Ethnic Space

In this research the concept of mixed embeddedness is used to analyze how economic and political opportunity structures and the group characteristics of Ethiopian and Bolivian immigrants have affected the establishment and development of their businesses in metropolitan Washington, DC. The study relies upon interviews, focus groups, census data, and mapping to assess the entrepreneurial activities of both groups. As a relatively new immigrant destination, metropolitan Washington lacks many of the institutional supports found in older gateway cities. Our findings show that Bolivians and Ethiopians entered into entrepreneurial activities due more to experiences of blocked mobility and labor market segmentation than due to ethnic enclave formation. In addition, their settlement and associations within particular jurisdictions in the region played a significant role in their social and economic integration as entrepreneurs. The study concludes with an assessment of mixed embeddedness as a valuable lens from which to understand entrepreneurship at the metropolitan scale.

In this research the concept of mixed embeddedness is used to analyze how economic and political opportunity structures and the group characteristics of Ethiopian and Bolivian immigrants have affected the establishment and development of their businesses in metropolitan Washington, DC. The study relies upon interviews, focus groups, census data, and mapping to assess the entrepreneurial activities of both groups. As a relatively new immigrant destination, metropolitan Washington lacks many of the institutional supports found in older gateway cities. Our findings show that Bolivians and Ethiopians entered into entrepreneurial activities due more to experiences of blocked mobility and labor market segmentation than due to ethnic enclave formation. In addition, their settlement and associations within particular jurisdictions in the region played a significant role in their social and economic integration as entrepreneurs. The study concludes with an assessment of mixed embeddedness as a valuable lens from which to understand entrepreneurship at the metropolitan scale.

In this research the concept of mixed embeddedness is used to analyze how economic and political opportunity structures and the group characteristics of Ethiopian and Bolivian immigrants have affected the establishment and development of their businesses in metropolitan Washington, DC. The study relies upon interviews, focus groups, census data, and mapping to assess the entrepreneurial activities of both groups. As a relatively new immigrant destination, metropolitan Washington lacks many of the institutional supports found in older gateway cities. Our findings show that Bolivians and Ethiopians entered into entrepreneurial activities due more to experiences of blocked mobility and labor market segmentation than due to ethnic enclave formation. In addition, their settlement and associations within particular jurisdictions in the region played a significant role in their social and economic integration as entrepreneurs. The study concludes with an assessment of mixed embeddedness as a valuable lens from which to understand entrepreneurship at the metropolitan scale.

In the first decade and a half of this century Malta faced an influx of boats loaded with irregular immigrants from African countries who made the perilous journey hoping to reach Europe and realise the dream of "a better life". A majority identify themselves as being of Eritrean or Ethiopian origin in terms of nationality and Orthodox Tewahedo Christians in terms of their religious faith. This study investigates the manner in which Orthodox Tewahedo Christians from Eritrea and Ethiopia living in Malta have adapted elements of their culture to fit the Maltese context and puts forth the arguments that the processes of 'integration' and differentiation are intertwined. In particular, differentiation would not be possible without some kind of integration at the Maltese and European level. At the same time, the incomplete nature of 'integration' and the possibility of being sent back to their home country is also important for identity. This argument is developed by looking at three areas. First, the legal and demographic aspects of migrant status is examined comparatively. Second, the focus is shifted to the individual level, as the experience of acculturation of four Eritrean nationals and four Ethiopian nationals are illustrated through their life stories as told by them. Third, at the community level, particular attention is paid to the manner in which the Eritreans and Ethiopians have resolved their internal conflicts and adapted their religious rites and rituals to fit the context of Malta. What emerges is a community that has found ways to create for itself several physical spaces within which they gather to recreate the experiences of their homeland, while at the same time experiencing their homeland in a way that can only be done away from it.

This dissertation explores the transnational experiences of Ethiopian immigrants in the Washington metropolitan area across generational units. Much of the recent research on transnationalism has focused on the ties immigrants maintain in the sending country. This dissertation adds to this analysis by looking at how the actions of Ethiopian immigrants contribute to nation building in the United States as well as in Ethiopia. The double engagements of Ethiopians challenge either/or views of immigrants and demonstrates how transnationality works in both directions. My research, based on 12 months of fieldwork in the metropolitan area of Washington, D.C., used participant observation, interviews, life histories and extended conversations to provide the first comprehensive study of first-and second-generation Ethiopian migrants using the transnational perspective. I explore the factors that motivate migrants to maintain transnational connections. I argue that for first-generation immigrants, the conditions of exit greatly shape the types and nature of transnational engagements as much as the receiving-country contexts. In addition, Ethiopian immigrants arrived in three distinct generational units, each of which had starkly differing experiences in Ethiopia and in the United States. These experiences have influenced their priorities regarding adaptation and transnational connections. Largely as the consequence of incongruent pre-immigration experiences, some Ethiopians are heavily involved in political transnationalism while others favor philanthropic giving. I also analyze the transnational activities of second-generation Ethiopians, which include visiting the ancestral land, sponsoring children in the homeland, working for philanthropic NGOs in Ethiopia, shaping definitions of Ethiopian Americans, defending the homeland in the United States, and taking part in political action, especially the hard work of building a voting bloc. Both the diverse generational units of the first-and second-generation Ethiopian immigrants grapple with politics, family loyalty, nationalism, obligations to those left behind, differing views of success, racial views, and many more transnational ties, all the while gauging how far to integrate into U.S. society. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is an honor to be able to extend my appreciation and respect to the many people and institutions that have helped me in my dissertation research and writing journeys. While I claim full responsibility for my work, and any of its limitations are a reflection of my own scholarship, I would like to mention a few people who made the completion of this dissertation possible. I extend my sincere gratitude to all my informants who opened their home to me, shared with me their migration experiences and challenged me. They gave me their precious time and attention, trusted and befriended me, and were very patient with my persistent queries. In order to honor my promise of anonymity, I cannot name specific individuals, but please know that I am particularly grateful to those who were willing to help me with my research and navigate Washington, DC. My fieldwork experience coupled with the 2008 presidential race-where most of my informants were actively engaged in, was exhilarating and unforgettable.

По мнению автора, этническое пространство - это относительно замкнутая область этнических отношений и событий, которая отличается динамичностью в развитии и органично вырастает из взаимодействия с другими этническими группами. Этническое пространство характеризуется параметрами размерности и организованности. Для сохранения этнической группы необходимо развитие этнического пространства.

В качестве предмета этнополитических конфликтов автор выделяет позиции. К подобным конфликтам он относит статусные и сецессионные конфликты. Второй предмет этнополитических конфликтов автор концептуализирует как пространство. Этнополитический конфликт во многом связан со стремлением овладеть определенным пространством, закрепить его за этносом.

Автор рассматривает социальную природу этнополитических конфликтов исходя из необходимости сохранения баланса между позициями и пространством. Для разрешения этнополитических конфликтов, по мнению автора, необходима четкая оценка конфликтующих сторон, логичность и целостность политических решений.

В качестве предмета этнополитических конфликтов автор выделяет позиции, включающие социальный статус, политическую нишу, сферы политического влияния и контроля. Второй предмет этнополитических конфликтов автор характеризует как пространство. Причиной этнополитического конфликта служит изменение пространства, не соответствующее изменению позиции.

lmmigration and urbanization in the United States have always been deeply intertwined. It is impossible to understand the evolution of American cities in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries without reference to immigration, which fundamentally shaped the economic, social, political, and spatial structure of metropolitan regions. At the same time, the nature of these cities and their surrounding areas had a deep impact on the experiences of immigrants. These experiences, in turn, influenced subsequent waves of immigrants and injected further dynamism into the cities. The links between immigration and urbanization not only are empirical but also speak to how we fundamentally understand these processes.

This study examines the ethnic geography of a new immigrant gateway, Washington, DC. According to Census 2000, more than 832,000 foreign-born individuals reside in the Washington metropolitan region. This research uses Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) data in an effort to map the residential decisions of immigrant newcomers by zip code from 1990 to 1998. Spatially, a very diverse, dispersed, and suburbanized pattern of newcomer settlement emerges, a pattern that contradicts many of the assumptions of the spatial assimilation model. Whereas the overall pattern is one of dispersion, an analysis of country-of-origin groups results in a settlement continuum ranging from concentrated (Vietnamese) to highly dispersed (Indians). Current research in Washington suggests that a pattern of heterolocalism (community without propinquity) may be a better model for understanding the role of immigrant settlement patterns and networks. [Key words: immigrant gateway, spatial assimilation, heterolocalism, immigrant settlement, Washington, DC.] During the past four decades, the "fourth wave" of immigration to the United States had a dramatic impact on the demographic dynamics and ethnic composition of many major metropolitan areas, including the nation's capital. The search for an understanding of the demographic composition and spatial distribution of immigrants in such major metropolitan gateways as New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Miami has produced a substantial and impressive body of literature (e.

In this paper, I examine how Hispanic immigrants laid claim to public spaces in the city of Washington, DC and affirmed a sense of belonging to the city and the nation through annual celebrations of a Hispanic festival, La Fiesta DC. Over its 41-year history, the festival has been held in the vastly different spaces of the Hispanic barrio and the streets adjoining the National Mall. The paper contrasts the nature, visibility and sense of belonging at celebrations held in the barrio, a space with a historical Latino presence, with those held on the monumental spaces adjoining the National Mall. Paradoxically, festival organisers and the community had greater success in accessing the grand public space of the National Mall to hold Fiesta DC than in keeping the festival in the barrio, with its ethnic markings and signs and more localised sense of belonging for the Hispanic community.

Addis is in many ways a unique city. It is an autochthonous city and one of the few capitals in the Global South that does not trace its origin to colonialism. Unlike most capital cities that owe their origin to colonialism, looking outwards rather than inwards with their back to their own population and homelands, Addis Ababa is not a coastal city. It is located at the geographical center of Ethiopia. As a city that looks inwards to its homeland, it's raison d' d'être was not to serve European colonial interests, logics and whims, but rather a city conceived, built and essentially driven by internal forces, dynamics and motives. As an autochthonous city, Addis lacks the clearly defined spaces of the colonial/European city. Nor is Addis Ababa a city indelibly marred by the racial, cultural and symbolic boundaries and segregated spaces that are typical of the colonial city.

This study examines the residential patterns of immigrant newcomers within a relatively new immigrant destination, Washington, D.C. Particular attention is given to how these patterns are shaped by the newcomers' race and ethnicity. Our analysis is based primarily upon data on immigrant flows from the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service for the [1990][1991][1992][1994][1995][1996][1997][1998] period. Evidence from our study suggests a racial and ethnic hierarchy to the residential location of Africans, Asians, Europeans, and Latin Americans, providing some support for the pattern expected in the place-stratification model. When their residential patterns are compared with those of non-Hispanic blacks, we find that African newcomers are more likely to settle among blacks than are other regional-origin groups. However, Africans are also found to reside in multiethnic zip codes where large numbers of newcomers are concentrated. The findings suggest that race is an important but not exclusive factor in explaining the residential choices of recent immigrants.

This study examines the ethnic geography of a new immigrant gateway, Washington, DC. According to Census 2000, more than 832,000 foreign-born individuals reside in the Washington metropolitan region. This research uses Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) data in an effort to map the residential decisions of immigrant newcomers by zip code from 1990 to 1998. Spatially, a very diverse, dispersed, and suburbanized pattern of newcomer settlement emerges, a pattern that contradicts many of the assumptions of the spatial assimilation model. Whereas the overall pattern is one of dispersion, an analysis of country-of-origin groups results in a settlement continuum ranging from concentrated (Vietnamese) to highly dispersed (Indians). Current research in Washington suggests that a pattern of heterolocalism (community without propinquity) may be a better model for understanding the role of immigrant settlement patterns and networks. [Key words: immigrant gateway, spatial assimilation, heterolocalism, immigrant settlement, Washington, DC.] During the past four decades, the "fourth wave" of immigration to the United States had a dramatic impact on the demographic dynamics and ethnic composition of many major metropolitan areas, including the nation's capital. The search for an understanding of the demographic composition and spatial distribution of immigrants in such major metropolitan gateways as New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Miami has produced a substantial and impressive body of literature (e.