Feminism and Social Justice

El género es un tema amplio que vincula conceptos como el sexo y la identidad de género; según diferentes perspectivas teóricas se corresponden, pero otras cuestionan dicha correspondencia. Precisamente, estas categorías son las abordadas en el presente libro para la realización de diversos estudios asociados con los procesos transgénero en la ciudad de Aguascalientes, México. En ese sentido, su objetivo reside en analizar las formas tradicionales de paternidad y la forma de socialización entre hombre homosexuales al interior de
un seminario católico. Asimismo, permite reflexionar en los cuerpos gordos de las mujeres desde la teoría feminista.

Sí partimos de la afirmación que, la educación inclusiva es un territorio conformado por múltiples intereses y por complejas influencias; entonces, una de sus tantas singularidades, reside en su capacidad para enunciarse con diferentes palabras, objetos de lucha y propósitos de trabajo. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en explorar un corpus de argumentos que permiten comprender al campo intelectual y al proyecto político indexado a través de la etiqueta ‘educación inclusiva’ en tanto programa de cambio. Sí entendemos la vulnerabilidad desde una concepción universal, colocando en desmedro las formas de fragilidad social, política y cultural que afectan diferencial y relacionalmente a amplios colectivos de ciudadanos. Interesa, entonces, recuperar la noción de ‘experiencia compartida’, lo que nos permite atender a las configuraciones de las múltiples estructuras de desigualdad que afectan la experiencia de y entre diversos grupos sociales y escolares. Además, de aprender a hacer visible las injusticias, evitando que su uso apoye múltiples agendas a favor del cambio que son silenciosamente cooptadas por políticas neopaternalistas. Por norma, los atributos que definen los colectivos reafirmados en dichas políticas son determinados a través de un conjunto de atributos de orden esencialista.

Extensive research has examined how social movements use emotions to mobilize participants and sustain commitment among beneficiaries of the movement, those who belong to the marginalized groups the movement serves. Less is known about the emotional means through which social movements mobilize and retain allies, who are insiders who actively work to achieve the movement's goals yet are also members of dominant society who benefit from the very structures that the movement attempts to change. This paper fills this gap by examining the complex emotional landscape of activist-ally interactions and their implications for the emotional labor employed by social movement activists. In an interview study of 41 trans social activists in the United States and Israel, we found that activists engaged in three types of emotional labor-containing, counteractive, and oppositional-to cultivate and manage the emotional experience of allies. These types varied in the degree to which they challenge existing mindsets and beliefs. Together, they work to transform power dynamics with allies without alienating them. We theorize that these three types of emotional labor help activists turn negative or ambivalent emotions such as anger, frustration, or hurt into resources in the activist-ally relationship. When successful, these practices strengthen the relational basis for activism and render allyship more effective. We contribute to the social movement literature an understanding of how social movements mobilize and commit allies to the movement without cultivating a collective identity. We contribute to the emotional labor literature by showing how, unlike emotional labor in business organizations, activist emotional labor can be a form of resistance, not acquiescence, to social structure.

This research paper examines the sociocultural phenomenon of women relocating to their husband's household after marriage, with a focus on the psychological, social, and cultural adjustments involved in this transition. It explores how women navigate the challenges of leaving familiar environments to integrate into new family systems, often adopting unfamiliar roles, customs, and identities. Drawing on cross-cultural studies and personal narratives, the paper investigates the effects of this displacement on women's sense of self, agency, and belonging. In the context of Nepal, this transition is especially intense and emotionally overwhelming. Women are expected to leave behind not only their homes, but also their support systems, communities, and familiar ways of life. Entering a new household where no one but the husband is familiar, they often face a profound sense of isolation and cultural shock. The husband, in many ways, becomes a guide in this new world-but if that support is lacking or withdrawn, the woman is left to navigate a foreign and sometimes unwelcoming environment alone. This can lead to significant psychological distress, including anxiety, depression, and a loss of identity. In extreme cases, these emotional and cultural pressures may contribute to marital breakdown and even divorce. This paper highlights the seriousness of this cultural displacement, while also examining the coping mechanisms and resilience strategies women develop to survive and adapt within challenging family structures. The aim is to spark deeper awareness of the hidden emotional struggles women face after marriage and to encourage the development of more supportive environments within marital homes.

El presente escrito pretende definir inicialmente que estatuto de sujeto proponemos y sostenemos desde el marco conceptual de la cátedra de Psicología Social de la Facultad de Psicología de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata (UNLP). Si el objeto de nuestra materia es: “las resonancias psíquicas de las marcas que el proceso de reproducción social imprime en la producción de subjetividad (modalidades de hacer, sentir y pensar)” (Zolkower, 2017b), ¿cuál es su sujeto? Abordaje parcial del tema, limitándolo a dos de las principales características que le dan especificidad a nuestro concepto de sujeto: por un lado, el carácter indisociable que el sujeto de la Psicología Social tiene con su objeto, en tanto el sujeto es el producto de un proceso de objetivación determinado por las condiciones materiales de la existencia. El otro rasgo a desarrollar será el estatuto de “singularidad” en el que nuestro concepto de sujeto se basa. Sujeto como efecto, como producto del conflicto estructurante...

The exponential growth of digital technologies and the pervasive use of data in governance, commerce, and everyday life have fundamentally altered the traditional foundations of the social contract. Historically, the social contract has symbolized a mutual agreement between the state and its citizens, predicated on trust, accountability, and the equitable distribution of rights and responsibilities. However, in the digital age, the dynamics of this contract are being renegotiated under the influence of three powerful forces: datafication, algorithmic decision-making, and the asymmetrical control of digital infrastructure. In this paper, we examine the complex relationship between data, ethics, and power in shaping the future of the social contract, with a particular emphasis on the Indian context. The unregulated extraction, commodification, and surveillance of personal data by both state and private actors raise critical ethical questions about consent, autonomy, and digital rights. Simultaneously, the growing reliance on AI and machine learning in public policy and welfare delivery introduces concerns around algorithmic bias, opacity, and exclusion. These developments often concentrate power in the hands of a few tech corporations and state bodies, exacerbating existing social inequalities and diminishing citizen agency. India's digital transformation-epitomized by platforms like Aadhaar, Digital India, and the growing use of AI in governancepresents a dual-edged scenario. On one hand, data-driven innovations have enhanced access to services, financial inclusion, and administrative efficiency. On the other, they have amplified risks of data misuse, discrimination, and surveillance without robust legal safeguards. The absence of a comprehensive data protection law, weak enforcement mechanisms, and limited digital literacy compound these vulnerabilities. This paper argues for the urgent need to reimagine the social contract in the digital era-one that centers ethical data practices, transparent governance, and participatory oversight. It explores the normative foundations of a new data ethics framework that prioritizes user dignity, consent, accountability, and distributive justice. It also discusses the potential of decentralized technologies, civic tech initiatives, and digital constitutionalism in redistributing power and restoring trust in digital institutions.

In dialogue with the six contributions to this special issue, here we offer a preliminary typography of the diverse forms of gendered rage which are helping to define our current moment. We suggest that contemporary manifestations of women's rage, and gendered rage more generally, can be broadly divided into three prevailing forms: voluble and visible; sublimated; and threshold. Rage as visible and voluble is most easily identifiable and arguably more likely to propel mass political mobilization and public demands for change. Sublimated rage, by contrast, avows negative effect only to transmute it into some other affective modality. Threshold rage simmers but does not necessarily erupt in spectacular or even as clearly discernible rageful form; it is less voluble, serving rather as a constant propulsive force that can propel individual and even collective action but can also lead to other more destructive or self-destructive affects. In short, and as all six articles underscore in different ways, neither women's rage nor gendered rage more generally is emancipatory or constructive in and of itself. Therefore, if we want to mobilize rage for emancipatory purposes, we need first to recognize that rage is always engendered in specific material, social, political and cultural conditions, where its iteration and reception is always inflected by one's subject position, and that rage's affective force is also always dependent on its relationship to and enmeshment with other affective states and modalities, which themselves are generated and circulate contextually.

Homelessness is a failure of a variety of policies including planning, an inability to maintain enough affordable, acceptable, safe housing. Instead of addressing the root causes of this failure, the municipality criminalized unhoused people and supporters, using law enforcement to remove makeshift homes and forcibly evict and arrest those who lived in them for trespassing. City officials described encampments as a threat to safety, an example of a longer, dark history of urban policy and planning practices that criminalize one group, in this case the unhoused, to protect others, in this case property owners, wealthier residents, the city itself. Future planning practice can learn from transformative justice movements to, instead, produce pathways to community safety defined as caring communities where everyone's safety is prioritized and people have access to needed resources.

The article seeks to critically examine two distinct yet interconnected premises of digital reality nowadays, which are highly indicative trends in the contemporary field of gender and gender relations; i.e. manosphere and hashtag feminism. The manosphere, as a rather safe digital space for the construction and emergence of hybrid forms of masculinity that further complicate the debate on male hegemony, is directly linked to contemporary men’s rights activists, the so-called ‘incels’. Conversely, hashtag feminism, a popular online protest tactic against gender inequality, sexist practices and forms of gender-based violence, is linked to a number of claims about the characteristics of modern feminist actions on social media. Despite their emergence within the scientific community, primarily in the context of feminist sociology, and the heated debates they have provoked in the context of digital public discourse, these phenomena have not yet received significant attention from philosophical thought.

This essay examines the 2022–23 Iranian uprising through a double lens: a critique of “stability” as a state project opposed to society’s open-ended dynamism, and a critique of the social-scientific language that often sanitizes violence via re-/trans-semiosis. It argues that the state’s drive to render social life predictable—evidenced by Iran’s intensified surveillance—entrains a coercive cycle that breeds further adaptation and resistance. Turning to the murder of Jîna (Mahsa) Amini, the author stresses two corrective emphases: first, the primacy of her Kurdish name and identity, and second, that the revolt’s initial nerve center was a concrete minority woman rather than an abstract universal “woman question.” From this vantage, the slogan “Jin Jîyan Azadî” (Woman, Life, Freedom) is traced to the Kurdish women’s movement of the 1990s and its Öcalan-inspired reorientation, before showing how subsequent Persian translation and later coupling with a masculinist counter-slogan (“mard mihan ābādī”) diluted its minority and anti-phallocratic charge—a paradigmatic case of politically consequential trans-semiosis. The essay concludes that durable emancipatory change originates in the minority signature and must keep that signature legible to resist capture by dominant languages, institutions, and epistemes; in Amini’s case, the Kurdish and gendered doubleness of her position reveals both the revolt’s radical horizon and the mechanisms by which it was blunted.

Bangladeshi young novelist Imran Khan's second Bangla-language novel Besati O Basati (Business and Habitat) has brought to the forefront the ongoing massive environmental degradation across Dhaka city and the adjacent urban sprawl. The ramifications and consequences of anthropogenic activities on the environment of the megacity underpin the narrative of the novel as unprecedented and uncontrolled growth and development, overpopulation, unchecked pollution, mismanagement of waste disposal, and destruction and illegal occupation of natural spaces impact the lives of the protagonists as well as the minor characters directly or indirectly on a daily basis. Through the lens of ecocriticism, this qualitative paper seeks to explore the interrelation between the characters and the environmental degradation happening around them. By textually analyzing the novel, it also endeavors to demonstrate how anthropocentrically-oriented capitalist desire to profit has turned Dhaka city and adjacent areas into ecocidal spaces where both human and nonhuman species suffer to varying degrees. This study is pertinent in the context of Bangladesh since it sheds light into environmental degradation and climate change issues focussing on Dhaka and beyond. In the process, it will enrich scholarship on Bangladeshi environmental fiction, and advocate justice for the environment, animals, and climate change/environmental victims.

A diferencia de las grandes teorías e ideologías de la modernidad surgidas en los siglos XIX y XX, que siguen permeando las discusiones políticas actuales –como el Socialismo, el Liberalismo, el Anarquismo o el Populismo, entre otros–, el Feminismo ha sido relegado y ha tenido que pelear desde su surgimiento por hacerse un espacio entre estas grandes teorías y filosofías políticas. Nosotras partimos de la premisa de que el Feminismo es uno de los grandes enfoques teóricos sobre el poder; por tanto, es fundamental su inclusión en la enseñanza e investigación de la Ciencia Política.
Este libro cuenta con 15 capítulos, que se organizaron de manera cronológica. Como se verá a lo largo de los capítulos, la complejidad de las distintas perspectivas es enorme, por lo que ofrecemos una primera propuesta para abordarla, centrada en las concepciones que las escuelas feministas tienen sobre el poder, la política, el Estado, la democracia y la representación. Consideramos vital comprender los diferentes feminismos en diálogo entre sí y en sus respectivos contextos, teniendo en cuenta que ninguna escuela vuelve obsoleta a otra, pues no siguen una lógica evolutiva, sino rizomática.
La apuesta del libro es contribuir a que las futuras generacio- nes cuenten con las herramientas necesarias para desarrollarse en sus vidas profesionales de manera ética y responsable, siendo sensibles al género como dispositivo de poder y a la lógica patriarcal del Estado moderno. Esto es especialmente relevante ante el contexto de violencia contra las mujeres que vivimos en el país. Hoy más que nunca, es necesario que las y los egresados de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México sean capaces de proponer, generar, cuestionar, criticar y dar seguimiento a soluciones a los problemas nacionales, desde una perspectiva feminista, democrática y ética.

Cita: Cárdenas Arguedas, Sol; Lemus Muñiz, Daniela y Martínez Torreblanca, Patricia (Coords.) (2025). I. Feminismo y poder: escuelas teóricas y conceptos centrales de la Ciencia Política. México: FCPyS, UNAM, 264 p. ISBN: 978-607-587-603-0. Disponible en http://ciid.politicas.unam.mx/www/libros/9786075876030.pdf

Surviving the Long Wars offers a groundbreaking exploration into the complex histories of US warfare and militarism, illuminating the pivotal role of art in cultivating justice, healing, and abolition. Inspired by Indigenous responses to the “American Indian Wars” and artists from the Greater Middle East and South Asia challenging the “Global War on Terror,” this volume examines the intersections between these legacies of creative rebellion and the experiences of contemporary Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) veterans. Informed by the emerging Veteran Art Movement and its ties to global struggles for demilitarization and abolition, the book advocates for solidarity and imaginative resistance against war and empire. Featuring poetry, speeches, and artworks from the 2023 Veteran Art Triennial & Summit held in Chicago, the collection exemplifies the Triennial’s profound impact and critical legacy. With interdisciplinary insights spanning Native and Indigenous Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, Critical Ethnic Studies, and Museum and Exhibition Studies, Surviving the Long Wars celebrates Chicago’s legacy of resistance, while confronting erasures of Indigenous history. Renowned contributors such as Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, Laleh Khalili, Kyle T. Mays, and Junaid Rana offer fresh perspectives on the enduring impacts of US militarism and the potential for unexpected coalitions to emerge. At its core, Surviving the Long Wars is a clarion call for artists, organizers, and scholars to unite against US imperialism, envisioning a future of peace and justice through art and collective action. CONTRIBUTORS INCLUDE: Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, Laleh Khalili, Kyle T. Mays, and Junaid Rana

Resumen: El autor analiza en la dogmática del delito de omisión a la asistencia familiar, sus elementos configurativos, así como los requisitos de procedibilidad; además, la diferencia entre ambos (elementos del tipo objetivo y requisitos de procedibilidad), también se analizan las razones que justifican que, en el presente delito, existan requisitos de procedibilidad; por último, se analiza cuáles son los medios de defensa que se deben presentar, tomando en consideración que nos encontramos ante un delito taxativo-literal, en cuanto se refiere a la invocación obligatoria del requerimiento de incoación del proceso inmediato.

Background: The formal education of universities on the one hand, and popular education on the other, have been generally understood as two ends of a spectrum in the field of education. Despite these opposing trajectories, in the past two decades novel forms of social movement-university relationships have emerged, with notable yet understudied models from Latin America. Purpose: This article examines whether and how higher education institutions can value knowledge based on the experiences of everyday citizens from the most marginalized groups. In what ways have social movements navigated universities? In what ways can social movements and university actors develop relationships to meet activists' goals and promote more inclusive universities? Research Design: Drawing from ethnographic research and interviews, we analyze three examples of social movement-university relationships: (1) the National Program for Education in Areas of Agrarian Reform (PRONERA) through the Landless Workers' Movement (MST); (2) the Popular University of Social Movements (UPMS); and (3) Emancipa University, born from Brazil's largest popular education movement today. These Brazilian cases build on long histories of movement organizing in Latin America, alongside universities that have expanded access, yet often without conditions for "permanence," belonging, and emancipatory education for the most marginalized students.

This paper proposes a surrealist feminist reading of the life of Majd Shurbaji, a Syrian revolutionary and former political detainee who rose to international prominence when she became the recipient of the U.S. State Department’s International Women of Courage Award. Majd demonstrates how the Marvelous—the surrealist ideal of transcending the boundaries of reality—is fostered in the most oppressive of circumstances to create and sustain liberatory worlds. Two defining facets of her surrealist praxis are identified: (1) Generative Acts of Refusal and (2) Cultivation of Higher Consciousness. The first examines refusal as subversive action that radically affirms life’s possibility and opens pathways to the Marvelous. This is illustrated in her principled adherence to nonviolence, the rejection of performative solidarity that masks inaction, and her orchestration of a collective hunger strike within Adra Prison. The second explores the awakening of “higher consciousness” which bridges the realms of inner and outer worlds, dreams and reality, to protect one’s revolutionary subjectivity. Drawing on feminist and Black surrealist tradition, the paper reveals the lived feminist practices through which those in the fight for freedom summon the Marvelous—not as an abstraction, but as a tangible force for envisioning liberatory worlds.

How does a feminist, anti-racist, refugee solidarity group that fights against a necropolitical border regime come to embrace genocidal necropolitics? Telling a story of the necropolitical archipelago at the borderlands of the European Union and the Balkans, feminist dissent and cross-border solidarity, and the emergence of Austro-German feminist alignment with imperial necropolitics, authoritarianism, and genocide itself, this text calls attention to a new formation of imperial feminism: necrofeminism. Necrofeminism is best contrasted with its close cousin militarized feminist humanitarianism. Whereas militarized feminist humanitarianism justifies occupation and war in the name of saving women's lives and freedoms, necrofeminism is concerned not with freedom or rescue but with legitimizing the politics of death to the point of endorsing genocide. Examining the conditions of possibility for necrofeminist refusals of solidarity, we find the seeds of necrofeminism in racism, civilizational discourses that understand human rights and democracy as inalienable properties of the imperial West, and self-ascribed moral superiority born of ongoing dominance and colonizing projects. We must counter them by revolting against all politics of death, particularly in times when silence orders the world.

The pushback on women’s health rights, particularly when it
comes to more vulnerable groups like indigenous women, has
necessitated new approaches for targeted communication
strategies by health NGOs on sexuality and reproductive health
rights (SRHR). To assess indigenous women’s understanding of
health communications on SRHR, the researchers conducted
focus groups with the comadronas of Saving Mothers in
Guatemala to explore their reception to these messages. Our
results underscored the difficulties of access of these groups to
quality information on reproductive health matters, placing lim
its on their capacity to navigate a complex (and manipulated)
media landscape on SRHR. Based on our findings, the necessity
to foster partnerships between NGOs, indigenous women’s
groups, researchers and government to enhance health literacy
skills, engaging with communities so as to co-create communi
cations material that attends specifically to their needs is
highlighted

O século XXI se inicia marcando a vitória do constitucionalismo sobre os demais modelos alternativos de institucionalização de poder 1 . Os ventos da mudança abrem as portas do novo milênio consagrando o predomínio da razão sobre os preconceitos, legalismos e opiniões sem fundamento, indicando o racionalismo como verdadeiro e único caminho para a formação da justiça. Dentro dessa ótica, a Constituição assume papel primordial, traçando os parâmetros de atuação do Estado e protegendo o indivíduo contra episódicos retrocessos aos modelos autoritaristas que marcaram a história nacional. Analisando-se os passos dados ao longo dos tempos, concluiu-se que o Direito -ao menos aquele que se propõe a ser justo -não mais pode conviver com manifestações

Algumas poucas normas do ordenamento jurídico penal e a Lei n. 9.034/95 já connham disposivos que tratavam da repressão às organizações criminosas, conferindo tratamento mais gravoso a esta modalidade de comemento de delito. Faltava o principal! A definição do que seriam organizações criminosas, detalhe a princípio insignificante, mas que revelava excessiva repercussão, ante o princípio da reserva legal previsto no Código Penal. Não era possível admir a completa incidência das normas gravosas condas na Lei n. 9.034/95 e muito menos interpretar rigidamente o art. 33, § 4o, da Lei n. 11.343/06, ante a inexistência de um conceito preciso, capaz de definir as organizações criminosas. Nesse contexto, coube inicialmente à doutrina e à jurisprudência defender a ausência de definição legal e a consequente impossibilidade de aplicação das normas mais gravosas, visto que necessário o enquadramento jurídico das organizações criminosas. Com o passar dos anos, após melhor reflexão de alguns...

Fraser is one of the most important American philosophers and one of the leading figures of contemporary critical theory. From the 1980s to the present, Fraser has published on political philosophy and social theory, reflected upon feminism, justice, and capitalism, and has participated in public debates on current issues. The interview aims at retracing the main themes of her thought, underlining the persisting link which joins her understanding of political philosophy with social critique and public engagement. The interview also emphasizes the developments of her thought, starting from her formation in the American New Left, the encounter with feminism and the neo-Marxist cultural critique of capitalism, and the discussion of Habermas’s thought. Also discussed is Fraser’s complex feministic theory and her post-Westphalian and three-dimensional model of global justice. Another crucial topic is the recent elaboration of an enlarged view of capitalism, based on a combination of Karl...

El propósito de este monográfico es reflexionar sobre el giro espiritual y afectivo, y su impacto en la conformación de subjetividades feministas en el marco neoliberal contemporáneo. Nos referimos al cambio de enfoque producido dentro de la teoría feminista en las últimas décadas, consistente en ampliar el estudio de los ejes de opresión derivados de las estructuras materiales y políticas hacia el estudio de las formas en que nos relacionamos, cuidamos y sentimos. Este giro implica la consideración de dos dimensiones como son la afectiva y la espiritual, cuya importancia había quedado relegada a una posición subalterna. Sin embargo, ambas dimensiones permiten redefinir el afecto como una cuestión política y recuperar la conexión de los sujetos con el cuerpo y la naturaleza, tan diluida dentro de las concepciones de un cuerpo racional derivado de la cultura occidental. Este monográfico se compone de seis artículos que nos ayudan a trazar un recorrido crítico por los diferentes procesos que propiciaron la construcción de este giro espiritual y afectivo, su vinculación con la gestión de las emociones, la redefinición de las subjetividades feministas, la articulación con el accionar político y la circulación de los discursos neoliberales, al tiempo que abre las puertas a imaginar posibles alternativas a la primacía de esta corriente epistemológica en el escenario contemporáneo.

This article critically examines polygamy in Islam, exploring its historical, theological, and contemporary dimensions. Polygyny, permitted under specific conditions, aims to ensure justice and equity among wives. The study investigates the gender dynamics in polygamous marriages, assessing the psychological, social, and economic impacts on women and broader societal implications. Reviewing narratives, provides a comprehensive understan (PBUH) marriages serve as exemplary models, guided by divine directives to address social, political, and religious needs. These marriages provided protection to vulnerable women, forged poli social taboos. In contemporary contexts, polygamy presents significant challenges regarding gender equality and women's rights. Modern legal reforms in Muslim regulating or prohibiting polygamy to protect women's rights. Cultural traditions and socio influence attitudes towards polygamy.The article concludes that while polygamy is permissible in Islam, its practice must be critically assessed and regulated to align with contemporary values of gender equality and human rights. Addressing the inherent challenges and promoting strategies for gender justice can contribute to ongoing discussions and inform future research and policy initiatives, ensuring the dignity and rights of all individuals involved.

Os nomes que vocês, primatas sem jaula, dão às coisas afetam sua atitude em relação a elas para todo o sempre. (Herschberger 1970 [1948]) 1 Pois assim todas as coisas devem começar, com um ato de amor. (Marais 1980) 2 Como o amor, o poder e a ciência se entrelaçam nas construções da natureza no final do século XX?¹ O que pode contar como natureza para os povos do final da era industrial? Que formas o amor à natureza assume em contextos históricos específicos? Para quem e a que custo? Em que lugares específicos, a partir de quais histórias sociais e intelectuais, e com que ferramentas a natureza é construída como um objeto de desejo erótico e intelectual? Como as terríveis marcas de gênero e raça capacitam e restringem o amor e o conhecimento em tradições culturais específicas, incluindo as ciências naturais modernas? Quem pode contestar o que será o corpo da natureza? Essas questões guiam minha história das ciências modernas e das culturas populares que emergem dos relatos sobre os corpos e as vidas de macacos e símios 3 . Os temas de raça, sexualidade, gênero, nação, família e classe foram inscritos no corpo da natureza nas ciências da vida ocidentais desde o século XVIII 4 . Na esteira da descolonização pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial, dos movimentos feministas e antirracistas locais e globais, das ameaças nucleares e ambientais e da ampla consciência da fragilidade das teias da vida na Terra, a natureza continua sendo um mito e uma realidade crucialmente importantes e profundamente contestados 5 . Como os fios materiais e simbólicos se entrelaçam no tecido da natureza do final do século XX para os povos industrializados? 6 Macacos e símios têm uma relação privilegiada com a natureza e a cultura para os povos ocidentais: os símios ocupam as zonas de fronteira entre esses potentes polos míticos 7 . Nas zonas de fronteira, o amor e o conhecimento são ricamente ambíguos e produtivos de significados nos quais muitas pessoas têm interesse 8 . O tráfico comercial e científico de

This introductory chapter discusses the aim of the book presented: Reconfiguring our understanding of lived religion and faith through the lens of gendered and queered imaginations, practices, and ideologies. This piece reflects on how the various geographical case studies speak to one another by “taking stock” of commonalities and specificities, different modalities of cross-cutting themes, etc., that run through the contributions.

Reinterpretation of gender values in Islam has the potential to continue to shine and develop more widely to uphold gender equality despite the many challenges that must be faced. The purpose of this study is to find out in detail about the reinterpretation and interpretation of gender values in Islam based on religious texts such as the Qur'an and Hadith, to find out how the relationship between gender values from the perspective of Islamic feminism and the perspective of contemporary feminism, and to find out the challenges and solutions that Islamic feminism must do in fighting for Islamic gender values so that they continue to shine on the world stage. The method used in this article is descriptiveanalytical using a comparative theory between Islamic feminist theory and contemporary feminism. And in this article the researcher reveals several findings including: Muslim feminists argue that many traditional interpretations do not fully reflect the original message of the Qur'an, especially regarding gender equality issues. Therefore, a deeper interpretation of religious texts that discuss these issues must be carried out. However, a significant challenge comes from conservative resistance in the Muslim community, who consider this approach a threat to Islamic teachings and culture. This research is very important to be reviewed in depth because the urgency of this research must be disseminated so that many people know the struggle of Islamic feminism to raise Islamic gender values in the modern era.

Julia Estela Monárrez Fragoso occupe une place déterminante dans la compréhension des assassinats de femmes à Ciudad Juárez, dès leur constat à partir de 1993, et celui de leur impunité. Elle tient en outre un rôle majeur dans la re-politisation des violences sexistes létales : pour le Mexique d’abord, et à l’échelle internationale, dans la mesure où le contexte de cette ville frontalière fut précisément celui à partir duquel a été conceptualisée à nouveaux frais la notion de féminicide. C’est dans ce contexte que cette autrice originaire de Ciudad Juárez et professeure au Colegio de la Frontera Norte, invente la notion de féminicide sexuel systémique, à l’appui d’une base de données initialement nourrie par des sources personnelles, journalistiques et militantes.

This essay is a reflection on the author's intellectual journey from anthropological inquiry to critical engagement with Islamic law, and from academic detachment to feminist activism. It explores how personal experience, particularly the confrontation with Iran's post-revolutionary legal system, led to a lifelong commitment to gender justice in Muslim contexts. Tracing the emergence of Islamic feminism as both a scholarly field and a social movement, the essay challenges patriarchal interpretations of Islamic law by highlighting the ethical core of the tradition: justice, compassion, and human dignity. Through the lens of initiatives like Musawah, it examines the possibilities of reform from within Islamic tradition and the interplay between feminist scholarship and lived realities. The essay culminates in an analysis of Iran's 2022-2023 Woman, Life, Freedom uprising as a radical rejection of state-enforced patriarchal fiqh, emphasizing it as both a political and moral awakening. Together, Islamic feminist scholarship and popular resistance reveal the limitations of patriarchal religious authority and point toward an emancipatory future grounded in both faith and freedom.

Este artículo analiza el ciclo de protestas de las multitudes conectadas feministas mexicanas entre marzo de 2019 a marzo de 2020. Este periodo marcado por una creciente conflictividad transgresora inicia con la intensa campaña del #MeToo entre marzo y abril de 2019 y culmina con la marcha del 8 de marzo de 2020 y el Paro de Mujeres. El movimiento feminista se radicaliza con la aparición de repertorios de acción directa y se convierte en un actor colectivo de gran relevancia en el país, con un poder disruptivo en los gremios profesionales, en los centros de estudio y en la política institucional, estableciendo estrategias y sinergias con actores nuevos, inesperados y enormemente diversos.  Para una aproximación descriptiva de este ciclo como estudio de caso, se aplica la triangulación entre métodos cualitativos y etnográficos con el análisis de redes sociales.

El propósito de este monográfico es reflexionar sobre el giro espiritual y afectivo, y su impacto en la conformación de subjetividades feministas en el marco neoliberal contemporáneo. Nos referimos al cambio de enfoque producido dentro de la teoría feminista en las últimas décadas, consistente en ampliar el estudio de los ejes de opresión derivados de las estructuras materiales y políticas hacia el estudio de las formas en que nos relacionamos, cuidamos y sentimos. Este giro implica la consideración de dos dimensiones como son la afectiva y la espiritual, cuya importancia había quedado relegada a una posición subalterna. Sin embargo, ambas dimensiones permiten redefinir el afecto como una cuestión política y recuperar la conexión de los sujetos con el cuerpo y la naturaleza, tan diluida dentro de las concepciones de un cuerpo racional derivado de la cultura occidental. Este monográfico se compone de seis artículos que nos ayudan a trazar un recorrido crítico por los diferentes procesos que propiciaron la construcción de este giro espiritual y afectivo, su vinculación con la gestión de las emociones, la redefinición de las subjetividades feministas, la articulación con el accionar político y la circulación de los discursos neoliberales, al tiempo que abre las puertas a imaginar posibles alternativas a la primacía de esta corriente epistemológica en el escenario contemporáneo.

"More justice and more peace: reflecting on values-based leadership, social justice and ecofeminist reading, margins to the center, and transformational and healing solutions," by Seth Naicker.

In this reflection I am focussing on the work of justice and peace, in my personal, professional, interfaith and intersectional arena of work, witness and service. I am honored to draw from the leadership insights of Professor Mohinder Singh, President Nelson Mandela, Professor Sarojini Nadar, Professor Tara Chung Hyung Kyung, Dr. Graeme Cordrington, and Professor Morris Mthobeni, in the pursuit of 'more justice and more peace!'

Alternate Routes is committed to creating outlets for critical social research and interdisciplinary inquiry. Although Alternate Routes is now an independent peer-reviewed annual, the journal continues to work closely with labour and social justice researchers to promote the publication of non-traditional, provocative and progressive analyses that may not find a forum in conventional academic venues. AR seeks to be a public academic journal and encourages submissions that advance or challenge theoretical, historical and contemporary socio-political, economic and cultural issues. In addition to full-length articles, we welcome review essays sparked by previously published material, interviews, short commentaries, as well as poetry, drawings and photographic essays. AR publishes primarily special-themed issues and therefore requests that submissions be related to the current call for papers. Submissions must be free of racist or sexist language, have limited technical or specialized terms and be written in a style that is accessible to our diverse readership.

La crónica es un género que combina, en dosis casi perfectas, elementos informativos y noticiosos propios del periodismo, con recursos creativos que enriquecen la literatura. Según el periodista argentino Martín Caparrós (2015), a quienes muchos actualmente consideran uno de los mejores cronistas de América Latina: "América se construyó a golpe de crónicas". Se refiere sobre todo a las Crónicas de Indias que recogían historias de los colonizadores europeos cuando llegaron al Nuevo Mundo en el siglo XV. La historia y genealogía demuestra que la crónica fue desarrollándose en el siglo XIX como un género de corte modernista y luego en la década de 1960, se adaptó a la corriente del Nuevo Periodismo, popularizada en los Estados Unidos. A partir de 1995, la crónica parece haber encontrado su nicho en Colombia cuando se fundó, gracias a Gabriel García Márquez, la Fundación de Nuevo Periodismo Iberoamericano (hoy, Fundación Gabo), con el objetivo de revalorizar la función democrática del buen periodismo e impulsar el legado de su fundador.
En la actualidad, en América Latina existe un rico nicho de periodismo cultural apoyado en la crónica, sobre todo en la forma de revistas y libros. Sin embargo, el caso de Puerto Rico es diferente. En este artículo analizaremos cómo y por qué hasta cierto punto pareciera ser que los géneros propios del periodismo informativo son los que más se producen y publican en los principales medios de este país. Mientras, los géneros literarios o narrativos se miran con ojos de sospecha y menor formalidad, incluso menor credibilidad. Según Rodríguez Cotto et al. (2023), esto se debe a que el modelo periodístico que se utiliza, ha sido adoptado directamente del estadounidense, que por lo regular depende de voces oficiales y géneros periodísticos más informativos y menos narrativos. Además, la crónica periodística representa un modelo económico menos viable. Este artículo abordará la crónica periodística como un género a medio paso entre la información y la literatura y su posición en Latinoamérica y Puerto Rico.
Palabras clave: crónica, periodismo, América Latina, Puerto Rico.

A judicialização pode ser entendida como o fenômeno pelo qual questões de natureza social, política ou moral são levadas ao Poder Judiciário para serem resolvidas. Em contextos nos quais outros mecanismos de mediação social, como o debate civil organizado ou os poderes Legislativo e Executivo, falham ou são insuficientes, a judicialização torna-se um caminho, muitas vezes complexo e com uma jornada tortuosa, para a conquista e a garantia de direitos. No limite, o direito vai se tornando a “regra de ouro” das relações sociais, o que exige uma problematização específica para cada campo de análise, evitando uma opção entre progresso ou regressão.
Há na judicialização uma expansão e uma mutação da legalidade, dois movimentos que são concomitantes (judicialização e juridicização) e que não são homogêneos nem hegemônicos no âmbito do direito, pois eles estão em competição com movimentos de desjudicialização.

De todas partes vienen los convencidos de que las políticas públicas en seguridad no distinguen ideología. Parece ser la respuesta mayoritaria de quienes reconocen que el ciclo progresista en América Latina fracasó en materia de seguridad pública. Tras tamaña aseveración, se abrió la puerta a la búsqueda de explicaciones.

This study examines the history of the Islamic house of the ḥijāb. It discusses the application and forms of the ḥijāb across major cities in the Islamic world. The concept of the ḥijāb is traced from its origins in the Muslim community during the Prophet'sProphet's time to the end of the twenty-first century. Accordingly, this study demonstrates how the Islamic doctrine and the ḥijāb as a phenomenon are being applied across Islamic regions. The evidence reveals the adaptation of Islamic rules within the house and solidarity in obeying these rules to maintain the well-being of the inhabitants. The discussion illustrates how the ḥijāb governs daily Muslim life and shapes the house from within. Conversely, segregation from the same concept shapes zones and interior layouts. The study is based on descriptive historical literature alongside the analytical methods of the case studies. It illustrates the narrative through some real examples of Muslim societies where the ḥijāb has been fully practised. Confronting the rapid movement of global change, this analysis of the ḥijāb and its forms in the Islamic house is timely. Finally, this analytical reading aims to demonstrate the application of the ḥijāb and its impact on Islamic architecture in general. The main objective is to learn from past and current examples to secure the concept of the ḥijāb within the house, as the study shows that the need for such a concept is still significant.

This study focuses on women's negotiation of sexual pleasure and engagement with their partner(s) in order to identify some of the ways women fracture heteronormativity and enhance their sexual freedom. The research design draws on feminist, qualitative approaches, influenced by and . Data was collected from semi--structured interviews with ten women. Participants were asked to reflect on how they came to understand constraints in their sex lives, and how they have negotiated/resisted these constraints. The analysis is structured around Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and field, whilst acknowledging the fine balance required between theory and women's everyday lived experiences. 'Sex is about the penis' 40 The Context for Negotiation 42 Chapter 3: Negotiating 45 Semi direct negotiations 51 Negotiating sexual freedom 63 Chapter 4: Moving beyond the bedroom 65 Telling Stories

Abstract: Socioeconomic factors such as unemployment, poverty and under developed areas have an effect on the learning of learners in the Free State province. The diversity in the classroom gave rise to Inclusive Education. The White Paper 6 (2001) acknowledged that children irrespective of their age, gender, ethnicity, language, class, disability, HIV or other infectious diseases can learn and be supported. This, however, needs teachers to be properly trained in supporting all learners with their barriers to learning. Therefore, the study on teachers’ challenges in supporting learners with socioeconomic barriers to learning was fit to address the challenges teachers experienced in the inclusive environment. The primary aim of this study was to investigate the challenges teachers experience while supporting learners with socioeconomic barriers to learning. A qualitative method was used for this research study because it is exploratory in nature and a case study design was utilised t...

This article examines the repression of dissent in Israeli universities after the October 7, 2023 attacks and the subsequent genocidal onslaught on Gaza. While suspensions of academics and students have often been framed as violations of academic freedom, this article argues that such a framing obscures the deeper complicity of Israeli academia in sustaining settler-colonial domination. By reframing these crackdowns as structural complicity, the article highlights urgent ethical and legal questions for international academic collaboration with Israeli institutions.

The study of Thailand cultural policy is qualitative research using methodology based on genealogy to review “cultural policy” of Thailand. The objectives of this study are 1. to study and analyze Thailand cultural policy of each period in discourse perspective and related context and 2. to analyze practices and situations that cultural policies express themselves to show the connection between the content of Thailand cultural policy, practices and related strategies and the results of cultural policy.
The study was indicated that Thailand cultural policy in the era of Plaek Phibunsongkhram (P. Phibunsongkhram) was considered the first period of using “culture” to drive into policy which was important national agenda under “Nation-building Culture” discourse.  During the era of Field Marshal P. Phibunsongkhram, this discourse had become secured and had long been sealing at basic consumption level in Thai society before entering the era of Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat who built “Good traditional culture” discourse to significantly emphasize once again against social and political context.  This resulted in the development guidelines that held on to “Good traditional culture” discourse remain in long development agenda which mainly gave priority to national culture until modern economic development.  This was considered main challenge against cultural policy as seen in modern Thailand cultural policy under “Cultural Capital” discourse which placed development goals to accord with modern economic development.