Elites (Political Science)

En el artículo se se aborda la muy frecuente, pertinaz y preocupante resistencia a la dimisión por parte de demasiados políticos -así como otros cargos institucionales- en nuestro país, y que se ha convertido en un habitual mecanismo de defensa, un intento de ganar tiempo, de minimizar la gravedad de los hechos y en última instancia, de aferrarse al poder a toda costa. En el artículo se recogen igualmente algunos casos reales y comparativos que evidencian unos muy distintos niveles de exigencias éticas y de dimisión en otros países, y también se proponen una serie de propuestas legales, institucionales y culturales para combatir este preocupante situación en nuestro país.

Resumo: O estudo traça um perfil longitudinal dos ministros da educação no Brasil, identificando-os como gestores da educação em âmbito federal e lançando mão de uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em dados do site do Ministério da Educação, cotejada com uma revisão bibliográfica. O texto foca em elementos periféricos sobre os ministros, elegendo questões de foro descritivo para delinear um panorama geral, deliberadamente carente de aprofundamentos temáticos ou recortes temporais. Metodologicamente os dados advindos do portal do MEC foram cotejados com outras fontes, servindo de base para a produção de uma tabela com os dados descritivos necessários ao tracejo do perfil proposto. No desenvolvimento são apontados aspectos descritivos, incluindo rupturas e permanências envolvendo a nomeação de ministros. Conclui-se que não há um elemento de recorrência entre os ministros da educação no Brasil, que permita o desenho de um perfil similar para a maioria dos ocupantes do cargo. Não há condição ou lastro profissional no histórico dos ocupantes do cargo, que possa definir similaridades na escolha de quem gesta a educação no Brasil. Palavras-chave: Gestão da educação. Ministério da educação. Perfil de ministro. O estudo visa traçar um perfil longitudinal dos ministros da educação no Brasil, identificando-os como gestores da educação em âmbito federal e lançando mão de uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em dados advindos do site do Ministério da Educação: (acessado em 01 de fevereiro de 2012), cotejada com uma revisão bibliográfica temática. Trata-se da consolidação dos dados sobrevindos da primeira etapa de uma pesquisa acerca da gestão educacional como elemento de qualidade na educação pública. O texto em tela centra o foco nos elementos periféricos sobre os ministros da educação no Brasil, ou seja, elege como estratégia de análise questões de foro descritivo, visando delinear um panorama geral, deliberadamente carente de aprofundamentos temáticos ou recortes temporais. Sobre os procedimentos metodológicos parece pertinente esclarecer que os dados advindos do portal do Ministério da Educação foram cotejados com outras fontes

Resumo: O estudo traça um perfil longitudinal dos ministros da educação no Brasil, identificando-os como gestores da educação em âmbito federal e lançando mão de uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em dados do site do Ministério da Educação, cotejada com uma revisão bibliográfica. O texto foca em elementos periféricos sobre os ministros, elegendo questões de foro descritivo para delinear um panorama geral, deliberadamente carente de aprofundamentos temáticos ou recortes temporais. Metodologicamente os dados advindos do portal do MEC foram cotejados com outras fontes, servindo de base para a produção de uma tabela com os dados descritivos necessários ao tracejo do perfil proposto. No desenvolvimento são apontados aspectos descritivos, incluindo rupturas e permanências envolvendo a nomeação de ministros. Conclui-se que não há um elemento de recorrência entre os ministros da educação no Brasil, que permita o desenho de um perfil similar para a maioria dos ocupantes do cargo. Não há condição ou lastro profissional no histórico dos ocupantes do cargo, que possa definir similaridades na escolha de quem gesta a educação no Brasil. Palavras-chave: Gestão da educação. Ministério da educação. Perfil de ministro. O estudo visa traçar um perfil longitudinal dos ministros da educação no Brasil, identificando-os como gestores da educação em âmbito federal e lançando mão de uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em dados advindos do site do Ministério da Educação: (acessado em 01 de fevereiro de 2012), cotejada com uma revisão bibliográfica temática. Trata-se da consolidação dos dados sobrevindos da primeira etapa de uma pesquisa acerca da gestão educacional como elemento de qualidade na educação pública. O texto em tela centra o foco nos elementos periféricos sobre os ministros da educação no Brasil, ou seja, elege como estratégia de análise questões de foro descritivo, visando delinear um panorama geral, deliberadamente carente de aprofundamentos temáticos ou recortes temporais. Sobre os procedimentos metodológicos parece pertinente esclarecer que os dados advindos do portal do Ministério da Educação foram cotejados com outras fontes

This paper investigates subnational elites' continuity in politics even though regimes change by analyzing the careers of state legislators in the first democracy (1945-1964) that were able to return or continue in the democratization started in the 1980s. From 1.152 state deputies analyzed, only 146 politicians were able to hold any political office again. Why legislators continued in politics? Utilizing a career approach, the results indicate that positions toward dictatorship were relevant in the 1980s, as those who supported dictatorship had more difficulty than those who were opposed. However, some politicians aligned with the military achieved long careers. Other elements also influenced political trajectories, such political support networks. The analysis contributes to demonstrating the role of political elites in the consolidation of Brazilian democracy by analyzing the trajectory of state deputies in different regimes.

Compreender a trajetória até um cargo estadual
é estratégico para revelar as dinâmicas
políticas de cada estado, assim como
a rota de progressão aos principais postos
nacionais. Como alguém se tornou um parlamentar
estadual? Com objetivo de elucidar
esse percurso, foram estudados 1.152
deputados de sete estados brasileiros (Rio
Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, São Paulo,
Minas Gerais, Bahia, Ceará e Goiás) durante
quatro legislaturas (1947-1963). A análise
longitudinal dos cargos pregressos revelou
preponderância do âmbito municipal, e sobretudo
distintos padrões entre os estados
emergiram. Considerar a política da perspectiva
das unidades federadas constitui-se
um modelo interpretativo a fim de propiciar
um entendimento mais adequado da
política nacional, revelando peculiaridades
regionais. Também acrescenta aos debates
sobre regionalismo, federalismo e política
comparada.

Wydarzenia rewolucyjne w Kielcach w latach 1905-1907 na łamach "Gazety Kieleckiej" W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę zaprezentowania, z punktu widzenia redaktorów "Gazety Kieleckiej", zajść i wydarzeń w Kielcach związanych z rewolucją lat 1905-1907. Przed przystąpieniem do omówienia tytułowego zagadnienia zarysowana zostanie gospodarcza i polityczna sytuacja Rosji carskiej na początku XX w., opisane najważniejsze partie działające wówczas w Królestwie Polskim z ich stosunkiem do zrywu robotniczego, a także samo miasto Kielce u progu rewolucji. Rewolucja lat 1905-1907 w Rosji była spowodowana m.in. klęską caratu w wojnie z Japonią (1904-1905). W wyniku tego konfliktu imperium cara Mikołaja II utraciło południowy Sachalin, bazy morskie w Chinach, Port Artur oraz Dalnij 1. Należy dodać, że od 1901 r. gospodarka Rosji przeżywała kryzys wywołany przez spadek dopływu złota z ogarniętej wojną południowej Afryki 2. Przegrana wojna z Japonią pogłębiła jeszcze gospodarcze problemy, które zaczynały słabnąć dopiero koło 1910 r. Niepokoje i zamieszki ogarnęły także i Królestwo Polskie (Kraj Przywiślański). Jedną z przyczyn demonstracji i strajków był spadek produkcji przemysłowej w Królestwie Polskim o 35% 3 , wywołany przez wojnę na Dalekim Wschodzie. Pod koniec 1904 r. 100 tys. pracowników fabryk zostało zwolnionych,

Wydarzenia rewolucyjne w Kielcach w latach 1905-1907 na łamach "Gazety Kieleckiej" W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę zaprezentowania, z punktu widzenia redaktorów "Gazety Kieleckiej", zajść i wydarzeń w Kielcach związanych z rewolucją lat 1905-1907. Przed przystąpieniem do omówienia tytułowego zagadnienia zarysowana zostanie gospodarcza i polityczna sytuacja Rosji carskiej na początku XX w., opisane najważniejsze partie działające wówczas w Królestwie Polskim z ich stosunkiem do zrywu robotniczego, a także samo miasto Kielce u progu rewolucji. Rewolucja lat 1905-1907 w Rosji była spowodowana m.in. klęską caratu w wojnie z Japonią (1904-1905). W wyniku tego konfliktu imperium cara Mikołaja II utraciło południowy Sachalin, bazy morskie w Chinach, Port Artur oraz Dalnij 1 . Należy dodać, że od 1901 r. gospodarka Rosji przeżywała kryzys wywołany przez spadek dopływu złota z ogarniętej wojną południowej Afryki 2 . Przegrana wojna z Japonią pogłębiła jeszcze gospodarcze problemy, które zaczynały słabnąć dopiero koło 1910 r. Niepokoje i zamieszki ogarnęły także i Królestwo Polskie (Kraj Przywiślański). Jedną z przyczyn demonstracji i strajków był spadek produkcji przemysłowej w Królestwie Polskim o 35% 3 , wywołany przez wojnę na Dalekim Wschodzie. Pod koniec 1904 r. 100 tys. pracowników fabryk zostało zwolnionych,

Este es un articulo corto que busca entender el sentido de las 5 leyes económico urgentes enviadas a la Asamblea Nacional Constitucional; y para esto describe el ejercicio político del gobierno de Daniel Noboa, su propuesta conservadora y el caracter del proyecto que busca instalar y legitimar en la sociedad ecuatoriana.

The world seems to be positing diversity as people migrate to countries for varied reasons belonging to diverse religion, colour, race, class, caste and nationalities. In due course of time, many embrace citizenship in other countries that they want to reside enjoying all rights and privileges.

Resumo: A Teoria das Elites pode servir de justificativa para quem ocupa cargo administrativo e deseja se perpetuar no governo. Com efeito, o partido ou grupo no poder imbui-se da idéia de que é elite e, para tanto, precisa permanecer no governo. Por esse motivo, o grupo ou partido pode lançar mão da ideologia da Teoria das Elites, pela qual se autojustifica para permanecer no governo.

This paper explores the development of the Liliești and Țintea communities through a dual lens of demographic analysis and the role of local elites, combining insights from the civil status registers of the St. Nicolas–Liliești Church archive (1921–1950) and the socio-cultural influence of key community figures. By examining trends in birth rates, mortality, healthcare access, and socio-economic factors, the research sheds light on the
evolving health and demographic landscape of the area. Additionally, the study delves into the significant contributions of the local elites. This intersection of material development and symbolic influence underscores the critical role of the elites in fostering social cohesion, promoting education, and improving public health, ultimately driving the community’s growth and resilience.

Este ensaio conjura cenas e cortes de uma tese de doutorado intitulada Mulheres de Axé: Justiça Epistêmica nas experiências das ialodês, em que dialoguei meu campo de formação, o Direito, com as vidas de duas mulheres de terreiro, especificamente de candomblé, uma ialorixá e uma ebome de Salvador Bahia. Para isto, recorri a diversas trocas teóricas, entre artes visuais, literatura antropológica, feminismos negros brasileiros e a contribuição de algumas autoras atuantes predominanentemente na academia estadunidense num grupo que tem se conhecido por feministas da recusa.

This article discusses the role played by the personal political advisors of Romanian deputies and senators in the law-making process, attempting to create a socio-professional profile of the people employed in parliamentary offices and to examine how the recruitment of this type of staff paid from the state budget is organized. The article uses a methodology based on qualitative and content analysis of semistructured interviews with former and current personal parliamentary political advisors. The first findings we made show that the majority of personal consultants have higher education, most of them in the field of social sciences. They play a low role in terms of legislative proposals, but have an increasingly significant contribution in terms of carrying out managerial and political communication tasks. Their influence on parliamentarians' decisions is low, and Romanian politicians are still not using them to their full capacity.

This 50-year forecast argues that Palantir’s evolution from analytics vendor to global data utility will provoke a counter-movement we call Anti-Palantirism—a worldwide resistance of encrypted subcultures, privacy micro-economies, and innovative cybercrime.
We detail who will be affected, when, and how: governments and critical industries first, then everyday citizens as Palantir’s ontology pervades civic life.
Consequences include new economic models, cultural aesthetics of “post-surveillance living,” and persistent political challenges to algorithmic centralization.

22/09/2025

Fenomena buzzer pendukung Jokowi yang mulai berbalik menyerang Prabowo, bukanlah sekadar konflik di permukaan permukaan saja, melainkan gejala mendalam dari retaknya harmoni kekuasaan. Reshuffle kabinet yang dilakukan oleh Prabowo baru-baru ini, nampaknya memicu kemarahan relawan Jokowi. Namun anomalinya, dalam waktu yang berdekatan, buzzer-buzzer yang lain malah menyerukan dua periode Prabowo-Gibran.

Dalam membedah anomali itu, saya mempunyai satu teori yang saya sebut dengan "Buzzer Wars" yang saya kembangkan sebagai model hybrid, di mana mengintegrasikan tiga elemen utama: (1) Teori Koalisi Politik Oportunis dan Rapuh Pasca Kemenangan; (2) Faksionalisme Internal Berbasis Patronase; (3) Psyops via Buzzer sebagai Alat pengaruh.

Buzzer Wars adalah sebuah kondisi di mana buzzer melakukan serangan kepada individu yang semula bekerja sama dengan seseorang, namun seiring dengan berjalannya waktu individu tersebut mulai melepaskan pengaruh dari seseorang itu karena merasa karena memiliki tujuan yang berbeda.

Kata Kunci: Buzzer, Buzzer Wars, Model Hybrid.

Hasta ahora se conocía parcialmente el comportamiento en las elecciones municipales y provinciales para el período aquí tratado , por lo que los autores cubren la laguna de las elecciones a diputados a Cortes, ya que los senadores tampoco eran elegibles. Su análisis del número de elecciones y de las leyes electorales 136

Анализируются различные концепции политического управления. Исследуется влияние современных средств массовой информации на формирование доверия к власти. Вводится и обосновывается новое понятие «трастократия». Рассматривается возможность практической реализации «трастократии».

Les chefferies traditionnelles camerounaises ont longtemps été des piliers de la gouvernance locale, des gardiennes du sacré et des médiatrices naturelles entre les forces visibles et invisibles qui régissent la société. Elles incarnaient une autorité à la fois politique, spirituelle et judiciaire, fondée sur des rites, des croyances et une légitimité ancestrale. Pourtant, ces institutions, jadis respectées et redoutées, connaissent aujourd'hui une transformation profonde, voire une altération de leur essence sous l'influence des dynamiques politiques modernes.

Cet ouvrage s'inscrit dans une réflexion plus large sur l'évolution des pouvoirs traditionnels en Afrique, et plus particulièrement au Cameroun, où la chefferie n'est plus seulement une institution coutumière, mais un enjeu de pouvoir et d'influence pour les élites politiques locales. Il met en lumière un phénomène préoccupant : la profanation du sacré et divin des chefferies traditionnelles au service d'ambitions politiciennes. Ce processus se manifeste par une instrumentalisation croissante des chefs traditionnels, qui se retrouvent souvent pris d'une allégeance forcée aux autorités administratives et aux figures politiques influentes.

A travers une approche socio-anthropologique, cet ouvrage analyse comment les chefferies, autrefois garantes de la cohésion sociale et de l'équilibre des communautés, sont progressivement dépouillées de leur autonomie et de leur sacralite. Loin d'une simple évolution naturelle, cette transformation résulte d'une volonté délibérée de remodeler ces institutions en fonction des intérêts politiques, entraînant des fractures au sein des sociétés locales et une crise de légitimité des autorités traditonnelles.

[A stampa in Pour une anthropologie du prélèvement seigneurial, a cura di M. Bourin -P. Martínez Sopena, Paris 2004 (Publication de la Sorbonne, Histoire ancienne et medievale, 68), pp. 535-550 © dell'autore -Distribuito in formato digitale da "Reti Medievali"] 1. La signoria in Toscana meridionale Il territorio qui considerato, il settore sud-occidentale dell'attuale Toscana, corrisponde alle diocesi medievali di Populonia -Massa Marittima, Roselle -Grosseto e Sovana, con alcuni ampliamenti ai territori di Volterra, Siena e Chiusi. È un'area dai confini sfumati, che, pur essendo sempre stata considerata parte della Toscana, nei secoli centrali del medioevo non ne condivise i tratti salienti: il rigoglio demografico, la ricchezza economica, la forza di centri e ceti urbani. Il suo principale tratto comune, al di là delle pur rilevanti differenze, fu la debolezza del tessuto urbano e la forza di aristocrazie ed enti ecclesiastici rurali e delle loro signorie. La regione ha dunque una sua unità storica, dovuta alla condivisione di alcune caratteristiche di fondo della società, dell'economia e delle forme del potere 1 . Geograficamente essa può essere divisa in tre fasce: quella costiera e pianeggiante caratterizzata nel medioevo da consistenti fenomeni di impaludamento e di divagazione dei corsi d'acqua; la fascia collinare alle sue spalle, fittamente insediata; e infine il massiccio dell'Amiata caratterizzato da quote superiori ai 500 m, ma i cui picchi superano ampiamente i 1.000 m. La Toscana meridionale fu una delle aree italiane più interessate dal fenomeno signorile tra 1050 e 1350: le locali aristocrazie militari esercitarono i nfatti in modo sostanzialmente incontrastato i poteri politici, militari, giurisdizionali e fiscali sotto gli ultimi marchesi di Tuscia, nel quadro delle istituzioni di governo sveve e infine sotto l'alto governo dei comuni di Siena e Orvieto, che si limitarono a una sottomissione politica senza mettere in discussione la signoria rurale. Anche la più ampia e duratura aggregazione politica maremmana, la contea aldobrandesca, si fondò sulla signoria: era infatti l'insieme di una quarantina di dominî diretti (signorie dei conti) e di una quarantina di baronie (signorie in mano ad aristocratici legati al conte da un rapporto di fedeltà personale). Nel pieno XIII secolo il tessuto signorile giunse a tale compiutezza che ogni curia era confinata da altri territori signorili, senza vuoti, se non eccezionalmente. Del resto, per quanto si possono distinguere i due aspetti, la signoria maremmana non strutturò solo il potere politico, ma fu anche lo strumento per appropriarsi del surplus produttivo dei contadini e più i n generale dei non aristocratici. Ciò avvenne attraverso vari canali: innanzitutto imponendo canoni prestazioni d'opera e obblighi militari ai contadini che lavoravano la terra, ma anche tassando le comunità che inquadravano la popolazione dei castelli (compresi contadini autonomi e dipendenti altrui), operando prelievi sui traffici e infine, aspetto fondamentale per la Maremma, controllando alcune risorse naturali strategiche che garantivano entrate enormi grazie all'integrazione nei processi produttivi dell'area settentrionale. Ma come si giunse a questa situazione? E qual era il contesto insediativo della zona? Anche qui, come nel resto della Toscana, i primi esempi di esercizio di poteri giurisdizionali privati di ambito territoriale sono tardi rispetto all'Italia Padana e al resto dell'Europa (post 1040). Ne furono protagoniste famiglie di ufficiali pubblici che esercitavano in forme degradate e privatizzate i poteri comitali ovunque potessero, indipendentemente dai distretti carolingi. Supporto fondamentale all'affermazione di quei poteri fu la disponibilità di una solida base fondiaria, di clientele armate e di castelli intorno ai quali coordinare gli altri due elementi. All'inizio del XII secolo la signoria sulla popolazione e sul territorio era ormai scontata, sia per le maggiori famiglie, sia per quelle di orizzonti più locali e per i grandi enti ecclesiastici, anche se non si deve pensare che la capillare rete

Tulisan ini lahir dari kegelisahan penulis terhadap arah perjalanan bangsa ini. Politik tidak hanya hadir sebagai perebutan kursi kekuasaan melainkan juga sebagai wajah budaya: bagaimana rakyat diajak berpikir, dipaksa tunduk, atau didorong untuk percaya pada mitos-mitos pembangunan. Sejarah panjang kolonialisme, patronase, dan feodalisme membentuk pola paternalistik yang hingga kini masih mengakar. Dari Orde Lama yang penuh gairah revolusi, Orde Baru yang mengedepankan stabilitas semu, hingga Reformasi yang membuka pintu kebebasan namun melahirkan fragmentasi dan pragmatisme, politik Indonesia selalu bergerak di antara harapan dan kekecewaan.

Dengan pendekatan dekonstruksi, tulisan ini tidak bermaksud menawarkan jawaban tunggal, melainkan mengajak pembaca membongkar ulang cara kita memandang politik. Dekonstruksi di sini bukan sekadar membolik-balik teks melainkan usaha menyingkap lapisan-lapisan kuasa yang bekerja dalam bahasa, simbol dan praktik sehari-hari. Politik identitas, polarisasi media digital hingga bayangan oligarki ekonomi menjadi medan pertempuran baru yang memperlihatkan bahwa demokrasi Indonesia masih rapuh, seringkali lebih meriah dalam ritual pemilu daripada substansi kesejahteraan rakyat.

Tulisan ini ingin menegaskan bahwa politik Indonesia harus dilihat sebagai medan budaya: tempat imajinasi kebangsaan dipertarungkan, tempat rakyat kecil kerap terpinggirkan dan tempat elite terus memperbarui dominasinya. Dengan membongkar mitos dan narasi besar yang selama ini dianggap wajar, kita diajak untuk merumuskan ulang politik yang lebih partisipatif, jujur, dan berpihak pada manusia. Karena perubahan tidak selalu datang dari atas, ia bisa lahir dari percakapan sederhana di warung kopi, dari keberanian generasi muda untuk mempertanyakan, hingga dari kesadaran bahwa politik adalah bagian dari mimpi kolektif sebuah bangsa.

Thailand Political crisis emerged as yellow shirts and Red shirts in 2005 continued until these days is basically originated from economics sharing as a main policymaking and gradually turned to corruption by political leaders for political favoritism. Constantly political revolutions often resulted to premature dissolution of government and leading nation remained under military coups. Such situations are interprets through Marxis's lens as the key theory and concluded with some recommendations how to solve such crises studied base on available secondary resources. Key words. Thailand, Political Crises (Yellow Shirts and Red Shirts), Marxism lens. Introduction. The Marxism core concept is materialism rather than ideology, reality determine the mind and mind depend on reality. Which it is contrast with the concept of Buddhist values, mind is master of every things. The three key factors that influences the Marxism are economic exploitation, German Philosophy of dialectal process and revolution. The economic exploitation is consider as base structure that result to cause and effect of super structure leads to causes of other key factors like dialectal process, revolution and other related exploitation(Dunleavy P. and O'leary B. 1987). Through the lens of Marxism, try to analysis the problems(crisis) of Thailand between Yellow-shirts and Red-shirts arose in 2005 till date.

This thesis investigates the paradoxical role of discursive consensus-led politics in Tunisia's
democratic transition from 2011 to 2019, a critical period following the ousting of President
Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Despite the establishment of new institutions and the
implementation of the 2014 Constitution, Tunisian political parties have faced a legitimacy
crisis and challenges in consolidating democracy. The study examines the dynamics of
political representation, responsiveness, and the discursive legitimation of political parties.
There is a particular focus 2014 and 2019, as one represents the epitome of consensus and the
other the apex of crisis, respectively.
This research employs quantitative content analysis of political leaders’ discourse to examine
how political parties construct legitimacy through discursive tools. The study reveals that
political actors foregrounded notions of responsibility (institutional stability and powersharing)
over responsiveness to popular demands. This discursive prioritization of
responsibility at the expense of responsiveness is deduced as one of the factors contributing
to legitimacy crisis of political parties. The findings highlight the complex role of discursive
consensus in shaping party legitimation; It illustrates how language both reflects and
influences the balance between governing responsibly and guarding public trust.
The study contributes to existing research on the understanding of how political legitimacy is
constructed through language. It also highlights the inherent tension between responsiveness
and responsibility in democratic transitions.

RESUMEN: El presente monográfico tiene por objetivo indagar en el impacto de la mezcla de naciones en la configuración de la sociedad política de la monarquía de España. Se trata de comprender la naturaleza mezclada de los grupos dirigentes en los distintos reinos de la Monarquía en Europa y América. ¿Cómo fue el proceso de mezcla de naciones en las oligarquías regnícolas? ¿Qué factores la favorecían o dificultaban? ¿Qué oportunidades y derechos adquirían las nuevas élites mezcladas? ¿Cómo se presentaban a nivel simbólico estos grupos que aunaban una pluralidad de naturalezas? ¿Existieron diferencias en dichas mezclas y en los pactos entre naciones de los diferentes reinos y culturas políticas de la Monarquía? En el monográfico se profundizará sobre estas dimensiones y su proyección en el gobierno de la monarquía de España entre mediados del siglo XVI y mediados del siglo XVIII. / ABSTRACT: The aim of this monograph is to investigate the impact that the mixing of nations had on the configuration of the political society within the Spanish monarchy. The aim is to understand the mixed nature of the ruling groups in the different kingdoms of the Monarchy in Europe and America. What was the process of mixing nations in the royal oligarchies? What factors favoured or hindered it? What opportunities and rights did the new mixed elites acquire? How did these groups that brought together a plurality of natures present themselves symbolically? Were there differences among these mixtures and among the pacts held between nations within the different kingdoms and political cultures of the Monarchy? This monograph will examine these dimensions and their projection in the government of the Spanish monarchy between the mid-sixteenth and mid-eighteenth centuries.

RESUMEN: El presente artículo analiza la formación de las clases dirigentes en la Nueva España durante el siglo XVI. Unas élites en las que se refleja el mestizaje que impregnaba toda la sociedad novohispana, más allá del aspecto étnico, abarcando también las formas de gobierno, modos de producción, técnicas de construcción, y la creación intelectual y artística. El estamento nobiliario que se formó en Indias tuvo un importante componente indio y mestizo, al reconocer la Corona a los nobles locales sus privilegios, equiparándolos a los de la nobleza peninsular, y favorecer los matrimonios interraciales. En cuanto a las elites gobernantes, la doble republica de indios y españoles buscó la conservación del gobierno de los naturales por sus propios líderes, lo que ayudó a preservar los dirigentes indígenas, conviviendo con los oficiales peninsulares. / ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the formation of the ruling classes in New Spain during the 16th century. These elites reflected the mixed race that permeated all of New Spain society, beyond the ethnic aspect, and also encompassed the forms of government, modes of production, construction techniques, and intellectual and artistic creation. The nobiliary estate that was formed in the Indies had an important Indian and mestizo component, as the Crown recognized the privileges of the local nobles, equating them to those of the peninsular nobility, and favored interracial marriages. As for the ruling elites, the dual republic of Indians and Spaniards sought to preserve the government of the natives by their own leaders, which helped to preserve the indigenous leaders, coexisting with the peninsular officials.

Les candidats, del sociólogo Etienne Ollion, es un aporte agudo y profundamente documentado sobre la profesionalización política y las transformaciones recientes del parlamento francés. A partir de la llegada masiva de diputados sin experiencia previa a la Asamblea Nacional en 2017, el autor indaga en los límites estructurales de la renovación y en los mecanismos de conservación del poder. Desde América Latina, esta lectura nos invita a reponer interrogantes clave sobre nuestras instituciones: ¿Qué significa ser “profesional” de la política en nuestras latitudes? ¿Qué efectos tienen la experiencia y la inexperiencia sobre el funcionamiento del poder legislativo? ¿Cómo se aprende a ocupar, disputar y sostener una posición de poder en un ámbito densamente reglado, pero atravesado también por códigos tácitos y prácticas informales rutinizadas? Estas preguntas hoy estructuran una línea de trabajo en expansión que, más allá de las miradas normativas, se enfoca en las prácticas concretas y en las reglas no escritas que organizan el quehacer legislativo. La obra de Ollion no sólo ofrece herramientas para pensar otros contextos nacionales, sino que habilita una reflexión más amplia sobre cómo se construye –y se restringe– la posibilidad de representación política en las democracias contemporáneas.

In 2010, Estonia’s national identity was framed around cultural nationalism and a sense of indigenous independence, embraced by both elites and the broader population. Widespread disillusionment with the political elite was evident, alongside a shared demand for better social welfare and reduced regional inequality.
Value debates largely reflected consensus between elites and the public. Both groups supported issues like environmental sustainability but remained divided or uncertain on conservatism and traditional gender roles.
An elite-led identity project emphasized economic development, austerity as a marker of effective governance, and digital modernization, culminating in Estonia’s adoption of the euro in January 2011. In contrast, popular discourse focused more on Estonian language, the presence of Russians in Estonia, poverty, inequality, and skepticism toward the market economy.
“Significant Others” included the West and the EU—favored more by elites—as well as the Soviet Union and Russia, generally viewed in a negative light. However, the Soviet era was occasionally credited for high living standards and conservative values, while historical Russia was sometimes viewed as supportive of Estonian national aspirations.
This national identity report was completed as part of the Making Identity Count (MIC) Estonia project (PRG1052 – National Identity and Estonian-Russian Relations: A Longitudinal Study of Elite and Mass Discourses). The sampled material was coded using the standard MIC procedure (Allan 2016). The full collection of MIC Estonia national identity reports is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10062/108183.

This report analyses the discursive construction of Estonian national identity in the year 2000, drawing from both elite and mass perspectives. While shared ideals – such as cultural heritage, state sovereignty, responsible governance, and social cohesion – formed common ground, crucial divergences emerged. Elite discourse emphasised patriotism, national culture, and modernisation, whereas popular narratives were more ambivalent, particularly towards nationalism and the political elite. National identity was framed through historical continuity, cultural institutions, language preservation, and symbolic markers such as the national currency (the kroon). Integration debates centred on concerns regarding the Russophone minority and the impact of EU accession on sovereignty and agriculture. Northern Europe, especially Finland and Sweden, was viewed as a normative reference. The legacy of the Soviet Union, imperial Russia, and Baltic Germans remained central to historical self-understanding. The Estonian language, education, and moral values were seen as essential to continued national survival. Overall, identity discourse revealed a dual dynamic: on the one hand, a forward-looking aspiration to become a typical meritocratic, neoliberal market-state; on the other, lingering anxieties tied to the hardships of economic transition, Estonian emigration to the West, persistent poverty, and growing societal insecurity.
This national identity report was completed as part of the Making Identity Count (MIC) Estonia project (PRG1052 – National Identity and Estonian-Russian Relations: A Longitudinal Study of Elite and Mass Discourses). The sampled material was coded using the standard MIC procedure (Allan 2016). The full collection of MIC Estonia national identity reports is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10062/108183.

In 1995, hegemonic identity discourses were centred on the market economy and nationalism. Neoliberal market hegemony was primarily (re)produced by elites and remained unchallenged by popular discourses, which generally took market reasoning and meritocratic justice for granted. Instead, public concerns focused on increasing social status stratification and the welfare state, with democracy often assessed on the basis of socio-economic outcomes rather than formal parliamentary institutions and being identified more strongly than the elite with traditions, conservative values and rural life.
Nationalism functioned as a true ‘collective identity’, shared and positively valued by both elites and the masses. In particular, ethnic and cultural nationalism served as a filter through which contemporary and past periods of independence, as well as the most relevant historic Others (Imperial Russia and Baltic Germans), were evaluated.
This national identity report was completed as part of the Making Identity Count (MIC) Estonia project (PRG1052 – National Identity and Estonian-Russian Relations: A Longitudinal Study of Elite and Mass Discourses). The sampled material was coded using the standard MIC procedure (Allan 2016). The full collection of MIC Estonia national identity reports is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10062/108183.

This national identity report was completed as part of the Making Identity Count (MIC) Estonia project (PRG1052 – National Identity and Estonian-Russian Relations: A Longitudinal Study of Elite and Mass Discourses). The sampled material was coded using the standard MIC procedure (Allan 2016). The full collection of MIC Estonia national identity reports is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10062/108183.
In 1990, Estonian national identity strongly centered on independence, unity, and cultural heritage, with cultural symbols like national literature, holidays, and traditions playing a critical role. While independence was the primary goal, uncertainty persisted due to divisions among the political establishment, fears of being a small state dominated by great powers, and differing views between the Congress of Estonia and the Supreme Soviet regarding the path forward. The public admired both national traditions and Western culture but criticized ineffective governance amid a deepening economic crisis, rising crime, and social inequality. The Soviet Union was overwhelmingly viewed in negative terms for its role in occupation, repression, and environmental damage. While some nostalgia for the stagnation era remained, aspirations for national independence were underpinned by a strong anti-colonial sentiment, as the Soviet Union was portrayed as a colonial occupier. Russian speakers in Estonia had not yet formed a distinct social or political identity, as they were largely identified with the Soviet regime, its institutions (such as the Soviet army), or pro-Soviet movements like the Intermovement.

Este artigo discute parte dos resultados oriundos de pesquisa concluída em nível de mestrado. O objetivo desse texto é (i) apresentar o cenário partidário e eleitoral em Presidente Prudente dentro do recorte temporal pós-redemocratização do Brasil (1985), considerando os oito pleitos eleitorais deste período; (ii) discutir a presença dos grupos de poder e agentes político-territoriais nas disputas eleitorais através de dados secundários e de entrevistas realizadas durante a pesquisa e; (iii) qualificar as conexões entre os agentes nas redes de poder. Para tanto, utilizamos dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral -TSE e de entrevistas semiestruturadas com agentes de relevância nas redes de poder. Como resultados observou-se que há nítida presença dos principais grupos de poder nas eleições municipais, a saber: Grupo Lima, Grupo dos Empresários do Transporte e Terceira Via, bem como processos de reorganização que reorientam as ações políticas e territoriais desses grupos.

Este artigo discute parte dos resultados oriundos de pesquisa concluida em nivel de mestrado. O objetivo desse texto e (i) apresentar o cenario partidario e eleitoral em Presidente Prudente dentro do recorte temporal pos-redemocratizacao do Brasil (1985), considerando os oito pleitos eleitorais deste periodo; (ii) discutir a presenca dos grupos de poder e agentes politico-territoriais nas disputas eleitorais atraves de dados secundarios e de entrevistas realizadas durante a pesquisa e; (iii) qualificar as conexoes entre os agentes nas redes de poder. Para tanto, utilizamos dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral – TSE e de entrevistas semiestruturadas com agentes de relevância nas redes de poder. Como resultados observou-se que ha nitida presenca dos principais grupos de poder nas eleicoes municipais, a saber: Grupo Lima, Grupo dos Empresarios do Transporte e Terceira Via, bem como processos de reorganizacao que reorientam as acoes politicas e territoriais desses grupos.

No quadro da problemática da relação entre a  circulação  internacional  das  elites  jurídicas  e  a  legitimação  de  modelos  institucionais no espaço nacional, o texto analisa comparativamente  os  afastamentos  para  o  exterior  de  três  categorias  de  carreiras  jurídicas, entre 2008 e 2018: procuradores da República, advogados da União e delegados federais. A análise dos destinos internacionais  dessas  categorias  permite  identificar  relações estabelecidas com agências estrangeiras  que  difundem  modelos  de  direito  e  contribuem  para  o  reforço  de  corporações  autônomas  no  espaço  nacional.  Os  dados  apresentados  foram  construídos  a  partir  do  mapeamento  de  redes  de  cooperação  que  conectam  procuradores,  advogados  da  União e delegados brasileiros com seus pares nos Estados Unidos e em organismos internacionais.  Essas  conexões  contribuíram  para o fortalecimento do protagonismo político  dessas  categorias  no  espaço  jurídico  brasileiro nas últimas décadas.

Animal Suffering and Public Relations conducts an ethical assessment of public relations, mainly persuasive communication and lobbying, as deployed by some of the main businesses involved in the animal-industrial complex—the industries participating in the systematic and institutionalised exploitation of animals.

Since the late nineteenth century, the boom in women’s writing investigation has been unstoppable in the international panorama, also in Spain. In the last decades, the research of testimonies written by women has meant a redefinition of the materials susceptible to be interpreted and analysed. The criteria fixed by the androcentric canon, which mainly led to recognition of works that complied with that tradition’s aesthetical values, has been shifted towards other standards that allow to put into value different types of writing products typically considered as peripheral or marginal. Within this movement, the private correspondence has emerged as one of the main material spaces for the development of women’s voice and discourse, as credited by the increasing number of works on the issue. Nevertheless, a review of the critical studies about epistolary materials written by women still suggests the lack of a solid methodology which would allow to appreciate the letters in all its dimensions. The multifaceted nature of the subject is an invitation to contemplate it from different perspectives using diverse critical tools that lead to analyse not only its discursive strand but also the material, cultural and sociological one.
On the basis of this outline, this doctoral thesis aims to study the almost three hundred letters written by the women of one of the most important Lima nobility families from the eighteenth century, the Carrillo de Albornoz. The richness of the letters —whose existence, so far, was unknown— is proved in quantitative and qualitative terms: it involves almost three hundred missives signed by seven dissimilar authoresses which allow to examine its different voices, styles, interests and participation in daily life. Notwithstanding the collective interest, Lucía Carrillo de Albornoz stands out from all the others since most of the letters are written by her. Besides, her correspondence shows a higher variety of subjects and a greater cosmological view that permits to evaluate her relevant agency and the authority that she confers to her own writing.
In order to assess these testimonies in their context and to study de multiaspectual discourse that arises from them, in this thesis it is given, first of all, a presentation of the panorama on women’s epistolary documents research and the features of collections akin to the one of the Carrillos de Albornoz that allow to appreciate their interest as an object of investigation. Thereupon, a study methodology for the premodern noble women’s letters is
presented. Diverse theoretical perspectives are included in this methodology with the purpose of being relevant not only for the particular epistolary of the Carillos de Albornoz but also for others whose characteristics are similar. Thirdly, this methodology is directly applied to the texts and an analysis is presented organized around two dimensions: the letters as a practice of its authoress representation and the letters as a practice of relations between the correspondents and their recipients and backgrounds. Through this schema, we refer the identity displayed in the authors’ discourse, paying special attention to crucial questions that show their knowledge of their context, their agency or the authority with which they speak, as well as their role in their familiar community and the rhetorical strategies that they used when developing their relations with their correspondents. All of this shows that these women got to build a discourse that confirms them as subjects with full identity and executors of actions that benefited the position of their whole family within the context of the viceregal aristocracy.
In addition to the study, at the end of the work some annexes with information about the epistolary content, the Carrillo de Albornoz family relationships and the transcription of some of the letters that compose the corpus on which the doctoral thesis is based are included.

Los estudios de historia social tienen objetos de interés muy diversos, y han transitado en la historiografía española desde los años setenta del pasado siglo por temas y fuentes muy dispares. En este conjunto de textos se intenta reflejar dichos avances, que han enriquecido esta corriente investigadora. Los trabajos centrados en la conflictividad social durante la Edad Moderna no han pasado desapercibidos para los historiadores en ningún momento, pero tomaron protagonismo en las dos últimas décadas. Es posible decir que, en la actualidad son muchos los colegas y, cada vez más, los grupos de investigación que se adentran en esta línea, para conocer la sociedad desde otra perspectiva.

RESUMEN: Los estudios de historia social tienen objetos de interés muy diversos, y han transitado en la historiografía española desde los años setenta del pasado siglo por temas y fuentes muy dispares. En este conjunto de textos se intenta reflejar dichos avances, que han enriquecido esta corriente investigadora. Los trabajos centrados en la conflictividad social durante la Edad Moderna no han pasado desapercibidos para los historiadores en ningún momento, pero tomaron protagonismo en las dos últimas décadas. Es posible decir que, en la actualidad son muchos los colegas y, cada vez más, los grupos de investigación que se adentran en esta línea, para conocer la sociedad desde otra perspectiva. / ABSTRACT: Social history studies cover a wide range of topics and have been explored in Spanish historiography since the 1970s through very diverse themes and sources. This group of texts attempts to reflect these advances, which have enriched this field of research. Works focusing on social conflict during the Early Modern Age have not gone unnoticed by historians at any time, but they have taken centre stage in the last two decades. It is fair to say that there are now many colleagues and, increasingly, research groups exploring this line of inquiry in order to understand society from a different perspective.