غزة تهدف إلي تمكين العاملين بها من انتهاج مبدأ المشاركة. وتعزيزها في برامج عمل مؤسسات المجتمع المدني وخاصة البلديات.
Abstract:
This study aims to highlight the role of the citizenship participation in formulating the planning and policies of the localities in the Gaza Strip generally and Gaza Municipality as a case study. The population of the study consists of 70 members from the neighborhood committees. Using a random sample to collect the primary data, the two researchers distributed and collected 50 questionnaires from the sample members.
The study found that there are no statistical relationships between the citizenship participation and urban planning, decision making, coordination and meeting with the municipality in the process of formulating the panning and policies of the Gaza Municipality. The study concluded that that citizenship participation should be reinforced through adopting a new mechanism that allows for citizens to participate in the planning and policies of the Gaza Municipality.  More technical and materialistic support should be allocated by the municipality to empower the citizenship participation, to market this term in the various media channels, and to conduct the training programs for increasing the awareness of the municipality staff about the importance of citizenship participation.

Henri Pottier a fêté son quatre-vingt-cinquième anniversaire le 4 novembre 2018. Jean-Marc Doyen et Cécile Morrisson ont, à cette occasion, réuni les contributions de vingt et un de ses amis et collègues. Les thèmes en sont variés, allant de l’ouverture de l’atelier monétaire de Byzance par Aurélien (J.-Cl. Thiry) au voyage à Constantinople du peintre anversois Jacob Jacobs (E. Warmenbol), en passant par les tissus byzantins conservés en Europe occidentale (R. de Mûelenaere), ou les origines du nom d’Istanbul (L. Severs). Mais ce sont bien entendu les VIe et VIIe s. qui se taillent la part du lion : jetons en plomb du VIe s. (J.-P.. Blicq), trésors de solidi de Gaza (B. Callegher), monnaies d’argent ostrogothiques en Gaule (J.-M. Doyen). Les périodes plus récentes ne sont certes pas oubliées, comme les imitations latines du XIIIe s. (C. Wolkow). Une place importante a été accordée aux cultures périphériques : monnayages arabo-byzantin (T. Goodwin), des Sassanides (Fr. Gurnet), des Arméniens et de l’Orient (M. Phillips), de Carthage (I. & W. Schulze). J. Elsen décrit le système pondéral égyptien. Plusieurs contributions traitent d’iconographie, comme les représentations de Constantinople à la fin du Moyen Âge (Ph. Pottier), les images de la Vierge sous Isaac II Ange (S. Mansfield) ou les influences byzantines chez les Seldjoukides et les Turcomans (R. Lemaire).
Les monnaies de fouilles ne sont pas oubliées : elles viennent d’Apamée de Syrie (Chr. Lauwers et R. Margos) ou de Sagalassos (F. Stroobants).
C. Morrisson et F. de Callataÿ insistent finalement sur le caractère novateur des travaux d’Henri Pottier et leur enseignement pour les recherches à venir.

In this bibliography I have compiled fifty essays on MuralGaga published between mid-July and mid-January. They detail my efforts of investigative journalism into the "info-wars" conducted by pro-Israel groups against the UK Labour Party immediately prior to the massacres in Gaza.

Although international norms on the Responsibility to Protect ( R2P ), norms stemming from United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and the agenda of Women, Peace and Security (wps) have shifted the narrative from a state-centric to a human-centric approach to security, they have failed to intersect in the most difficult contexts. This paper examines the intersections between Pillar iii of R2P, Resolution 1325 and the agenda of wps with a focus on protection in Gaza. Within the Gaza context, all authorities can be seen as failing in their responsibility to protect, however, no steps have been taken toward operationalisation of protection under R2P. Examining protection through a gendered lens provides a critical mirror of strategies of protection as well as a roadmap towards improvement. The article argues that R2P in combination with the agenda of wps provides a potential tool for constructing a consensus prioritising protection of civilians in the most difficult contexts.

Purpose-The purpose of this paper is to prioritize the vital tools/techniques for the effective implementation of the last planner system (LPS) in the cross-cultural setting of a developing country, i.e. Gaza Strip. Besides, the potential benefits of implementing LPS are prioritized.
Design/methodology/approach-The significant techniques and likely benefits of LPS implementations were identified through comprehensive literature, followed by their verification through a pilot study. The quantitative data were collected using a questionnaire survey from 89 companies, operating in the Gaza Strip construction industry. The relative important index was calculated for prioritizing the significant tools/ techniques (16) which support the effective LPS implementation, and highlighting the potential benefits (10) achieved through LPS implementation.
Findings-The results showed that the "use of visual devices to spread information in the construction site," "attendance of key actors" and "look ahead plan" are the most important tools/techniques supporting LPS implementation. The top three potential benefits of implementing LPS include: "allows a better understanding of the program control," "maximizes the cooperation and confidence among team members" and "allows the manager to better visualize the work program." To prevent any waste in project time and to ensure the material supply and continuity of works, the study recommends advance supply and storage of demand materials, and early availability of the shop-drawings for acceptance by the superintendent.
Practical implications-The study's findings are expected to guide the key construction stakeholders to prioritize their energies toward effective LPS implementation in the Gaza Strip.
Originality/value-Though this study pertains to Palestine, its methodology can be generalized in other countries and regions, having a similar work environment, after making necessary cultural adjustments.

Open-air prison, Terror, Resistance, Occupation, Siege, Trauma, Bare humanity: irrespective of when, where, and to whom the word is uttered, Gaza immediately evokes an abundance of metaphors. Similarly, a plethora of metaphors also invoke Gaza: Crisis, Exception, Refugees, Destitution, Tunnels, Persistence. With essays written by journalists, writers, doctors, academics and others, this volume uses metaphor to record and historicize Gaza, to contextualize its everyday realities, interrogate its representations and provide an understanding on Gaza's real and symbolic significance. The essays within, written both from within Gaza and outside, touch on life and survival, the making of the Gaza Strip and its increasing isolation, the discursive and visual tools that have often shackled Gaza behind misunderstandings, and what Gaza contributes to our understanding of exception; inequality; dispossession; bio-politics; necro-power and other terms which we rely on to make sense of our world. The volume reveals how Gaza is an outcome of specific historical and spatial practices, and not simply a metaphor of a far-away humanitarian disaster or place of incomprehensible violence. Gaza As Metaphor demonstrates that Gaza is a real place, an inseparable part of the past, present, and future condition of Palestinians, in particular, and of dispossession, more generally.

"Was the antisemitism crisis in the UK Labour Party designed as a distraction from Gaza? Very early on some complained that Jeremy Corbyn was a victim of a smear campaign, but might it be more accurate to say that UK politics witnessed a deliberate smokescreen? As controversial as this narrative is, I think that all the evidence points in that direction."

In this paper I raise the question of whether the antisemitism crisis in the UK LP was an exercise in purposely timed hysteria to distract from Gaza, and by investigating open sources draw attention to the pro-Israeli activists orchestrating the smokescreen. I identify the real reasons for Jewish concern regarding Corbyn as Israeli legitimacy and the fear of BDS, especially should violence flare up - a concern that became more acute in 2018 - and indicate the strategy implemented as a result of this challenge. I note the extreme reluctance of the media in spelling out facts of the smokescreen, and locate this reluctance within a broader unwillingness meriting truth and reconciliation.

موضوع هذه الرسالة ينتمي إلى طائفة الأدبيات التي اهتمت بقضية "محددات" سلوك الفاعلين من غير الدول المتعدين للحدود، والتي هي من القضايا الحديثة في مجال العلاقات الدولية، بالنظر إلى سيطرة الاهتمام بالدولة لفترة طويلة من الزمن على ماتم تطويره من أطر تحليلية للتفاعلات الإقليمية والدولية، وإلى أن الأدبيات الخاصة بالفاعلين من غير الدول المتعدين للحدود، اهتمت بصورة رئيسية بتعريفهم وتطوير معايير لتصنيفهم، وللتمييز بينهم والدولة، دون الاهتمام بتقديم أطر تحليلية تسمح بتحديد المتغيرات التي تؤثر على سلوكهم.
وترجع أهمية هذا الموضوع إلى عدد من الاعتبارات. أولها تزايد تأثير الفاعلين من غير الدول، خاصة الفاعلين من غير الدول المتعدين للحدود والمستندين لهوية Transnational Identity based non-State Actors  ، والتي ينتمي لها كل من حزب الله وحركة حماس-حالتي الدراسة- في الأمن والاستقرار في المنطقة العربية، فعلى سبيل المثال، شهد العقد الأخير العديد من الحروب غير المتماثلة التي كان أحد طرفيها فاعل ينتمي لهذا النوع من الفاعلين، التي زادت من حالة عدم الاستقرار في المنطقة، على نحو أصبح يمثل ضغوطاً على الدوائر الأكاديمية والسياسية في المنطقة العربية لتطوير استراتيجيات للتعامل معهم، وللتأثير على سلوكهم، على نحو لايضر بمصالح تلك الدول، وعلى نحو لايضر بالاستقرار في المنطقة.
وثانيها، أن هناك فجوة بين ما تقدمه الأدبيات من أطر تحليلية للتفاعلات في إقليم الشرق الأوسط بصفة عامة، والمنطقة العربية بصفة خاصة، وبين ما يحدث فعلا، حيث لاتزال الدولة مسيطرة بصورة كبيرة على تلك الأدبيات، مع إغفال تأثير الفاعلين من غير الدول المتعدين للحدود بصورة عامة، وبالتالي، تمثل هذه الرسالة إسهاما في سد هذه الفجوة.
وثالثها أن حالتي الدراسة تعدان من الحالات المؤثرة في تفاعلات المنطقة العربية، ومن الحالات أيضا التي تسيطر على الأدبيات التي اهتمت بتحليل سلوكهما مواقف أيديولوجية أو قيمية تحول دون تقديم تحليل موضوعي لسلوكهما، حيث تسعى هذه الرسالة لتقديم تحليل موضوعي منضبط، لتأثير الهوية على سلوكهما.   
تنقسم هذه الدراسة إلى أربعة فصول وخاتمة. يحلل الفصل الأول، الاتجاهات النظرية المختلفة في مجال العلاقات الدولية التي اهتمت بتحليل سلوك الفاعلين من غير الدول المتعدين للحدود بصفة عامة، والفاعلين من غير الدول المستندين لهوية المتعدين للحدود بصفة خاصة، ويناقش الاتجاهات المختلفة لتعريف هذا النوع من الفاعلين من غير الدول المتعدين للحدود، ومعايير تصنيفهم، كما يحلل الفصل اتجاهات الجدل المختلفة حول الهوية كمحدد لسلوك الفاعلين المتعدين للحدود من غير الدول المستندين لهوية، وطبيعة العلاقة بين المصلحة والهوية. ويعرض الفصل الإطار التحليلي الذي تم تطويره للتطبيق على حالتي الدراسة، وهو يتألف من مجموعة من المقولات البنائية والواقعية، وكذلك الخطوات العملية المتبعة لتحليل تأثير الهوية الخاصة بكل من حزب الله وحركة حماس على سلوكهما تجاه قضيتين، هما قضية التغيير السياسي الداخلي، وقضية الصراع مع إسرائيل.
إلى جانب ذلك، يحلل هذا الفصل أهمية كل من حزب الله وحركة حماس في خريطة الفاعلين من غير الدول المتعدين للحدود في المنطقة العربية، ويعرف بالهوية المركبة لكل منهما، من خلال تحديد المكونات المادية والمكونات غير المادية لها.
ويهتم الفصل الثاني بتحليل مقارن لتأثير الهوية المركبة لكل من حزب الله وحركة حماس على سلوكهما تجاه قضية الصراع مع إسرائيل، بالتطبيق على حرب يوليو 2006 في حالة حزب الله، وحرب ديسمبر 2008-يناير 2009 في حالة حركة حماس، وتجاه قضية التغيير السياسي الداخلي، بالتطبيق على أزمة مايو 2008 في حالة حزب الله، وأزمة يونيو 2007 في حالة حركة حماس. وتم التمييز بين بعدين للسلوك، البعد الأول هو التوجهات المعلنة لكل من حزب الله وحركة حماس، والبعد الثاني هو السياسات الفعلية لكل منهما. كما تم التمييز بين مستويين لتأثير الهوية، المستوى الأول هو التأثير البنائي للهوية، الخاص بتحديد تصورات الفاعل للقضية ولمصلحته الإستراتيجية، والمستوى الثاني هو التأثير التنظيمي للهوية، وينصرف إلى تحديد أي السياسات يتسق ومعاني الهوية، أي يتسم بشرعية ما، وأيها لايتسق ومعاني الهوية.
بينما يحلل الفصل الثالث بصورة مقارنة تأثير التفاعلات الخاصة بحرب يوليو 2006 على هوية حزب الله، وبحرب 2008-2009 على هوية حركة حماس، حيث تعد هاتان الحربان حالتين تطبيقيتين لقضية الصراع مع إسرائيل. كما يحلل تأثير التفاعلات الخاصة بأزمة مايو 2008 على هوية حزب الله، وبأزمة يونيو 2007 على هوية حركة حماس، واللتين تعدان حالتين تطبيقيتين لقضية التغيير السياسي الداخلي. وذلك بهدف اختبار صحة الفرض الخاص بأن دخول الفاعل في تفاعلات خاصة بقضية ما، يحدث تغيراً في هويته، سواء كان تغيراً كلياً أو جزئياً.
كما يحلل الفصل الرابع بصورة مقارنة تأثير التغير في هوية حزب الله وحركة حماس على سلوكهما تجاه قضية الصراع مع إسرائيل، وقضية التغيير السياسي الداخلي، بهدف "اختبار" مدى استقرار التغير في هوية حزب الله والناتج عن تفاعلات حرب 2006، وكيفية تأثيره على سلوكه تجاه قضية الصراع مع إسرائيل في الفترة التالية للحرب، وكذلك مدى استقرار الثبات في هوية حركة حماس في الفترة التالية على حرب 2008-2009، وكيفية تأثيرها على سلوكها تجاه قضية الصراع مع إسرائيل.
إلى جانب ذلك، يحلل الفصل مدى استقرار الثبات في هوية حزب الله في الفترة التالية على أزمة مايو 2008، وكيف أثرت على سلوك الحزب تجاه قضية التغيير السياسي في لبنان، وكذلك مدى استقرار التغير في هوية حركة حماس في الفترة التالية على أزمة يونيو 2007، وكيف أثرت على سلوكها تجاه قضية التغيير السياسي في فلسطين.
وأخيرا اهتمت خاتمة الدراسة، ببيان أهمية ماتم التوصل إليه من نتائج خاصة بتأثير الهوية كمحدد لسلوك كل من حزب الله وحركة حماس، ومدى صلاحية هذه النتائج في تفسير سلوك أنواع أخرى من الفاعلين من غير الدول المتعدين للحدود والمستندين لهوية، وكذلك مدى فائدة هذه النتائج بالنسبة لدوائر صنع القرار في المنطقة العربية، من حيث توفيرها إطارا عاما يساعد هذه الدوائر في التأثير على سلوك هاتين الحالتين سواء بصورة مباشرة أو بصورة غير مباشرة، أو على الأقل كيف يمكن لها أن تتجنب إتباعهما سياسات تضر بمصالحها الإستراتيجية، وبأمنها الوطني؟. ويرجع اهتمام الدراسة بهذا البعد، إلى إدراكها أن التحليل الأكاديمي بصورة عامة، يهدف لدعم صانع القرار، بخيارات، وبأطر عامة تقود تفكيره، أو تؤطره framing، حين يفكر في اتباع سياسات محددة، لاسيما حين يتعلق الأمر بقضايا يتزايد فيها تأثير هذا النوع من الفاعلين، وتهدد مصالح الدول، مثل حزب الله في حالة سوريا، وحركة حماس فيما يتعلق بالأمن الوطني لمصر بعد سقوط حكم الأخوان في 3 يوليو 2013.

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DISCUSSION
Russ Waletski left a reason for downloading PALESTINE VOLUME III- GENOCIDE
My interest in reading your paper is that I lecture on Palestine from the perspective of Palestinian Christians and Muslims and posted a book of essays on Academia.edu.
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The Biden administration has warned Israel that it faces possible punishment, including the potential stopping of US weapons transfers, if it does not take immediate action to let more humanitarian aid into Gaza.
Israeli forces tightened their squeeze around Jabalia
What is al-Mawasi and why did Israel attack a ‘safe zone’?11/09/2024
D. Noha Khalaf: Mahmoud Darwish and the “butterfly effect that never goes away” in Gaza! 31082024
Over the past fifteen years, Gaza has suffered five punitive expeditions: 2006 (“Summer Rain”); 03/02/2024
South Africa presents its case against Israël at the ICJ
GENOCIDE
CR 2024/1
International Court Cour internationale of Justice de Justice
THE HAGUE LA HAYE
YEAR 2024
The guerrilla is stronger than an occupying army 12/11/2023
SCANDALEUX ENLÈVEMENT DE MARIAM ABU DAQQA PAR LA POLICE FRANÇAISE HIER SOIR A MINUIT A PARIS 13ème 09/11/2023
L'article dans son intégralité: Enzo Traverso : la guerre à Gaza « brouille la mémoire de l’Holocauste »
la « guerre génocidaire » menée par l’armée israélienne à Gaza. 08/11/2023
l'arrestation de la militante Ahed Tamimi 06/11/2023
Some images of the disaster in Gaza 31102023
Amnesty International is calling on 31102023
Palestinians storm a UN-run aid supply center  30102023
Mondialisation de la Colère ATLANTA ETATS UNIS SOURCE LE FIGARO 27102023
Je suis palestinienne Et ma demi- sœur est israélienne 21102023
Ons Jabeur recalled that Palestinians had been subjected to injustice for the past 75 years.  16102023
Jean-Paul Sartre : the only weapon of the Palestinians is terrorism (1972) It is a terrible weapon but the oppressed do not have one other  13102023
Jose Luis Garcia Vigil  13102023
WHO asks Israel to reverse evacuation order, says it amounts to 'death sentence' for vulnerable patients 13102023
WHY a big win for Hamas? 12102023
War and Natural Gas: The Israeli Invasion and Gaza’s Offshore Gas Fields
by Michel Chossudovsky 11102023
War and Natural Gas: The Israeli Invasion and Gaza’s Offshore Gas Fields 10102023
In New York, we speak with Rashid Khalidi, author of The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, 10102023
Selon un dernier bilan publié sur X par l'ambassade d'Israël à Washington, plus de 300 Israéliens ont été tués et 1800 blessés. Elle affirme également qu'une centaine de civils et soldats israéliens ont été kidnappés par le Hamas. 
Le Freedom Theatre pleure une de ses adolescentes 27062023
Violente bataille lors d'un raid israélien à Jénine, cinq Palestiniens tués
LE 19 JUIN. 2023 À 08H08 (TU) 
Cette femme palestinienne n’existe pas: voici son portrait 15062023
En direct de Gaza  Il est 12h à Gaza ce vendredi 12 mai 2023
08/04/2023  ALERTE La population de #Gaza est actuellement bombardée par l’aviation israélienne. #GazaUnderAttack
06/04/2023 MASSACRE A AL-AQSA
26/03/2023  À Gaza ou en Cisjordanie, la situation est totalement désespérée pour les jeunes Palestiniens
19/03/2023 International campaign to spread the historical map of Palestine from the river to the sea
13/03/2023  La mère palestinienne origine de notre savoir
08/03/2023 8 mars 2023 en Palestine Femmes palestiniennes
01/03/2023 Israelis still expect the Palestinians will surrender. They've never been more wrong  Haaretz
28/02/2023 expédition punitive dans la ville d’Howwarah par des colons
24/02/2023 Nablus hit by deadly Israeli raid
26/01/2023 une dizaine de Palestiniens tués lors d'un raid israélien à Jénine
The Palestinian and Levantine cuisine that Israel tries to appropriate
Pourquoi la France doit-elle protéger le peuple Palestinien?
Un projet qui commence par un rêve à Jénine et tente de devenir une réalité, rejoindre Gaza
Femmes Palestiniennes en Résistance  020123
The Systematic Destruction of Palestinian Memory
(NEW) 26122022  Christmas in Bethlehem, where it all started
(NEW) 19122022 What in the World Is Happening in Israel? The New York Times
(NEW) 08122022 Case Study: Har Homa
« Gaza est un homme qui pleure et qui ne veut pas le dire » : l’enclave traversée du Nord au Sud, entre mer et mur
Par Louis Imbert (Gaza, envoyé spécial)
"أنا بنت القدس، وأحب أن أراها سعيدة"... أحدث لقاء إعلامي عفوي مع شيرين أبوعاقلة على درجات باب العامود نهاية رمضان الماضي
REQUIEM POUR SHERINE par Noha Khalaf
ASSASSINAT DE LA JOURNALISTE PALESTINIENNE A JÉNINE PAR L’OCCUPANT ISRAÉLIEN 11/05/2022
Emma Watson pro-Palestinian post sparks antisemitism row
Palestinian prison break: Israel has every reason to fear this bold move
Jonathan Cook
I - Palestine Peace Movement (PPM) Creating One State for Palestinians and Jews in Palestine Mohamed Rabie
II - Palestine, the Birthplace of Civilization
When and where Civilization was born 
Prof. Mohamed Rabie
III - APOCALYPSE IN WEST BANK
IV - I cry my eyes out when I write about Gaza
V - La suspension par Israël de la distribution de courrier en provenance et à destination de Gaza est une punition collective inacceptable
VI - GAZA RECONSTRUCTION: TOWARD  A SELF-DETERMINED MECHANISM
VII - Alain Gresh présente « La Palestine n'a pas disparu », par Edward Said
VIII - Guerres sans fin contre les Palestiniens - Une domination israélienne toujours plus brutale par Alain Gresh
IX (PART 1)THE IMPERATIVE OF CHANGING THE TERMS OF REFERENCE in dealing with  the situation in Palestine
22 May 2021
By: Dr. Noha Khalaf
IX (Part 2) The imperative of transforming strategic concepts and philosophical mindsets by exchanging old biased allies with  a different set of  reliable allies
25 May 2021
By: Dr. Noha Khalaf*
XI- Marwan Barghouti président de tous les Palestiniens ?
XII - في يوم الأرض: وداعا سلمان ناطور الروائي  المعجون بتربة الأرض 
XIII -      DOCUMENTAIRES DE STÉPHANE VALENTIN
Chapitre XIV- New ROAD MAP FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION
The Palestinian issue to where?, 2020
XV-a استراتيجية  لتصفية المشروع الصهيوني
XV- b - A Strategy to end the Zionist Project in Palestine
XV-c- Palestine Peace Movement (PPM) - Creating One State for Palestinians and Jews in Palestine
XVI -  Where to on Palestine?
......
Chapitre XX
Mahmoud Darwichطباق عن إدوارد سعيد
Chapitre XXI
Volunteered at a Natural History Museum in Palestine [World Environment Day]
Chapitre XXII
COVID-19 pandemic in the State of Palestine
Chapitre XXIII
https://www.academia.edu/31928086/Le_patriote_palestinien_le_moins_connu_Ahmed_Hilmi_Pasha
Chapitre XXIV : Le monde doit lutter contre l’annexion israélienne – qu’elle soit formelle ou non
Chapitre XXV: HISTORIQUE DE L'APRÈS AL-NAKBA
Chapitre XXVI : Hommage à l’écrivain Palestinien Salmane Natour
Chapitre XXVII : L'Union européenne ne peut pas et ne doit pas inviter des Israéliens en Tunisie
Chapitre XXVIII : LE MYTHE CHIRAC ET LA PALESTINE
Chapitre XXIX: À Gaza, un peuple en cage
Chapitre XXX APOCALYPSE GAZA (NOV.2012 DOCUMENTARY)
The following points define the most important principles on which the movement is based, and the goals it seeks:
1. Establishing a single dual-identity state on all of Palestinian soil in which all Palestinian Jews and Arabs have the right to live in it as citizens with equal rights and duties.
L’Université Brown inaugure « La Chaire Mahmoud Darwich
EXCERPT from "L'énigmatique Ahmad Hilmi Pacha":
https://www.academia.edu/31928086/Le_patriote_palestinien_le_moins_connu_Ahmed_Hilmi_Pasha

With nationalism then moving across Europe, some Zionist Jews believed that religious and racial ties among Jews were necessary to establish a Jewish “nationality” and bequeathed the so-called “Jewish nation state” with national rights including the right to separate existence in a foreign occupied territory and the right to form a Jewish state. “Jewish nationalism” would be the driving force for colonization. The objective of Zionism was described as: “The object of Zionism is to establish for the Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by public law.”    Theodor Herzl, (1860-1904) a visionary behind modern Zionism had written in his diary after the First Zionist Congress in Basel: “If I were to sum up the Basle Congress in one word — which I shall not do openly — it would be this: at Basle I founded the Jewish State. If I were to say this to-day, I would be met by universal laughter. In five years, perhaps, and certainly in fifty, everyone will see it.”  Herzl's philosophy found tremendous support from the poverty-stricken Jews of Eastern Europe and Russia.

This study analyzes the political reasons that allowed the Islamic State to expand successfully in Syria and Iraq, by enabling to ‘franchise’ worldwide, and the role of the regional governments in this issue. The essay provides a different explanation from the classic approach of the “clash of civilizations” theorized by Samuel P. Huntington, ascribing responsibility for the growth and expansion of the Islamic State to the complex framework of geopolitical alliances within the Muslim civilization and the Arab world. The paper highlights the attempt by Turkey to establish itself as a regional power and guidance of the Islamic world, by resurrecting the Caliphate, and, based on this, explains the contrast with the Islamic State, which goal is the foundation of a globalized Caliphate. The plans of the Turkish President Erdoğan for a Great Turkey, allied with Egypt, have foundered with the coup that ousted the Muslim Brotherhood from power. The study relates the connection of Ankara with the Kurds, regarding the management of the crisis in Syria and Iraq, and the Turkish liaison with regional powers (Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Israel) and other powers (Russia, Cina and USA).

« Shikun » : le cri du cinéaste Amos Gitaï contre la politique de Benyamin Nétanyahou 06032024
The Quest for Peace between Israel and The Palestinians is for Israelis to Question 25012024
ICJ orders Israel to allow humanitarian access to Gaza and asks it to prevent any possible act of “genocide”
Why Benjamin Netanyahu and his allies are taking heavy action on Qatar 26012024
Whoever wants to defeat America will cut off the air of wars. *Article by Chinese writer Chua Chen*18042023
The port of Haifa, the Indian Adani and Israel's project for the Middle East Published date: 14 april 2023
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taoufik_Ziyad 14062023
LETTRE OUVERTE A MADAME URSULA VON DER LEYEN 03052023
I - After the Let-Down in Afghanistan, How Long Before It’s Israel? followed by Discussion
II - Civil Disobedience is defining a new world order
III -  Ending Armageddon Forever: A New Vision for Peace between Israelis and Palestinians by Imad Abdullah
IV - a -  Ending Armageddon Forever: A New Vision for Peace between Israelis and Palestinians by Imad Abdullah
IV - b - A Scion of Zionist Aristocracy Wants to Quit the Jewish People. Will Israel Let Him?
I V- c - Who is Avraham Burg?
IV- d  -
للمرة الأولى.. إسرائيليون يتظاهرون في تل أبيب ضد مخطط نتنياهو وغانتس ضم أراض فلسطينية (صور) _ 
V - The Quest for Peace between Israel and The Palestinians is for Israelis to Question
VI - WHERE TO STOCHASTICS?
VII - WHERE MODELING DO NOT FAIL
VIII - Iran and the US: can Armageddon be stopped?
IX - How Soon Armageddon, and who will initiate the first strike in The Middle East to redefine The New World Order?
X - Could there be “A New World Order” and would it work this time?
XI - جنوب لبنان، مكان مقدس مشترك
XII - A Palestinian at Yad Vashem - Ghassan Abdallah
XIII -  LA PÉRENNITÉ DE LA CRISE SYRIENNE/THE SUSTAINABILITY OF THE SYRIAN CRISIS AGAINST PROSPERITY
6 Mai 2018
Par Paul Craig Roberts (revue de presse : dedefensa.org -2/5/18)*
EXCERPTS
28062020 by Ghassan Abdullah
A Palestinian at Yad Vashem
Ghassan F. Abdullah, August 2, 2000
It was quite an experience. It took a lot to get myself, a Palestinian, to undertake the trip. And I only did it after an intense discussion with a German acquaintance about the triangular connection between Germany, the Jews and the Palestinians. The effect on me was profound in many ways. I even repeated the visit again to let the first impressions sink in and more reactions come out.
Peace will come when Israelis decide to have peace. How can this come about and what can Israelis do? There are serious questions for them to address and to question themselves and their leaders before following them blindly. Here is an outline:
How will Israel’s Dream survive, can it and should it and at what price?
Who determines what’s the extent of the Dream? Should Israelis remain in limbo on which  borders fulfill the dream? How realistic is it to expand beyond the current territory under control when it is so difficult to maintain peace within? How many are willing to sacrifice children and family members to have the dream fulfilled for others?

March 10,2020
A- Persistance de la vision coloniale: Israël-Palestine, un plan de guerre
Concocté par Washington sans l’implication des Palestiniens, le plan de M. Donald Trump pour la paix au Proche-Orient satisfait aux principales exigences d’Israël. Outre qu’il entérine l’annexion de toutes les colonies et de la vallée du Jourdain — dispositions contraires aux résolutions des Nations unies —, l’« accord du siècle » prive un éventuel État palestinien du moindre attribut de souveraineté.  Par Alain Gresh https://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2020/03/GRESH/61539
B- A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People
...A realistic solution would give the Palestinians all the power to govern themselves but not the powers to threaten Israel. This necessarily entails the limitations of certain sovereign powers in the Palestinian areas (henceforth referred to as the
“Palestinian State”) such as maintenance of Israeli security responsibility and Israeli control of the airspace west of the
Jordan River. This Vision creates a realistic Two-State solution in which a secure and prosperous State of Palestine is living peacefully alongside a secure and prosperous State of Israel in a secure and prosperous region...
https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Peace-to-Prosperity-0120.pdf

March 5, 2020 

A new dawn is upon Israel only if it can see it.

A blueprint for long-term peaceful existence of Israel was previously presented as shown on the following pages and it is becoming more and more realistic with all the recent developments and when the Israeli public moves past the rhetoric and rosy promises and analyses the realities which offer the prospect for a new dawn

To begin with, and as the whole world grapples with the spread of the coronavirus and its long-term implications, it is time to reassess what guarantees Israelis their existence knowing that the present conditions may have changed drastically the course of future wars. Might is no longer the only force as few industrial societies can survive the lockdown being imposed by Coronavirus without peace within and with all neighbors, and with the concerted cooperation of everyone

A Visionary Plan for Two States - A Change of Context Solution

The solution lies in how we build successful cities and provides employment with new economies, how we design for present day densities such as Singapore and Cairo.

To achieve this plan and to live in permanent peace, Israel is asked to make a one time land concession along the border with Lebanon, a narrow zone between one to five miles wide inside Israel depending on Terrain to form a permanent security buffer zone.


The New Palestine will be The West Bank, the Zone and Gaza: The area can closely be defined as lands between the border and Israel’s Highway 899 just to the South running East – West, starting at The Mediterranean and connecting to the East with highway 866 going north to the northernmost border of Israel and to the historic Syrian border west of The Golan Heights.

07022020
MESSAGE SPECIAL A LAURE MANDEVILLE JOURNALISTE AU FIGARO
"Vous faites parties des journalistes qui connaissent le mieux la politique américaine; l'auteur de cette étude vit aux états unis et il est parmi les rares intellectuels d'origine palestinienne qui maîtrisent la relation israélo-palestinienne. J'ai diffusé cette étude à une dizaine de journalistes; peut-être verront-ils dans cette étude une lueur d'espoir pour une vie digne de "la société future"?"
Ending Armageddon Forever: A New Vision for Peace between Israelis and Palestinians
I- Can The Deal of the Century Downside be turned to an Upside?
II- A Visionary Plan with Two Sovereign States
III- Borders and Security
IV - Benefits
V - Logistics
VI - Summary
Background:
We are in unpredictable times and tempers are quite high. The "where to" scenarios could invite very dark times and possibly a Doomsday on the horizon. One would hope the rest of the world powers will interfere enough to stem the tide and reverse the slide to the "Nowhere" as nowhere could be the ending for many innocents trapped within this generational cycle of attempts at dominance and the ensuing world powers continuous confrontation.
Considering that the incident occurred near the Baghdad Airport and the potential breach of its security, Iran could arrange with Iraqi authorities to round-up all personnel and entities in charge of the airport security and in due course potential collaborators with any foreign military planes flying over the airport in the last days before the attack on Soleimani.
Beyond Sykes-Picot after WW1 and the International Treaties following WW2 which set the course of the last century, the New World Order before our eyes now has been to divide, to Parcel-out, and to instill hegemony on such parcels rather than total subjugation. Watching recent events one can easily come to this conclusion.
Will Lebanon divide along its religious tribal political lines? Would this approach concentrate Hezbollah within its defined enclaves and will it be targeted then? Whether he party gets attacked or not, it would still remain at 30 to 35% of the population and will not go away.
Israel may want to consider how to secure the future while it is in a strong position to have favorable agreements. So far it has not defined its borders and it may be time to do so. It may be time to bet on peace, and begin to remove the hundreds of thousands of land mines separating Lebanon from Israel, and to start a worldwide campaign ...
If not now, there is a very large young generation and their children who will be battling Israel for the next two generations and nobody knows what will be the armaments of the future. In this scenario, there will be no need for another will anyone need a Sikes Picot.

Archéologie des Conflits / Archéologie en Conflit - Documenter la Destruction au Moyen-Orient et en Asie Centrale

Archaeology of Conflict / Archaeology in Conflict -  Documenting Destruction of Cultural Heritage in the Middle-East and Central Asia

Edited by Julie Bessenay-Prolonge, Jean-Jacques Herr, Mathilde Mura

Full HD pdf freely available on : https://rdorient.hypotheses.org/1030

After accurately predicting rocket fire escalation timeframe in 2020 during the Covid-19 pandemic, Anthony of Boston followed it up by predicting the timeframe of the Gaza war that happened the very next year in 2021.

This can be found in the physical book version of "Ares Le Mandat" currently on Amazon

The Kisoga culture is pretty much an oral culture given the number of oral materials documented in this bibliography. The move to literacy has not been a smoth one especially with the multiplicity of dialects amidst the stand off between the 11 cultural chiefdoms and the unitary political Kingdom or Obwakyabazinga of Busoga. This bibliographic database is first and foremost intended to generate interest in the work of the Lusoga Language Academic Board as a body that helped to introduce Lusoga teaching and assessment at secondary school levels. Secondly, it is intended to solicit for research interests on the materials listed. We believe that through research and translation, Lusogta language and culture will be helped to grow and interface with other languages and cultures in Uganda and beyond. This databse was inspired by first list of books in the Lusoga Language revitalization project 2011 and the post project activites. It has been compiled under Mpolyabigere RC RICED Center, sponsored by the Dawson Wambi Headmaster of the Year 1976 Community Library Services, which is located in Kidiki Parents Primary School in Kidiki village, Namwendwa Subcounty, Kamuli District at Mutukula along Kamuli-Kaliro road.

What is the relationship between Mizraḥi feminism and Israeli ultra-nationalism? What is the relevance of gender justice activism to Operation Protective Edge (the 2014 Gaza War) and Israel’s foreign policy? Mizraḥi protests dissipate and disappear when the Israel-Palestine conflict dominates the headlines. This essay connects intra-Jewish racial and gendered dynamics to the 2014 Gaza War. It tracks sequences that began with social protest and ended with elections that bolstered Israel’s political right wing. In between came bloodletting between the Israeli Defense Forces, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel’s neighboring Arab states. The 2014 Gaza War was a watershed not only for the Israel-Palestine conflict; under the smokescreen of war, Israel accelerated neoliberal economic reforms. The first victims of this restructuring were Mizraḥi single mothers. Palestinians, however, would pay the highest price for Israel’s Mizraḥi-Ashkenazi rift.

Corrigendum:
Please note the following reference was inadvertently omitted from Smadar Lavie’s “Gaza 2014 and Mizrahi Feminism” PoLar 22(1) 85-109. The reference that should have been 2014b is:
Knesset of the State of Israel. 2014b. Plenum no. 157. Second Session Meetings 157-159 [in Hebrew]. no. 35: 14-16, July 14, 16:01. https://main.knesset.gov.il/Activity/plenum/Pages/SessionItem.aspx?itemID=555497
The omission impacted the sequence of references in the bibliography. The previous “Knesset of the State of Israel 2014b” is now “Knesset of Israel 2014c”:
Knesset of the State of Israel. 2014c. “Ratification of Amendment to Ḥok HaHesderim” [in Hebrew] The Book of Laws 2461: 638, July 27. http://fs.knesset.gov.il//19/law/19_lsr_303825.PDF
Page numbers are from the final PoLar printed version of the article.

In the Gaza Strip, Israel’s military used lethal force against civilian protestors engaged in the ‘Great Return March’ of 2018. In its late May 2018 ruling, the Israeli Supreme Court held this use of force as legitimate self-defense. This article challenges Israel’s security response to these protests in an attempt to both unsettle a warfare discourse and to urge for a distinct ontological approach. The article argues that an ongoing settler-colonial project has racialised the Palestinian body as a security threat, and historicises Israel’s shoot-to-kill policy as merely one contemporary mode of dispos- sessing the native body. This includes a novel framework of armed conflict that has diminished the category of the civilian and expanded the scope of legitimate targets permitting the killing of greater numbers of Palestinians in the language of law; the article calls this legal technology the ‘shrinking civilian’.