Film Industry Economics

Between 1995 and 2001, the worldwide box office takings from the theatrical exploitation of feature films amounted to around 76 billion US dollars. In 2001 alone, box office takings amounted to more than 12 billion US dollars. This is based on the AC Nielsen EDI database used here. The vast majority of these feature films are produced in the USA. The worldwide placement volume of media funds in 2001 amounted to EUR 3.15 billion (Berndt 2002). Merrill Lynch estimates that 15 to 20 percent of Hollywood productions are financed via German media funds. These funds are not available to the European film industry. Legislators in Germany have apparently recognized this problem and initially reacted with a media decree issued by the Federal Ministry of Finance on 27 March 2001. The associated ancillary costs decree aims to keep money invested in feature films in Germany and protect it from flowing to the USA by granting tax privileges. In the past, it has also been shown time and again that European film funds are not very successful in investing in the USA. In addition to legal imponderables, the risk of investing in feature films is often underestimated. The insolvency of the Kirch Group in Germany has also shown how volatile the market for film rights is. This study has therefore set itself the goal of assessing the risk and return of feature film investments and improving the efficiency of such investments within a portfolio theory framework.

Between 1995 and 2001, the worldwide box office takings from the theatrical exploitation of feature films amounted to around 76 billion US dollars. In 2001 alone, box office takings amounted to more than 12 billion US dollars. This is based on the AC Nielsen EDI database used here. The vast majority of these feature films are produced in the USA. The worldwide placement volume of media funds in 2001 amounted to EUR 3.15 billion (Berndt 2002). Merrill Lynch estimates that 15 to 20 percent of Hollywood productions are financed via German media funds. These funds are not available to the European film industry. Legislators in Germany have apparently recognized this problem and initially reacted with a media decree issued by the Federal Ministry of Finance on 27 March 2001. The associated ancillary costs decree aims to keep money invested in feature films in Germany and protect it from flowing to the USA by granting tax privileges. In the past, it has also been shown time and again that European film funds are not very successful in investing in the USA. In addition to legal imponderables, the risk of investing in feature films is often underestimated. The insolvency of the Kirch Group in Germany has also shown how volatile the market for film rights is. This study has therefore set itself the goal of assessing the risk and return of feature film investments and improving the efficiency of such investments within a portfolio theory framework.

有 100 萬人看過從該電影圖書館借出的影片 ， 電影院特別放映場的觀眾 只有 75 萬人次 ， 而巡迴放映隊的觀眾人次只有 225 萬 ， 合計該年度共 400 萬個觀眾透過非商業發行管道觀看影片 (Swann: 169) 。 13 溫斯頓說的 2% 可能是錯的，因為由 1941-1942 年的 500 餘萬人次(中 央圖書館的 450 萬人次與其餘兩個管道約 50 萬人次)非商業發行管道觀 眾數來計算，應該是 1944 年電影院 2,500 萬觀眾數的 20% ，而非 2% 。 p. 478 p. 472 Chapter 7 紀錄片製作的經濟學 320 321 14 據吉丁斯 (Christopher E. Gittings) 引述瓊斯 (D. B. Jones) 的說法， 《加拿大 堅持下去》與《世界的戰事》 (The World in Action) 在全加拿大 90% 的電 影院放映。透過商業與非商業發行管道， 《加拿大堅持下去》在 1944 年 的觀眾數達 225 萬人 (Gittings: 80) 。 p. p. p. p. p.

This report updates and substantially extends the 2017 report, Go West! Bristol's Film and Television Industries. It revises all the statistical information, including the number of companies. The report analyses the major changes that have occurred since 2017, notably Bristol being awarded a UNESCO City of Film status; the arrival of Channel 4, which located one of its two regional 'creative hubs' in Bristol ;and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the screen sector. There are revised profiles of BBC - placing the Natural History Unit in BBC Studios - and of Aardman Animations as the two principal 'anchor' firms. The report also contains numerous case studies of Bristol's independent companies, including several of the new ones that have emerged since 2017. There is a substantailly enlarged section on natural history filmmaking, examining Bristol's global role as the 'Green Hollywood'. The report argues that Bristol, in terms of company numbers and variety, is the second largest screen production cluster after London and that the screen sector plays a vital role in the city's economy and culture.

“1993: Movies and The New Economics Of Blockbusters and Indies,” American Cinema Of The 1990s: Themes And Variations, Ed. Christine Holmlund. New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press. 2008. 91-114.  A volume for the series, Screen Decades: American Culture/American Cinema, ed. Lester D. Friedman and Murray Pomerance.

The form of San Diego County’s cinematic landscape is shaped by processes of inscription, whereby particular representational techniques are brought to bear, but also by processes of incorporation, which can be understood as the off-camera decisions, tasks, and events that allow for filming to take place. One of the primary tasks involves selecting sites with a high level of production value while minimizing costs and fulfilling the needs of the script. The San Diego Film Commission (SDFC), which aids filmmakers in the tasks required to produce films, is a key entity in shaping this region’s cinematic landscape. Where geography often focuses on how a film inscribes meaning and identity into its form, I show how the form of a region’s cinematic landscape extends beyond a single filmic event to engage a multiplicity of representations, tasks, and practices. I use a mixed method approach, including spatial analysis to examine and map the inscripted form of San Diego’s cinematic landscape. In-depth interviews and fieldwork were used to evaluate how a location’s production value plays a key role in the formative process of incorporative tasks of an ever-changing landscape. Key Words: cinema, landscape, on-location filming,San Diego, taskscape.

Small European countries with low levels of film production might be expected
to suffer from diseconomies of scale and other structural disadvantages that
would tend to produce a lower ratio of ‘hits’ to ‘flops’ than larger countries.
Analysis of Scottish, Irish and Danish data suggests that, despite significantly
different levels of production, the distribution of ‘hits’ is in fact very similar and
consistent with the Paretian distribution of audiences and revenues in major
markets such as the United States and others. The skewed distribution of
cinema audiences in Scotland, Ireland and Denmark appears to confirm the
‘scale independent’ importance of a small number of unpredictable highperforming
‘outliers’ in determining total and average audience/revenues.
Analysis of overall production levels and aggregate audience share for
domestic films in several small countries reveals a correlation that emerges
once production exceeds a critical level. A predictive model of how revenues
are distributed as production levels increase is tested. The implications of a
consistent pattern of film success for film funding policy in small countries are
discussed and avenues for further research suggested.