European governance

Sostenibilità, stabilità finanziaria e crescita sono principi che hanno assunto significati differenti nel diritto costituzionale, nel diritto UE e nelle analisi scientifiche di giuristi, economisti, statistici. In questo scritto ci si propone di indagare sul recepimento di tali principi nel linguaggio del diritto costituzionale e sulle trasformazioni che essi hanno comportato attraverso le revisioni costituzionali degli ultimi decenni, soffermandosi sulla necessità, per i costituzionalisti, di sviluppare una lettura costituzionalmente orientata di tali principi alla luce del principio di solidarietà e delle sue declinazioni nella I parte della Costituzione e nei rapporti fra Stato ed Autonomie. Ci si interroga sulla possibilità di rintracciare nel diritto UE parametri, argomenti e prassi volti a valutare se è possibile rendere coerente con il quadro costituzionale la struttura di tali principi nel diritto "sovranazionale" e, in particolare, per la loro declinazione in materia finanziaria e contabile sull'utilizzo di indicatori alternativi al PIL (i BES) nel ciclo di bilancio.

Title: Sustainability, Financial Stability and Economic Growth between State and EU within the perimeter of the Republican Constitution. Sustainability, financial stability and growth are principles that have taken on different meanings in constitutional law, EU law and the scientific analyses of jurists, economists and statisticians. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the transposition of these principles into the language of constitutional law. It will be taken into account the effect of the constitutional revisions of the last few decades, dwelling on the need for constitutionalists to develop a constitutionally-oriented reading of these principles in the light of the principle of solidarity and its declinations in Part I of the Constitution and in the relations between the State and the Autonomies. It will be also discussed the possibility of tracing parameters, arguments and practices in EU law in order to assess whether it is possible to make the structure of these principles consistent with the constitutional framework. It seems urgent to transpose the constitutional concept of sustainability in financial and accounting matters throughout the use of indicators alternatives to the GDP (the BES) within the budget cycle.

Downloadable! This research is conducted to analyse the main factors which have emerged in classical theories related to intention to adopt the eBanking services by customers. The study is based on several models that have been created for describing and predicting the reasons ...

Decentralization is an opportunity to provide public services depending on the citizens’needs and taking into consideration the financial constraints of the local budgets. The real convergence involves a similarity of the decentralization degree for public services between the countries wishing to join and those states which are already members of the eurozone. The purpose of this study is to analyze

The European Union (EU) is fundamentally transforming sustainability governance by developing dual approaches that extend far beyond traditional environmental policy. This study explores how EU institutions integrate strategic sustainability, which embeds environmental goals within economic security and geopolitical frameworks, with systemic sustainability, which emphasizes circularity, stakeholder engagement, and long-term resilience. Using hermeneutic methodology, the research analyzes key policy documents including the European Green Deal, Circular Economy Action Plan, and Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism to reveal how sustainability narratives align with strategic autonomy and economic resilience. The findings demonstrate that sustainability governance now operates as a multi-dimensional paradigm balancing sovereignty, competitiveness, and inclusiveness. The study introduces the Neo-Sovereign Strategic Management (NSSM) framework, conceptualizing sustainability as a strategic field where economic security, geopolitical influence, and environmental objectives converge. This dual strategic-systemic approach represents a paradigm shift from standalone environmental goals toward integrated governance that positions sustainability as both economic driver and geopolitical asset. The research contributes to the sustainability governance literature by providing actionable insights for policymakers navigating the complex intersection of environmental objectives, economic security, and strategic autonomy in contemporary EU governance. Unlike existing models such as multi-level governance or resilience theory, the frameworks conceptualize sustainability as a strategic field where sovereignty, competitiveness, and legitimacy converge.

This report provides an exhaustive, evidence-based analysis of immigration in the United Kingdom, assessing its multifaceted impacts, the effectiveness of government policy, and the overall balance of success and failure. Drawing exclusively on official government data and academic research, the analysis concludes that immigration has yielded discernible, albeit modest, net economic and fiscal benefits, filled critical labour market gaps, and contributed significantly to demographic vitality. However, these successes have been profoundly undermined by a persistent failure of governance, characterised by volatile, reactive policymaking and severe implementation deficiencies. The result is a system that lacks stability, predictability, and, at times, basic regulatory control.

Co-authored with Daniel McCulloch (The Open University).
This short article explores how Brexit-era immigration rules have extended the UK
Government’s “hostile environment” approach by permitting the deportation of non
UK nationals found sleeping rough. It highlights the disproportionate impact on
migrant rough sleepers, who make up a significant proportion of the homeless
population, and considers the risks of increased homelessness, exploitation, and
marginalisation. By situating these developments within a longer history of punitive
responses to homelessness, the article also examines local authority and civil society
resistance, raising critical questions about the future of compassionate policy and
social justice in post-Brexit Britain.

Özet: İlk olarak, 1999 yılında, Seattle'da gerçekleştirilen DTÖ protestosuyla dünya gündemine giren küresel toplumsal hareketler, önemli sayılabilecek başarılar kazanmış görünmektedir. Hareketlerin oluşturduğu koalisyon, gerçekleştirdiği protestolarla, küreselleşme sürecinin en önemli aktörleri arasında yer alan DTÖ, IMF, DB, AB gibi uluslararası kuruluşların meşruiyetinin tartışmaya açılmasını sağlamakla kalmamış, neoliberal küreselleşme politikalarının sorgulanmasına ve alternatifler üzerinde düşünülmesine neden olmuştur. Bu çalışma, küreselleşme karşıtı hareketler olarak da bilinen küresel toplumsal hareketlerin gelişimini ve geldiği noktayı incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çalışma, hareketlerin kökenleri ve gelişimi yanı sıra hareketin amaçları, eylem biçimleri, katılımcıların nitelikleri, gösteri ve toplantıların örgütlenme süreci gibi özelliklerini de ele almaktadır. Hareketin ortaya çıkardığı sosyal forum örgütlenmesi hareketin gelişimi açısından dönüm noktası olarak kabul edilse de, küreselleşme karşıtlarının önünde çözülmeyi bekleyen oldukça önemli sorunlar bulunmaktadır. Özellikle strateji, örgütlenme ve siyasi bir program ortaya koymak konularında küreselleşme karşıtı koalisyonun ortak bir noktaya varamadığı görülmektedir.

In the paper, the author illustrates the reason why the centre-right government majority is unfavourably opposed to Itali's ratification of the reform of the European Stability Mechanism. Furthermore, the history of the Mechanism is outlined and what the proposed reform of the same envisages, carrying out a critique of the reform itself, but the author believes that an open discussion is necessary on what the Mechanism represents of the future of Europe

The contours of international protection in EU member states are mainly determined by three elements: the 1951 Refugee Convention and the EU Common European Asylum System (CEAS), alongside international human rights law, including the 1950 ECHR (Chap. 10.1007/978-3-030-69441-8_3). While Germany and Italy are bound by the CEAS recast instruments, the UK has remained only bound by the 2003 Reception Directive, 2004 Qualification Directive and 2005 Procedures Directive. Yet, this and other type of legislative options do not, in themselves, necessarily produce considerable variations across the EU (Querton 2019), as many other factors contribute to different degrees of policy variation between EU member states. Amongst these factors, it is worth considering in particular geographical location, political context and internal governance structure, further contextualised by the statistics available.

Together with Finland and Sweden, France is a forerunner in the development of high-level nuclear waste (HLW) management solutions. A deep geological repository for high-and medium-level long-lived waste is being planned for Bure, a very small community in a sparsely populated area in the East of France, with expected operation to start in 2040-2050. The project, led by the national radioactive waste management agency, Andra, and financed via taxes levied on the waste producers, has a long and conflict-ridden history of deep mistrust between proponents and opponents of the project, and faces resistance from an active minority, despite the extensive participatory procedures, especially at the national level . In 1998, the government announced reversible deep geological disposal (DGD) as its preferred optiona choice consolidated as the reference option for HLW management in a landmark 2006 waste law, following a public consultation organised by the National Commission on Public Debate (CNDP) in 2005-2006. In 2010, the government approved Andra's plan to site in Bure a deep geological repository, Cigéo, 1 9

The EP-EUI Policy Roundtable on Evidence and Analysis in EU Policy-Making was co-organised by the Global Governance Programme (GGP) of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS) and the Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS) of the European Parliament on 7th November 2016, in Florence. It brought together practitioners and academics who discussed recent developments in evidence-based policy-making together with Professor Ioan Mircea Paşcu, Vice-President of the European Parliament (EP) and Professor Renaud Dehousse, President of the European University Institute (EUI), who jointly provided the concluding remarks of the event. The scientific coordinators of the roundtable were Wilhelm Lehmann, EP Fellow at the EUI and Gaby Umbach, GlobalStat/EUI.

Democratic parliaments require institutional memory and a sense of purpose in part derived from it. Research on the history of the European Parliament of the European Union has created three major impacts: first, to strengthen the recognition among the administrative and political leadership of the importance of understanding the institution's history in the broader context of postwar European integration, resulting in the institutionalisation of the European Parliament History Service; second, the widespread understanding that research on the history of the European Parliament is relevant to its own collective identity, facilitating cooperation among its political groups and members across cultural and ideological barriers; and third, strengthening evidence-based politics and policymaking about current and future issues through the applied academic analysis of historical dynamics of previous initiatives, changing contexts, and historical trajectories, and feeding the findings to the political groups and members through a variety of events and outputs. Generating political, societal, and cultural impacts in a democratic parliament in this way crucially requires the willingness and ability of both researchers and administrative managers to understand the logics of different fields and to cross them to maximize the benefits for the institution.

Convention determining the State responsible for examining applications for asylum lodged in one of the Member States of the European Communities -Dublin Convention [ 1997 ] OJ C254/1 . 4 ibid Art 19(4). 5 Council Regulation (EC) No 343/2003 of 18 February 2003 establishing the criteria and mechanisms for determining the Member State responsible for examining an asylum application lodged in one of the Member States by a third-country national [ 2003 ] OJ L50/1 . 6 ibid recital (1) of the Preamble. 7 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (adopted 28 July 1951, entered into force 22 April 1954) 189 UNTS 137 ( ' Refugee Convention ' ). 8 Council Regulation (n 5) of the Preamble. 9 Council Regulation (n 5) of the Preamble. 10 Council Regulation (n 5) Art 1. 11 Council Regulation (n 5) Art 5(2). 12 Council Regulation (n 5) Arts 7 and 8.

SOMMARIO: 1. Introduzione. -2. Le conclusioni dell'AG Cápeta. -3. Considerazioni critiche sulla giustiziabilità "a sé stante" dell'art. 2 TUE e sul criterio della "negazione" dei valori dell'Unione-4. Rilievi conclusivi sul valore costituzionale della (attesissima) pronuncia della Corte di giustizia.

 Brexit presents a similar policy dilemma to that of the ending of Commonwealth immigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The determination to end free movement of people creates a need to distinguish between EU citizens currently resident in the UK and EU citizens who might wish to come to the UK at a later date.  In the 1960s and 1970s the UK government decided to follow a declaratory route and simply continue the lawful residence of existing residents by operation of primary legislation. There was no need for existing residents to apply for a new immigration status. Today, the UK government has decided to force currently resident EU citizens who want to remain lawfully in the UK to apply for immigration status.  Failure to apply for Settled Status will lead to a lawful EU resident becoming an unlawful resident as soon as the application deadline expires. This would impact negatively also on dependent children whose status relies on the parents applying on their behalf.  The problem faced by the Windrush generation was surviving in the modern hostile environment when lawfully resident but without documentary proof. The problem faced by resident EU citizens who do not apply for immigration status is arguably worse: unlawful residence and therefore the accidental commission of ancillary criminal offences such as illegal working, renting accommodation without possession of the right to rent and driving without immigration status.  The system of forcing EU residents to apply for Settled Status by a deadline ameliorates one potential problem -lots of lawful residents lacking proof of their lawful status -but creates arguably a worse problem: a significantly sized population of residents who are literally unlawful as well as undocumented.

Papers.org • shortcomings are removed from the processes of organization and tense working atmosphere, which results in improved organizational climate, relationships between employees. A system of quality management in a company gives confidence that products and services meet the requirements demanded by the customer, statutory and regulatory requirements, the organization is able to develop specific market. In 2006 manufacturers of paving and curbs local market estimated at 66 million, and in 2007 grew by 30%-40% to over 90 million. Upward trend due to urban and rural infrastructure investments financed from EU funds, and the constant development of residential construction. Paralysis of the banking system in late 2008 was felt more acutely in 2009 and then decreased proportional, according to estimates this market reaching a value of 75 million euros and a volume of approximately 9,000,000 square meters. One of the companies that have continually increased the market was SC ELIS Ltd. 19-year-old market, the company currently has two production unit's in Petresti -White and Stoenesti -Prahova. They provide a volume of approximately 240,000 sqm / month, producing it here at paving residential paving for patios, industrial pavements and curbs, gutters and bricks to. Strategy regarding future short-term investments is considering only those industries which aim to increase profitability and efficiency is excluded work. An investment in increasing production in the medium term if the market demands it. From an analysis performed by SC ELIS Ltd for the first half of 2011 it was found that the highest sales volumes were recorded for industrial products: industrial pavements, curbs and gutters. Share curb sales of total sales amounted SC ELIS Ltd somewhere over 30%, which is kept for several years, with small variations of a few percent. Only 5% is the share of direct contracts with state contracts obtained through public auctions, most works are in production areas Alba and Prahova. The rest works with state partners is achieved by the company. SC ELIS Ltd has, besides the national network of distributor (deposit's of construction materials), and partnerships with some of the big retailers like Dedeman and Brithouse, but the percentages obtained from sales through this channel are still low. ELIS S.C Pavement Management S.A. states that implementation and integrated quality management system certification and occupational safety sanatate environment is a priority for sustainable development of society and a factor to increase confidence of customers and partners.

This working paper examines the difficulty in balancing the key underlying principles of EU fiscal and macroeconomic policy in a context of growing public contestation against the so-called austerity and the lack of fiscal discipline in some EU member states. EU fiscal and macroeconomic policy aims to create a stable situation for member states of the euro area. At the same time, and given the differences in economic preferences among euro states, clashes on the definition of macroeconomic priorities are bound to appear and complicate the emergence of consensus on the legitimacy basis for these policies. RECONNECT is particularly interested in identifying possible balances between diverging policy objectives. Hence, discussing the tension between the economic governance framework and the political preference of different political actors can be useful to understand the implications for democratic legitimacy that the current economic policies may have in the medium and long run. In order to accomplish this task, this paper focusses on the degree of consistency and compatibility between the principles of the EU macroeconomic and fiscal governance framework and the principles inspiring the national manifestos to the European elections. Assuming that parties play an essential role in articulating and aggregating citizens' preferences, the contraposition between these documents provides an excellent venue to diagnose to which extent the current governance framework is compatible with democracy in the EU. Thus, the paper first presents a theoretical discussion on the relationship between constitutionalism and democracy, focusing on the EU economic constitution. Then, it introduces an original dataset on the principles behind the EU governance framework and the parties´ manifestos for the 2014 and 2019 EP elections in five countries: Spain, Ireland, Italy, Finland and the Netherlands. Finally, it presents some empirical evidence regarding the level of consistency and compatibility between the two set of documents.

The author analyzes the concept of leaderisation, proposed by European scholars who borrowed it from
theories of political communication. Initially, this theory was applied to the conditions of the new communication
environment, further it was used to analyze the transformation of political leadership in the European Union along
with the European Union’s claims for a role as a global actor. The author determines the influence of a new style
of political leadership on the development of the EU foreign policy strategy in the context of the modern crisis.
The article characterizes the leadership style and representation of Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European
Commission, in the foreign policy arena as the “President” of the EU, which, according to the author, creates in media
space a reputation of her as a strong and decisive leader, but calls into question the role of the European Union as an
independent global actor. An analysis is given of how the claims of leaders of supranational institutions are perceived
by the heads of the EU member states. Leadership is manifested in the strengthening of the role of the European
Commission and its President, in the focus on the formation of the European Union as a geopolitical actor and a “defense
union”. However, according to the author, this does not mean a change in the quality of political leadership, because it
is based on a dichotomous perception of the world as “Us” and “Them”, and is aimed at increasing confrontation with
both external and internal opponents.

The author reveals, in the article, the importance of transparency in the process of public administration. In the centre of attention is the citizen, who has the right to access information, the right to make his opinion known, and the right to take part in the decisional process. The citizen's participation supposes the realization of four requirements: transparency of administra­tion, passing on the information, reception of information and the involvement of the citizen in the decisional act. Further is analysed the normative act: «The Law regarding transparency in the decisionalprocess» no 239-XV approved on 13.11.2008. The author suggests ways of improving it. There are revealed some of the recommendations mentioned in « The white Book of Good Governing» elaborated by the European Commission, where are discussed the basic principles, which should be respected by the public authorities, as well as the procedures of public consultation within the European Union. In conclusio...

The paper, while briefly describing the stages of the European integration process, between the “recog-nition” of fundamental rights, the organization, and functional dynamics of EU institutions, highlights the instruments that, either the ECJ’s case law or the European legislator, have leveraged in order to build the legal foundations of trust among Member States, within a complex and multi-level communi-ty such as the European Union. The aim is therefore to question “what is missing” for such a EU legal actio to consolidate into genuine and de facto solidarity and trust among Member States.

This book provides the definitive reference point on all the issues pertaining to dealing with the 'crisis of the rule of law' in the European Union. Both Member State and EU levels are considered. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the concrete legal bases and instruments that the EU may avail itself of for enforcing rule of law, and the volume clearly demonstrates that a number of legally sound ways of rule of law oversight are available. Contributors are leading scholars who assess the potential role to be played by the various bodies in the context of dealing with the EU's rule of law imperfections.

Abstract: The contribution shows the limited rule-making power of QUANGOs, due to the very strict conditions for such a formal recognition. It then consider the institutional position occupied by QUANGOs in a democratic State, somewhere between the executive and the ...

This paper examines the postwar vision of Germany’s role in Europe, contrasting it with the nation’s contemporary influence on the continent. While Germany was once envisioned as a humbled nation, peacefully integrated into the Western order, it has emerged as a dominant force in shaping European policy and governance. Rather than simply adhering to the values of humility, Germany’s current political approach is marked by an overconfidence in its moral authority, often imposing its ideological frameworks across Europe. Through the strategic export of policy models, economic strategies, and cultural norms, Germany’s influence is reshaping Europe, sometimes at the cost of empirical governance and practical outcomes.

The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, created in 1992 and currently directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe's place in 21 st century global politics. The Centre is home to a large post-doctoral programme and hosts major research programmes, projects and data sets, in addition to a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. The research agenda is organised around a set of core themes and is continuously evolving, reflecting the changing agenda of European integration, the expanding membership of the European Union, developments in Europe's neighbourhood and the wider world.

From its foundation onwards, the EU has faced several enlargement processes. The last and current one seems to be realized towards Western Balkans, which might be formalized as the former Yugoslavian countries except for Slovenia, Croatia, and Albania. Those countries have been labeled as Western Balkan countries, and the EU has been developing strategies to face the possible challenges stemming from the enlargement towards the southeastern part of the continent. A very significant summit took place during the pandemic in an online format in Zagreb, and the EU leaders and Western Balkan countries’ leaders published a declaration
emphasizing the new roadmap of enlargement. In that declaration, the conveners recalled the summits in 2000 in Zagreb, 2003 in Thessaloniki, and 2018 in Sofia, reaffirming the EU’s unequivocal support for the European perspective of the Western Balkans. At the same time,
Western Balkan countries emphasized their commitment to this European perspective as “their firm strategic choice.” As a requirement, the EU asked for clear public communication and the implementation of the necessary reforms. This paper tries to discuss the main points of the 2020 Zagreb declaration of twenty articles, which the authors of the declaration for the
significant enlargement step of the EU in the current decade have highlighted. Each highlighted point gives a special direction of cooperation between the EU and the Western Balkans. Thus, this piece aims to make a discursive analysis of the articles of declaration with a special emphasis on the role of Croatia as the newest member of the EU for the enlargement process.

We examine over 40,000 International Protection (IP) determinations for non-EEA nationals covering a 16 year period in Ireland. We reconfigure these individual outcomes into a set of over 23,000 matched pairs based on combination of direct matching and propensity score matching. A key feature of this approach is that it replicates the statistical features of an experimental set-up where observational data only are to hand. As a consequence we are able to identify those explanatory factors that in fact contribute to the grant of IP. This is a key innovation in the analysis of protection outcomes. We centre our study in the realm of International Relations studies on protection. We are particularly interested in whether immigration policy is a latent tool used to influence the odds of a grant of IP, specifically via the introduction of the Immigration Act 2004. Using both conditional maximum likelihood and mixed effects models we find this is not the case; this conclusion is both novel and profound in a matched pair context. On this basis we conclude there can be little justification for the perception that immigration policy is a latent tool affecting the protection process in Ireland.

We examine over 40,000 International Protection (IP) determinations for non-EEA nationals covering a 16 year period in Ireland. We reconfigure these individual outcomes into a set of over 23,000 matched pairs based on combination of direct matching and propensity score matching. A key feature of this approach is that it replicates the statistical features of an experimental set-up where observational data only are to hand. As a consequence we are able to identify those explanatory factors that in fact contribute to the grant of IP. This is a key innovation in the analysis of protection outcomes. We centre our study in the realm of International Relations studies on protection. We are particularly interested in whether immigration policy is a latent tool used to influence the odds of a grant of IP, specifically via the introduction of the Immigration Act 2004. Using both conditional maximum likelihood and mixed effects models we find this is not the case, this conclusion is both nove...

Si è assistito, negli ultimi anni, a un crescente utilizzo della condizionalità nelle politiche dell’Unione europea, tendenza che presenta inedite potenzialità, ma anche numerose problematiche. Partendo da tre casi paradigmatici — il c.d. regolamento sullo stato di diritto, il Dispositivo per la ripresa e la resilienza e la riforma del Patto di Stabilità — il presente lavoro intende analizzare come le caratteristiche del procedimento decisionale europeo influenzino lo strumento della condizionalità, provocando effetti rilevanti sulla determinazione dell’indirizzo politico — tanto nazionale quanto “europeo” — e quindi sul principio democratico inteso come espressione della sovranità popolare.

Recent years have witnessed an increasing use of conditionality in EU policies, a trend that presents unprecedented potential but also many issues. Starting from three paradigmatic cases — the Rule of law conditionality regulation, the Recovery and Resilience Facility and the reform of the Stability Pact — this paper intends to analyse how the characteristics of the European decision-making process influence the instrument of conditionality, provoking relevant effects on the determination of policy direction — both national and “European” — and thus on the democratic principle understood as an expression of popular sovereignty.

European expertise is an effect of the field of European politics that opens up access to sources of knowledge and authority beyond the political context and varies depending on the state of European integration. This can be exemplified by a prosopography of members of political-economic European Expert Groups (1966–2018). A multiple correspondence analysis of 261 professional careers allows us to reconstruct the structure of European expertise in this policy area to determine six types of experts by clustering and, in the light of the observed diversity, to trace the decline in scientific and the increase in financial expertise. This development can be interpreted as a strengthening of the economic-heteronomous pole in the field, which goes hand in hand with the rise of neoliberal forms of government, the autonomisation of the field and the professionalisation of expert consultations.

A few days ago the former prime minister of Greece Constantine Simitis passed away. Although Simitis was accused of facilitating the deindustrialization of the country, falsifying data in order Greece to enter the euro, and various scandals, his passing was followed by a huge consecration campaign. It is amazing that this campaign did not originate from his party PASOK but from the right wing government party of the New Democracy. This article investigates why (PARON 12/01/2025)

The following chapter critically explores key issues related to the role of citizens within the European Union (EU) and their interaction with the Union's political processes. One of the central concerns is the concept of democratic deficit, which is analysed from two perspectives, highlighting the importance of increasing citizen participation within EU policy frameworks. Enhancing citizen participation is crucial for strengthening democracy within the EU and ensuring the democratic functioning of European institutions. Citizens have various avenues through which they can influence political processes, including electoral participation, engagement in public consultations, involvement in civic activities, and other forms of participatory governance.
Additionally, the relationship between civil society and the integration phase of the EU emphasises the importance of citizen collaboration and involvement in decision-making processes, thereby enhancing European integration and democratic governance within the EU. Lastly, the role of European elections in fostering democratic cohesion is crucial, serving as a primary mechanism for expressing the political identities of member states and strengthening European democracy. In summary, these issues are critical for understanding the democratic functioning of the EU and the participatory role of its citizens, thereby building a democratic political relationship and the future of Europe.

Στο κεφάλαιο που ακολουθεί, εξετάζονται με συγκριτική και κριτική διάθεση τα καίρια ζητήματα που αφορούν στον ρόλο του πολίτη στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (ΕΕ) και την άμεση σχέση του με τις πολιτικές διαδικασίες της Ένωσης, όπως το δημοκρατικό έλλειμμα σε δύο εννοιολογικές διαστάσεις, η σημασία του ρόλου και της ενίσχυσης της συμμετοχής των πολιτών μέσω ενδεικτικών τρόπων, η εν εξελίξει σχέση της κοινωνίας των πολιτών με την ενοποιητική φάση της ΕΕ. Εξετάζεται επίσης, ο ιδιαίτερος ρόλος των Ευρωπαϊκών εκλογών στην ευρωπαϊκή δημοκρατική συνοχή σε συνάρτηση με την πολιτειακή ταυτότητα των μερών της. Τα εν λόγω ζητήματα προκύπτουν ως αλληλένδετα για την κατανόηση της [ευρωπαϊκής] δημοκρατικής διαδικασίας και της πολιτειακής ταυτότητας των πολιτών στην πολιτική διαδικασία, είτε ως προς τη συμμετοχή και τον βαθμό επιρροής μίας εκ των ων ουκ άνευ αμφίδρομης διαδικασίας με όρους συνεξέλιξης και αλληλεπίδρασης, είτε ως προϋπόθεση για την πολιτική ολοκλήρωση, το μέλλον της Ευρώπης και την αντιμετώπιση των δύσκολων σημείων στην ευρωπαϊκή συμβίωση, μέσω της εμβάθυνσης στο σύνθετο ευρωπαϊκό πλαίσιο που απαντούν οι ασυμμετρίες θεσμικού και δικαιικού χαρακτήρα των ευρωπαϊκών σχέσεων. Εδώ, μιας σχέσης πολιτικής, μεταξύ της Ευρώπης και των πολιτών της.

The primary objective of this doctoral dissertation is to outline institutional alternatives for establishing high-energy democracy and experimentalist constitutionalism in Brazil. It begins by exploring the concepts of high-energy democracy and experimentalist constitutionalism, examining their sociological and philosophical underpinnings. These concepts are then situated within the dynamic tension between constitutionalism and democracy, arguing that experimentalist constitutionalism could enhance its productive effects through a radical and dialogical Constitution. The dissertation concludes by proposing an institutional framework – in the form of a network of arenas of democratic experimentation (ADE) – aimed at accommodating participatory and deliberative practices, with a primary focus on cooperation-based institutional experimentation. It also suggests that the Brazilian formative context and constitutional order already possess some of the necessary elements to advance these proposals. The research is grounded in theoretical inquiry, drawing on Roberto Mangabeira Unger’s work as its main theoretical framework, and provides a qualitative and targeted review of the literature in constitutional theory, political philosophy, and political science.

Tη χώρα εξακολουθεί να ταλαιπωρεί το πρόβληµα της διαδοχής δύο χαρισµατικών της ηγετών: του Ανδρέα Παπανδρέου και του Κωνσταντίνου Καραµανλή. Το πρόβληµα είναι από τη φύση του ανεπίλυτο. Δεν επιδέχεται λύση. Αν ο χαρισµατικός ηγέτης είναι µοναδικός, όπως πιστεύεται, λογικά είναι και ανεπανάληπτος. Δεν µπορεί να έχει αληθινό, δηλαδή ισοδύναµο, διάδοχο. Το επίθετο «χαρισµατικός» έχει καταντήσει να σηµαίνει σήµερα απλώς «ελκυστικός», «δηµοφιλής», «προικισµένος». Oµως εδώ ενδιαφέρει ο χαρισµατικός ηγέτης όπως ακριβώς ορίστηκε από τον µεγάλο κοινωνιολόγο Μαξ Βέµπερ, ως ιδιαίτερος τύπος ηγεσίας, που έχει τη δική του ιδιαίτερη νοµοτέλεια. O,τι ισχύει για τους χαρισµατικούς ηγέτες δεν ισχύει για τους άλλους. «Χάρισµα», µ' αυτή την έννοια (και στον ενικό), διαθέτει ένα πρόσωπο όταν αναγνωρίζεται ως ηγέτης επειδή θεωρείται θεόσταλτο ή προικισµένο µε υπερφυσικές, υπεράνθρωπες ή τουλάχιστον εντελώς εξαιρετικές ικανότητες ή ιδιότητες, απρόσιτες στον κοινό άνθρωπο. Αυτή η τελευταία φράση («απρόσιτες στον κοινό άνθρωπο») αποτελεί το ελάχιστο που απαιτείται όταν Α Π Ο Ψ Ε Ι Σ

This paper discusses the mechanism of appeal before the Boards of Appeal (BoAs) of ten EU decentralised agencies with powers to take decisions intended to produce legal effect vis-à-vis third parties in the context of regulating the internal market. After a brief description of the function of administrative remedies in the EU law, the sources of law for this remedy and three aspects of the appeal procedure are discussed. The first aspect is related to the admissibility of the appeal and includes the following issues: 1) jurisdiction of the BoA, i.e. types of agency decisions that can be appealed; 2) active locus standi before the BoA; 3) time limits for lodging the appeal; and 4) suspensive effect of the appeal. The second aspect is related to the merits of the appeal, and in this regard the following issues are discussed: 1) interlocutory revision in some agencies; 2) mediation, i.e. the possibility of reaching an amicable settlement in the appeal proceedings in some agencies; and 3) examination of the appeal by the BoA and time limits for its final decision. The third aspect is related to the BoA’s decision. In this regard, the paper discusses two models of the BoA’s action when the appeal is accepted and also takes a brief overview of the possibility of contesting the BoA’s decision before the Court. The paper concludes by pointing out the main advantages and disadvantages of the appeals before the BoA.

This policy paper has been prepared following a review of the relevant literature, as well as fifteen interviews with experts and professionals in the areas of energy and cybersecurity in Europe and the United States. The author would like to thank all those who agreed to be interviewed for their support and the information they provided on this sensitive subject. The interviews took place in the United States and Europe, with experts drawn from as wide a sample as possible to represent the relevant actors in both the public and private sectors. Since the individuals who agreed to be interviewed have asked to remain anonymous, the information that derives from these interviews, and which was used to prepare this policy paper, has not been attributed.

Aim of the study 4 Background: 'Social Europe' in the making 6 Anthropological perspectives on the European Union National and postnational tensions A postnational EU in the making Transparency in process? The 'epistemic culture' of numbers Numbers transcending borders Keeping the culturally intimate hidden Meeting in the postnational order Fieldwork: following a decision-making process in EU meetings Working as part trainee, part researcher Yo-yo-ing between Stockholm and Brussels Observing in meetings Outline of the study CHAPTER 2 BUILDING 'SOCIAL EUROPE' Introduction: 'more and better jobs for Europe' 'Social Europe': a postnational 'society' in the making? Building a 'European social model' Keeping the social 'national' Framing 'Social Europe': working symbolic analysts From 'flexisecurity' to 'quality in work' Toward a classification of 'quality in work' The Commission campaigning for 'its' classification of 'quality in work' Attempting an EU classification of 'quality in work' Sweden promoting 'its' definition Advancing the EU classification The (final) discursive transformation: making the classification of 'quality in work' formal Conclusion: 'Social Europe' between visionary ideals and working definitions CHAPTER 3 EU CHRONOLOGY: THE RHYTHMS OF MEETINGS Introduction: EU chronology The changing of the guard: the EU Presidencies Guarding the EU while keeping it 'national' Embracing the Presidency: 'selling' your member state Eurocrats adapting to the Presidencies The rhythm of the meetings: the bureaucratic process Committee work: Eurocrats preparing decisions Asked by the European Council Agreeing before the Council Preparing for the Councils The 'two-day' meetings Preparations at the last minute… Fashioning the EU: the scheduling in meetings Conclusion: forming the EU by the making of an EU chronology CHAPTER 4 MEETINGS: PERFORMING RITUALS OF LEGITIMATION

Extensive evidence exists on how characteristics and circumstances of children shape their lifepaths and outcomes, and on the scale of resulting need. However, little research exists assessing the numbers of children who may be at risk of harm or disadvantage due to their immigration status. In this paper, we sought to establish the degree to which it is possible to monitor the aggregate vulnerability to risk of children in the UK by virtue of immigration status. First, we developed an observable set of immigration risk and vulnerability factors through workshop consultations that were analysed to produce a core set of variables that might be measured to assess aggregate need by virtue of immigration status. Second, we assessed through an administrative data review what is known statistically about the numbers of children at risk by virtue of immigration status in the UK. This research indicates a considerable gap in statistical knowledge of the level of vulnerability of children in the UK by virtue of immigration status. The approach we have developed provides a framework for future statistical work that might address this gap.

The article examines the implementation of the European Green Deal in terms of the normative and regulatory framework development and the transformation of the governance system in the European Union. The study demonstrates that the Green Deal is a political response to societal demands and is based on the significant achievements of two previous decades. The Green Deal goes far beyond the climate/energy policy and provides for a fundamental transformation of the economic model. The incorporation of the sustainable development concept into all aspects of economic policy, if successfully implemented, may launch the transition to the third stage in the development of the EU economic model. The study concludes that by now, the European Union has formed the major part of legislative framework and the governance system necessary to achieve proclaimed goals. The reforms have radically strengthened the complexity of the policy course, de facto increased EU competence and regulatory powers of the European Commission, established new obligations for member states and formed more stringent mechanisms to influence national policies. Despite the change in the political situation in 2023–2024, the social base of the Green Deal remains significant. Accumulated experience and the reformed system of governance in the area of green transformation provide sufficient inertia. Taking into account all the features of the Green Deal and the momentum gained, the successful implementation of this project has a great chance to give impetus to new integration dynamic in the European Union.

This paper investigates how a policy-model articulates two streams that have long been considered by both academics and political stakeholders as mutually exclusive. The European employment flexicurity model explicitly combines flexibility (on the labour markets) and security (for the workers). It clarifies European objectives in the social and employment policy field centred on a mutually reinforcing vision of the employers’ and employees’ rights and duties. At both European and domestic levels, various political actors (trade unions, employers’ representative, political leaders) have endorsed the need for policy-reforms centred on the structuring elements of the European flexicurity model (flexibilisation of employment contracts; active labour market policies; life-long learning schemes; modernization of social security schemes). This paper shows that the construction of this policy-model was not the result of a political process. Politics (domestic uploading strategies, political...