EU External Relations Law

AUTOR: Parlamento Europeo.
Medidas para facilitar la protección consular de ciudadanos de la Unión no representados en terceros países.
Resolución legislativa del Parlamento Europeo, de 24 de abril de 2024, sobre la propuesta de Directiva del Consejo por la que se modifica la Directiva (UE) 2015/637, sobre las medidas de coordinación y cooperación para facilitar la protección consular de ciudadanos de la Unión no representados en terceros países, y la Directiva
(UE) 2019/997, por la que se establece un documento provisional de viaje de la UE (COM(2023)0930 – C9-0015/2024 – 2023/0441(CNS))
(Procedimiento legislativo especial – consulta)
(C/2025/3762)

Within the broader context of the global reach of EU law, this chapter
focuses on the EU’s legal influence on migration and how the EU stimulates (and sometimes achieves) changes in the domestic legal orders of the African States. A thorough analysis of the projects funded by the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTFA) shows how the EU supports the national migration authorities’ institutional and enforcement capacity in third countries. Such projects are effective in achieving legal objectives in third countries, namely preventing irregular migration to the EU, and reveal a clear EU external normative agenda. The combined effect of the proliferation of soft law instruments and the increased blurring of external competences in the EU’s external action facilitate this legal influence in third countries. Ultimately, this chapter problematises the use of funding to persuade third countries to change their domestic legislation or enforce it in a manner instrumental to the EU’s interests.

Il presente contributo analizza alcuni degli effetti – tanto giuridici
quanto pratici – prodotti dall’azione esterna negli ordinamenti dei paesi
terzi attraverso i vari metodi adoperati dall’Unione nella cooperazione in-
ternazionale. Gli strumenti politici e finanziari e i meccanismi di condizio-
nalità sono, infatti, funzionali al raggiungimento di obiettivi di natura giu-
ridica nei paesi terzi, in particolare al rafforzamento dei controlli alle fron-
tiere da parte degli stessi. L’Unione dota questi ultimi dei mezzi per svi-
luppare o riformare il loro diritto interno, nonché per applicarlo compati-
bilmente con gli interessi dell’Unione. La nozione di influenza giuridica
dell’Unione negli ordinamenti dei paesi terzi ben coglie gli effetti derivanti
dalla combinazione di strumenti apparentemente non giuridici – come le
pressioni diplomatiche e gli accordi non vincolanti – con l’erogazione dei
finanziamenti esterni che spesso accompagnano gli impegni politici profusi
in tali strumenti.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute settlement mechanism was designed to provide a rule-based framework for resolving international trade conflicts, ensuring fairness, predictability, and equality among members. However, in practice, the system often reflects the power asymmetries between developed and developing nations. This paper critically examines the extent to which the WTO dispute mechanism is power-based rather than genuinely rule-based. Drawing on recent case law, trade disputes, and the challenges faced by weaker economies, the analysis demonstrates that while the formal structure appears neutral, outcomes frequently favour states with greater economic, political, and legal capacity. Key deficiencies, including limited access to resources for developing countries, the politicization of rulings, and enforcement asymmetries, highlight systemic inequalities. The paper concludes that unless reforms address these imbalances, the WTO will continue to reinforce existing power structures rather than serve as a truly impartial arbiter of trade disputes. Recommendations include strengthening support for developing states, enhancing compliance mechanisms, and ensuring that the principles of fairness and inclusivity underpin global trade governance.

This paper provides an overview of investment treaty arbitration and international investment law, highlighting the legal basis for ISDS and the exceptional standing of private investors under IIAs. It examines key substantive protections-non-discrimination, fair and equitable treatment, full protection and security, expropriation, and umbrella clauses, alongside recognized exceptions, defenses, and practical issues such as proof, damages, enforcement, and choice of arbitration rules. By situating ISDS jurisprudence within the broader evolution of global economic governance, the paper illuminates the ongoing tension between investor protection and host state sovereignty. It offers a concise framework for understanding current principles and anticipating future developments in international investment law.

This special issue aims to investigate the regulatory challenges facing the EU with regard to security governance in the broad area of the fight against financial crimes and by adopting a wider outlook on how to map and understand these phenomena in their salient contexts. In recent years, security as a key word can be witnessed as increasingly penetrating policies on a national, international, and supranational level. This development is also visible in EU policies, inter alia in the EU's policy concerning the area of freedom, security, and justice (AFSJ). Coupling the word security to the concept of governance in the somewhat thought-provoking phrase “security governance” prominently cements its position in the entirety of processes and mechanisms that steer people as well as corporations or markets. Security in the EU internal context concerns to a great extent the fight against terrorism and its financing as well as the policing of EU borders. Security in this regard concern...

A invasão da Ucrânia, iniciando em fevereiro de 2022 uma guerra que analistas militares garantiam não demorar «mais que uma semana», vai já em três anos e meio. Este artigo chama a atenção para um estudo que ajuda a compreender as circunstâncias políticas e históricas em que o governo de Vladimir Putin decidiu levá-la a cabo.

dell'ordinamento internazionale 52 3. II ruolo dominante dell'accordo nel diritto intcrnazionalc 54 4. La guerra come mezzo per assicurare il ricambio delle norme internazionali 55 5. Il rapporto fra il divieto della guerra e la creazione di altri metodi di risoluzione dei conflitti 57 6. I procedimenti pacifici di soluzione delle controversie diretti a facilitare I'accordo 5L) 7. Il rrcambio delle normc internazionali fondato su fatti divcr- si dall'accordo 61, 7.1. Espedienti per far cessare le norme vigenti: clausole di estinzione dei trattati 62 T.2.Espedienti per creare nuove norme o modificare le norme vigenti: a) atti di Unioni di Stati 62 7.3. Segue: b) fatti giuridici di "orBani>> internazionali 64 8. Epilogo: quasi un secolo di profonda trasformazione del di- ritto internazionale 66 Il contesto della prolusione: Morelli e gli internazionali- sti itdlidni dell' epo ca di Giulio Bartolini 1. Introduzione 2. Il panorama dottrinale aghinizi del Secolo XX 3. Dionisio Anzilotti e l'approccio metodologico del diritto po- sitivo 75 9 69 71 @ Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane ISBN 978-88 -495 -5164 -8 La prolusione di Morelli fra tradrzione e modernità Souuanro: 1. Premessa. -2. La necessità di rinnovamenro dell'ordinamento internazionale. -3. Il ruolo dominante dell'accordo nel diritto inLernazionale. -4.La guerra come mezzo per assicurare il ricambio delle norme internazionali. -5. Il rapporto fra il divieto della guerra eIa creazione di altri metodi di risoluzione dei conflitti. -6. I procedimenti pacifici di soluzione delle controversie diretti a facilitare l'accordo. -7.Il ricambio delle norme internazionali fondato su fatti diversi dall'accor do. -7 .L Espedienti per far cessare le norme vigenti: clausole di estinzione dei ffattatl -7.2. Espedienti per creare nuove norme o modificare le norme vigenti: a) atti di Unioni di Stati. -7.3. Segue: b) fatti giuridici di "organi, internazionali. -8. Epilogo: quasi un secolo di profonda trasformazione del diritto internazionale. Sono trascorsi quasi novanta anni dalla data dell a Prolwsione dr Morelli (1935) a oggi; ed è chiaro che in essa vi sono molti aspetri legati a quel periodo storico di evoluzione del diritto internazio- nale, alle concezioni teoriche allora prevalenti e anche al particolare metodo di analisi dell'illustre aurore. Quanto al primo punto, è sufficiente ricordare che, in quell'e- poca, solo gli Stati erano soggetti del diritto internazronale, che il contenuto e la funzione di tale diritto erano assai piri limitati rispetto a quelli dell'epoca attuale, e che non si era ancora affermato il divieto dell'uso della forza tnternazionale. Con riguardo alle concezioni teoriche della dottrina interna- zionalistica, era dominante il positivismo ed era forte f influenza del normativismo kelseniano. Le idee di Morelli sul fondamenro giuridico e il metodo di analisi del diritto internazionale si pone- vano in continuità specie con Kelsen e con Perassi. Con il primo,

When the Framers of the U.S. Constitution met in Philadelphia in 1787, they drafted a Constitution designed to ensure that States would not violate the nation's treaty commitments. Before adoption of the Constitution, Alexander Hamilton noted, "the treaties of the United States . . . [were] liable to the infractions of thirteen different legislatures . . . The faith, the reputation, the peace of the whole Union, are thus continually at the mercy of the prejudices, the passions, and the interests of every member of which it is composed." 1 The Framers sought to rectify the problem of State treaty violations by vesting power over treaty compliance in the federal government. The draft Constitution sparked vigorous debates in the period from 1787 to 1789. No issue was more hotly contested than the balance of power between the States and the federal government. However, there was virtual unanimity on one point: the Constitution prohibited state government officers from violating national treaty obligations. The power to violate treaties belonged to the federal government, not the States. On August 5, 2008, the State of Texas executed José Ernesto Medellín. His execution violated the nation's legal obligations under the UN Charter, the treaty that created the United Nations. President George W. Bush-a former Texas Governor who supports the death penalty and believes strongly in states' rights-tried to block Medellín's execution, precisely because it violated U.S. treaty obligations. However, the Supreme Court ruled in a case called Medellín v. Texas that President Bush could not prevent Texas from putting Medellín to death, even though the execution violated international law. 2 The Supreme Court based its decision on an understanding of the Constitution that differed sharply from the Framers' understanding. How did we arrive at a shared understanding that the Constitution permits States to violate some treaties, even though the Framers purposefully adopted a Constitution that barred States from violating any treaties? That is the central question addressed in this book. In addressing this question, I draw on a growing body of scholarship that explains constitutional change outside the courts, and outside the formal amendment process codified in Article V of the Constitution. Much of that literature celebrates constitutional change outside the courts as a democratic expression of popular sovereignty. 3 To cite just one example, the women's movement failed in its effort to promote adoption of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) through the formal Article V process, but succeeded in changing popular attitudes about gender discrimination. Those changed attitudes, in turn, gave rise to new federal legislation and key Supreme Court decisions that accomplished many of the goals of the women's movement. That process has come to be known as the "de facto ERA." 4 The central story line in this book is similar to the ERA story in one respect, but quite different in other respects. The "treaty supremacy rule" is codified in Article VI of the Constitution, known as the Supremacy Clause. The rule, as traditionally understood, provided that treaties automatically supersede conflicting state laws. The traditional treaty supremacy rule

This research is necessary due to the chilling effect brought about by the IIL and the provision under Article 32 of the Indonesian Capital Investment Law, which potentially brings adverse effects to the Government of Indonesia. Such adverse effects can manifest as substantial compensation claims and policy adjustments contrary to national interests. Unlike previous research concerning Indonesia prior to the IIL regime, the distinctive feature of this study is the implementation of the exhaustion of local remedies doctrine based on IIL doctrines, past ICSID cases, and dispute settlement procedures under BITs. This research comprises four discussions outlined below. The first discussion outlines prior research concerning Indonesia before the IIL regime, along with the novelty discussion. Meanwhile, the second discussion explains the adverse effects of ISDS and SSID on Indonesia's sovereignty and its diplomatic relations with other ICSID Convention members. The third discussion emphasises that Indonesia should not perceive the IIL as an isolated regime, allowing it to utilise this legal framework to prevent disputes through international arbitration and adopt objective investment measures. Lastly, the fourth discussion describes how Indonesian local courts should be employed to resolve foreign investment disputes. The expected contribution of this research is to enrich the literature concerning IIL from an Indonesian law perspective. Furthermore, this research is crucial to serve as guidance for Indonesian lawmakers when amending Article 32 of the Capital Investment Law.

the present paper aims to clarify the manner in which the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union contributed to the interpretation of European Union legislation regarding asylum and migration, and, subsequently, how it referred to other relevant international or regional treaties. Also, the paper aims to offer a fair assessment of the importance of the rulings of the Court in matters of asylum and immigration.

This contribution seeks to explore the growing use of administrative measures in response to cybercrimes by analysing the specific case of sanctions in response to cyber-attacks. They constitute a novel crime-based sanctions regime, laying the foundations of personalised deterrence with respect to malicious cyber actors and consist in asset freezes and visa bans. This article reflects on the hazy boundary between crime-based sanctions as administrative or criminal law measures. The paper argues that while crime-based sanctions in response to cyberattacks present certain similarities with criminal law measures, they remain complementary crime prevention instruments. Their administrative nature allows for an emergency response to malicious cyber operations that would not be permissible if a more stringent evidentiary standard was required.

TABLE OF CONTENTS: I. Introduction. -II. Cybersecurity as internal market resilience. -III. Cybersecurity as an issue of internal security under the AFSJ. -IV. Mainstreaming cybersecurity into CFSP. -IV.1. The emergence of cyber cooperation under PESCO. -IV.2. Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox: between sanctions and a lawful response to cyber-attacks. -V. The externalisation of the EU's cybersecurity and its limitations under the CFSP. -V.1.The attribution of responsibility for cyber-attacks. -V.2. Evidence collection as a limitation for the EU Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox. -VI. Concluding remarks.

EU restrictive measures in response to the Russian full-scale war against Ukraine were enacted in record time, despite the fact that EU sanctions decision-making is known to be lengthy and bureaucratic. How could the EU so swiftly adopt restrictions that severely disrupted its economic ties with its fifth largest trade partner? The speed of the EU's response is due, among other things, to the unusually proactive stance taken by the European Commission. In the context of post-invasion sanctions against Russia, often extended to Belarus, the Commission exercised unprecedented power to shape sanctions proposals, build compromises in the Council of the EU and develop the EU sanctions toolbox. The present contribution explores the procedural arrangement at the core of the EU sanctions decision-making that enabled the Commission to step into this intergovernmental field. On the basis of data collected via interviews and publicly available sources, the article demonstrates that there is a growing gap between the conventional way of sanctions law-making and real power dynamics within the EU institutional framework. The 'crisis trigger' makes the EU move beyond intergovernmentalism in its sanctions policy.

Since joining the European Union in 2007, Bulgaria was expected to uphold democratic values, rule of law, and human rights consistent with EU principles. However, the country has experienced a steady erosion of these fundamentals, characterized by state capture, corruption, judicial manipulation, and suppression of media freedom. This paper explores the mechanisms through which Bulgaria's post-communist elites have repurposed themselves into an authoritarian regime operating under the veneer of democracy. It further analyzes how property rights violations, including unlawful vehicle confiscations sanctioned by courts, contribute to the broader climate of repression. Finally, it critically examines the European Union's failure to address these issues effectively, exploring the political, economic, and institutional reasons behind its silence and inaction. The paper concludes with urgent recommendations to restore democracy and the rule of law in Bulgaria and to uphold the EU's foundational values.

what was followed by maternity leave. Despite the resulting obligations she was able to follow what was going on in the project, she wrote her texts and prepared them for publication. The absence of Dr. M. Grącik--Zajaczkowski was effectively covered by her and my colleague from the Institute: Dr. Joanna Stryjek. Dr. J. Stryjek in the time of run of the project became a deputy dean in WSE. The additional administration obligations haven't prevented her from the responsibilities deriving from the realisation of the project. After return of Dr. Małgorzata Zajaczkowski to her duties, she has done it with double energy load, what can be explained by the fact that she is mother of two energetic girls. Dr. J. Stryjek has offered her support, what means that she was strongly feeling responsibility of the success of the project. We need to remember that working together, undivided, we can do much more and reach much more complicated goals then playing as individuals. This concerns the specific project we have just finished but is not limited to it. It also concerns the work of our Institute, our Collegium, as well as our University -Warsaw School of Economics. This finding goes much further it embraces cooperation between scientific and academic centres as well as the whole country. The last sentence is a wider reflection, which goes beyond the edge of our research project. Cooperation is important especially in a politically divided country or even wider: a number of divides which all of us face in the world political and economic relations.

Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Stuifbergen, J. A. M. (2011). Kindsoldaten in conflictgebieden wereldwijd. Tijdschrift voor Criminologie, 2011(53), 363-384. [4]. Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

The European Union represents a new type of regional organisation within the context of international relations. It is also an uncomfortable presence in the internal balances of the so-called "Bretton Woods" organisationsnamely, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank-because it raises several questions and issues. Foremost among these is the legitimacy of expecting that the economic and monetary integration within the EU should be refl ected in its political and voting representation within these institutions. Secondly, the creation of a single representation of the EU (or the "Euro Area") encounters numerous legal challenges, both within the framework of EU law and in international law regulating these international organisations. Thirdly, any potential solution must take into account the historical relationships among the EU Member States, as well as their interactions with third countries. However, addressing these problems appears to be an unavoidable knot not only in the process of remodelling the two organisations, but also in updating them to meet the needs of the new millennium. It is a knot which must be untied both by considering the European Union a possible precursor of other regional aggregations that are evolving along the same model in other key regions of the world,

One of the most prominent elements of external policy in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice is that of "integrated border management". Its material content is defined and legislated in the current regulations on the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, limiting its field of action to the control of migratory flows at the border. However, no formal analysis has been conducted of the concept of integrated border management. Even the most specialist literature has been limited to identifying and analysing the material content, barely considering the term "integrated" within the framework of shared competences between the EU and Member States. Consequently, the aim of the present paper is to identify a formal definition of "integrated border management", by analysing the development of the concept and its material component. I shall also highlight the short-term implications of this formal definition for the EU, especially with respect to the adoption of an EU "integrated management strategy" consistent with the national strategies of Member States.

Marmara Üniversitesi, Avrupa Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Avrupa Birliği Hukuku Tezli Yüksek Lisans Programı, Avrupa Birliği Anayasa Hukuku.

AB’nin ontolojik incelenmesi, aynı zamanda, AB’nin üye devletler arasındaki yetki paylaşımını da incelemeyi zaruri kılmaktadır. Üye devletlerin AB’yi bazı konularda, iç ilişkide veya dış ilişkide yetkilendirmesi neticesinde oluşan hukuki ilişki, yani dikey yetki paylaşımı; yetki ilkeleri, yetki türleri ve yetki ihlali halinde başvurulabilecek hukuki mekanizmalar kapsamında değerlendirilmiştir.

espanolEn este documento, se ha analizado la politica de la UE que influye significativamente en el contenido y la direccion de las reformas economicas, politicas, administrativas y legales implementadas en los paises candidatos y estados vecinos, asi como en las actividades de politica exterior. Como resultado, una organizacion supranacional de poder puede ejercer una influencia significativa en la soberania de estas categorias de estados. Como conclusion, el impacto en la soberania del estado se ejerce a traves de la autorizacion directa del propio pais, teniendo en cuenta los intereses nacionales, a pesar de las aspiraciones politicas de la UE. EnglishIn this paper, the policy of the EU significantly influencing the content and direction of economic, political, administrative and legal reforms implemented in the candidate countries and neighboring states, as well as foreign policy activities have been analyzed. As a result, a supranational organization of power is able to exert a...

Útgáfa: Routledge, 224 bls. "Drawing on unique material, the book presents an empirically rich and theoretically relevant contribution not just to issues regarding the role of small states within or outside the union, but also allows for broader conclusions regarding the institutional logics that explain political action in the context of European integration. In the Icelandic context, its relevance stems mainly from the fact that it asks a somewhat different question: it is not interested in the potential role that Iceland may have as a full member of the EU, but instead analyzes the channels for influence that are available already today to non-members such as the three EEA/EFTA countries Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein.

This paper highlights the relevance of the Saar status referendums for post-war Ukraine. In particular, it argues that the concept of “European territory”, that originated from the 1955 Saar region status referendum, bears particular relevance for Ukraine. For instance, participants of the future referendums on the status of the annexed/occupied regions of Ukraine can vote on accepting a similar offer of “European territory” that implies external administration in selected areas. Three possible options are scrutinised in this paper. First, the granting of “European territory” status to annexed/occupied territories of Ukraine under the umbrella of existing EU regional external policies and/or political initiatives (European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership). Second, the granting of “European territory” status to annexed/occupied territories of Ukraine as an ad hoc solution could take place under the umbrella of EU institutions, such as the European Council. Third, an ad hoc solution specifically tailored to the annexed/occupied regions of Ukraine. For instance, the EU, the Council of Europe and the OSCE may establish a join legal framework for a “European territory” in the context of the referendum on the status of the annexed/occupied regions of Ukraine. Overall, it argues that the 1955 Saar status referendum represents a useful source of inspiration for future referendums on the status of the annexed/occupied regions of Ukraine.

ÒÀØÊÅÍÒ -1998 В книге на основе использования научно-юридических и архивных материалов МИД Республики Узбекистан рассматриваются вопросы участия Республики Узбекистан в международном правотворчестве, стадии заключения международных договоров. В приложениях приводятся документы по праву международных договоров, национальные нормы, регулирующие заключения международных договоров республикой, приводится соглашения с субъектами международного права. Дается перечень многосторонних конвенций, к которым присоединилась Республика Узбекистан. Рассчитана на специалистов-юристов, преподавателей, аспирантов, студентов юридических вузов, а также всех, кто интересуется вопросами международного права. Рекомендовано к печати Ученым Советом Университета мировой экономики и дипломатии (протокол № 5 от 10 сентября 1997 года) и Национальным центром Республики Узбекистан по правам человека Ответственный редактор: доктор юридических наук, профессор А.Х. САИДОВ Рецензенты: доктор юридических наук, профессор С.К. АБДУРАЗАКОВ кандидат юридических наук, доцент А.С. ТУРСУНОВ ИБ № 176 ISBN 5-89890-146-9 1207000000-50 М 351(04) 98      Ãîñóäàðñòâåííîå íàó÷íîå èçäàòåëüñòâî Ãîñóäàðñòâåííîå íàó÷íîå èçäàòåëüñòâî Ãîñóäàðñòâåííîå íàó÷íîå èçäàòåëüñòâî Ãîñóäàðñòâåííîå íàó÷íîå èçäàòåëüñòâî Ãîñóäàðñòâåííîå íàó÷íîå èçäàòåëüñòâî

Монографическое исследование позволяет глубже обосновать рекомендации по совершенствованию действующего законодательства Республики Узбекистан, в частности, внесению изменений в Закон Республики Узбекистан «О международных договорах Республики Узбекистан» от 22 декабря 1995 г., и принятию нового Кодекса Республики Узбекистан о международных договорах Республики Узбекистан. Некоторые законодательные акты Республики Узбекистан и международно -правовые источники использованы по состоянию на 1 января 2005 года. Исследование и содержащиеся в нём суждения, обоснования, выводы, предложения и рекомендации могут быть использованы для совершенствования деятельности соответствующих государственных структур в международно-договорных правоотношениях. Издание предназначено для студентов, аспирантов, преподавателей Вузов, а также для сотрудников МИД, МВЭС и других министерств и ведомств Республики Узбекистан и всех тех кто интересуется международно -правовыми вопросами регулирования права международных договоров. . Ответственный редактор: Р.Т. ХАКИМОВ, Председатель Узбекской ассоциации международного права Рецензенты: М.А. РАХИМОВА, кандидат юридических наук, доцент Н.Р. АКРАМОВА, кандидат юридических наук ISBN 978-9943-27-747-2 © И.М. Умарахунов, Международная договорно-правовая практика Республики Узбекистан: вопросы теории и практики. «Янги аср авлоди», 2016 г.

Citizens of foreign countries are increasingly using international treaties to assert claims against Federal and state governments. As a result, U.S. courts are being asked to determine whether treaties provide litigants with individually enforceable rights. Although courts have no consistent approach to determining whether a treaty gives rise to individually enforceable rights, they often apply the textualist methodology derived from statutory interpretation. However, instead of using textual theories of statutory interpretation, I argue that courts should use intentionalist theories developed from contract interpretation in determining individually enforceable rights under treaties. Two positive arguments and one negative argument support my approach. First, the question of whether a non-party can enforce a treaty is structurally similar to the question of whether a non-party can enforce a contract, but structurally different from the issue of whether there is a private cause of action under a statute. Second, Supreme Court jurisprudence supports the view that treaties are contracts even though they have the effect of statutes. As such, it is appropriate to apply theories of contract interpretation to understanding treaties. Third, arguments used tojustify using textualism for purposes of interpreting statutes are not relevant to interpreting treaties. I suggest that courts use a modified version of the "intent-to-benefit" test derived from contract law in determining whether a treaty is enforceable by a non-party. Under the modified "intent-to-benefit" test, a non-party will have individually enforceable rights and remedies under the treaty if the treaty identifies a class of individuals who are intended beneficiaries of the treaty and if such non-party is within that class of individuals. Applying this test suggests that courts should privilege the drafting history over the ratification history of a treaty in interpreting it. I apply the modified "intent-to-benefit " test to a case study-the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. The Supreme Court recently

Citizens of foreign countries are increasingly using international treaties to bring claims against the U.S government. As a result, U.S. courts are being asked to determine whether treaties provide litigants with individually enforceable rights. Although courts have no consistent approach to it, they often apply the textualist methodology derived from statutory interpretation in determining whether a treaty gives rise to individually enforceable rights. Resolution of this issue in favor of individually enforceable rights is particularly beneficial for human rights and humanitarian law treaties, because without individually enforceable rights, those treaties are not likely to be enforced. Instead of using theories of statutory interpretation, I argue that courts should apply a modified version of the "intent-to-benefit" test derived from contract law in determining whether a treaty is enforceable by a non-party. Three general grounds support my agreement. First, the structural similarities between contracts and treaties (and the correlative differences between statutes and treaties) justify applying the principles derived from contract interpretation to treaty interpretation. Second, Supreme Court jurisprudence supports the view that treaties have the effect of statutes, but are actually contracts. As such, it is appropriate to apply theories of contract interpretation to understanding treaties. Third, arguments used to justify using textualism for purposes of interpreting statutes are not relevant to interpreting treaties. I apply the modified intent-to-benefit test to a case study--the Sanchez-Llamas case, in which the Supreme Court decided last term that the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations does not provide individuals with any remedies.

SOMMARIO: 1. La firma degli accordi dell'Unione prima e dopo Lisbona. -2. L'accordo di partenariato nel settore della pesca con il Gabon. -3. I punti salienti della pronuncia. -3.1. La parte dispositiva della sentenza. -3.2. Le motivazioni. -4. Considerazioni conclusive e questioni aperte. La sentenza in commento 1 offre molteplici spunti di riflessione, molti dei quali già messi in evidenza dalla precedente dottrina intervenuta a commento delle conclusioni rese dall'Avvocato generale Kokott sulla medesima questione sottoposta alla Corte 2 .

The visa policy of the European Union (EU) member states against Turkish citizens has been a controversial topic for decades. Millions of Turkish citizens suffer from serious restrictions before their travel to the Schengen area for the purpose of their non-gainful activities. In time, two main options appeared before the visa-free travel of Turkish citizens, namely the opportunity brought by the interpretations of the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) based on the "stand-still clause" and secondly the Visa Liberalisation Dialogue. The objective of the article is to discuss whether the visa regime against Turkish citizens is justified or politically motivated. It connects the technical/legal analysis to a political analysis through the securitization theory. Security framing practices of the European actors at various policy levels are analyzed to explain the continuation of the restrictive visa regime against Turkish citizens despite two strong options that could have ensured visa-free travel. This article concludes that as a result of developments following the failed coup attempt in 2016, visa-free travel of Turkish citizens which was framed through the perceived threat of Turkish migration has transformed into a real threat.

There is increasing scholarly attention to judicial enforcement of the right to health, but too often it extrapolates general lessons from one country or region. The impacts of judicial enforcement depend largely on the reasons people turn to courts, the nature of judicial decisions, and the extent to which courts can open political opportunity structures for greater equity and transparency. Drawing on case studies from five countries in the region, the Article argues that the experience of constitutionalization and judicial enforcement of the right to health in Latin America shows a number of lessons and challenges. Against backdrops of extreme social inequality, with poor responsiveness from the executive and legislative branches of government, as well as chronic regulatory failures within health systems, it is unsurprising that people take advantage of the favorable opportunity structures that exist in many courts. Nevertheless, contrary to widespread thinking, easy access to justice, combined with individual decisions can promote queue jumping and potentially exacerbate inequities in health

La renovación de los altos cargos en la Unión Europea (UE) en 2024 plantea interrogantes sobre su impacto en la política hacia América Latina (AL). Este documento plantea que los cambios serán más de énfasis que de fondo, con cierta continuidad en relaciones económicas y de cooperación, aunque se prevé un aumento del proteccionismo comercial, restricciones migratorias y el alejamiento de la Agenda 2030. A pesar de un deseo de mayor protagonismo internacional para la UE, es incierto si esto implicará una mayor atención a AL. El texto se divide en dos grandes secciones. La primera analiza las relaciones actuales entre la UE y AL, abarcando diplomacia, economía y cooperación. Destaca que la relación ha sido afectada por crisis internas en AL y Europa, lo que ha llevado a un estancamiento en la colaboración. La cumbre UE-CELAC de 2023 fue un intento de revitalizar estos vínculos tras años sin encuentros. La segunda gran sección revisa los cambios institucionales recientes en la UE y su posible influencia en la política hacia AL. Se observa un aumento del extremismo político y una fragmentación parlamentaria que complican la toma de decisiones, lo cual favorece la inercia y la autonomía de la Comisión Europea. Las relaciones bilaterales han predominado, con tensiones notables entre países como México y España, mientras que con Chile y Colombia se han mantenido positivas. El acuerdo con Mercosur podría cerrarse, aunque su ratificación enfrenta retos reales. Finalmente, el contexto geopolítico actual, incluido el conflicto en Ucrania, ha reducido el espacio para AL en la agenda europea. A pesar de todo, esta es la región del mundo en desarrollo con la que la UE tiene la relación más institucionalizada y comparte más valores, lo cual puede servir para enfrentar las tentaciones unilateralistas. Palabras clave Unión Europea (UE), América Latina (AL), relaciones políticas, comercio, cooperación, extrema derecha. Documentos de Trabajo 100 / 2024 (2ª época)

For much of the European integration process, local authorities have been on the legal margins. Yet many amongst this group, and cities in particular, consider themselves as important players in realizing the Union's overarching policy objectives. This view is slowly but surely finding traction with the EU's political institutions. This Article suggests that the future architecture of the EU's operating system will evince a rapprochement between the socioeconomic clout of local authorities, notably cities, and their legal-political recognition at Union level. It further suggests that there is room for greater conceptual clarity along two lines when interrogating the future of the vertical axis of the Union's governance structure. First, the local tier should be disaggregated, with cities treated as a distinct subset of the category of subnational authorities that warrant attention in their own right. Secondly, the relationship between the EU and cities should be dissected further to develop a more fine-grained map of the possible ways in which both levels interact and the norms and incentives that shape those interactions. To this end, a six-fold taxonomy is developed that covers cities in their guise as i) implementation agents; ii) value communities; iii) front-line decision-makers; iv) democracy enhancers; v) policy developers; and vi) advocates of urban interests in EU decision-making. Finally, this Article addresses the methodological implications of an urban turn in European legal scholarship.

| www.fondation-pierredubois.ch 1 Le Centenaire du service social international : points de vue historiques L'année 2024 a marqué le centenaire du Service social international (SSI), une organisation non-gouvernementale dont le mandat porte sur la protection de l'enfance, l'assistance et la réunification des familles à travers les frontières internationales. Avec ses quartiers généraux à Genève et sa présence dans 120 pays dans le monde par des branches, des bureaux affiliés et des correspondant-e-s, le SSI met au coeur de son travail les principes de neutralité, de confidentialité, d'indépendance, de transparence et d'impartialité. L'organisation offre une assistance sociojuridique et un soutien psychologique aux enfants dans le besoin, plaide pour l'amélioration du droit national et international dans les domaines de l'enfance, de la migration et de la famille et s'engage pour la formation de professionnel-le-s de l'assistance sociale à travers l'organisation de conférences et des publications scientifiques i .

UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam () TTIP's regulatory cooperation framework and its democratic implications Bartl, M. Citation for published version (APA): Bartl, M. (Author). ( ). TTIP's regulatory cooperation framework and its democratic implications. Web publication/site, BlogActiv.

The purpose of this section is to illustrate the general issues around the European Union’s (EU) external trade relations by dealing with one topical area of EU international trade relations. Trade in services is particularly interesting, from the intra-EU institutional perspective, because it is an area in which the dividing line between Member State and EU competence has long been, and continues to be, controversial, and one in which the EU Member States and the European Parliament particularly distrust the policy priorities of the European Commission.

Plusieurs appels à un droit constitutionnel à l'avortement ont émergé dans les juridictions européennes en réponse à la décision de la Cour suprême des États-Unis dans l'affaire Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (2022). Dans cet arrêt historique, la Cour a rejeté sans équivoque une interprétation de la Constitution qui impliquerait un droit à l'avortement, optant plutôt pour déléguer l'autorité de réguler l'avortement aux États individuels et à leurs représentants. Cette décision a annulé un précédent de longue date, principalement établi par Roe v. Wade (1973) et Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992). Les commentateurs avaient depuis longtemps prédit un recul des droits à l'avortement aux États-Unis, l'attribuant à l'activisme judiciaire d'une Cour de plus en plus conservatrice. En Europe, la montée des mouvements d'extrême droite et extrémistes religieux a également alimenté des préoccupations concernant des reculs des droits à l'avortement établis. Collectivement, ces dynamiques ont accru la vigilance et incité à des appels pour une consolidation du droit à l'avortement au niveau supranational et national européen. Au sein de l'UE, le Parlement européen a récemment mis en garde contre les menaces mondiales pesant sur les droits à l'avortement et a exhorté à la reconnaissance du droit à l'avortement dans la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l'UE. Au niveau national, y compris en France, en Belgique, en Norvège et en Suède, divers efforts ont été faits pour inscrire un droit à l'avortement dans les constitutions. Mais le sujet de l'inscription des droits à l'avortement dans la constitution ne manque pas d'attirer des critiques. Des juristes et divers organismes juridiques et politiques ont particulièrement remis en question la nécessité, l'adéquation et la valeur ajoutée de la constitutionnalisation d'un droit à l'avortement dans les contextes nationaux européens. Dans cet article, nous commençons par examiner ces controverses, y compris les limitations potentielles de la constitutionnalisation identifiées dans la littérature plus large sur le droit à l'avortement. Nous examinons ensuite la validité de l'opposition à la constitutionnalisation en révélant les fonctions que la constitutionnalisation d'un droit à l'avortement remplirait, guidant nos conclusions sur la valeur ajoutée d'un droit constitutionnel explicite à l'avortement. En nous appuyant sur les deux sections précédentes, la troisième section explore divers défis et voies de conception constitutionnelle associés à la constitutionnalisation d'un droit à l'avortement, sur la base d'une étude de cas comparative centrée sur la Belgique. Nos conclusions suggèrent que la constitutionnalisation d'un droit à l'avortement remplirait une fonction symbolique importante en ce qu'elle reflète la nature fondamentale des droits reproductifs, y compris l'avortement. De plus, la constitutionnalisation d'un droit à l'avortement pourrait procéduralement réussir à limiter la marge d'interprétation accordée aux futurs interprètes des normes constitutionnelles, réduisant ainsi le risque d'exacerbation d'un droit qui, par sa nature même, reste controversé et vulnérable. Cependant, comme nous le démontrerons, la mesure dans laquelle ce potentiel limitatif est réalisé et la valeur ajoutée de la constitutionnalisation atteinte dépendra fortement de la conception constitutionnelle, pour laquelle nous identifions et discutons diverses options.

Several calls for a constitutional right to abortion have emerged in European jurisdictions in response to the United States Supreme Court’s ruling in Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organisation (2022). In this landmark judgment, the Court unequivocally rejected an interpretation of the Constitution that would imply a right to abortion, opting instead to delegate the authority to regulate abortion to the individual states and their representatives. The decision overruled long-standing precedent, primarily established by Roe v Wade (1973) and Planned Parenthood v Casey (1992). Commentators had long forecasted a setback in abortion rights in the US, attributing it to judicial activism in an increasingly conservative Court. In Europe, the rise of far right and religious extremist movements has similarly fuelled concerns over drawbacks of established abortion rights. Collectively, these dynamics have heightened vigilance and prompted calls for a solidification of the right to abortion at the European supranational and national level. In the EU, the European Parliament recently cautioned against global threats to abortion rights and urged the recognition of the right to abortion in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights.At the national level, including in France, Belgium, Norway, and Sweden, various efforts to enshrine a right to abortion in constitutions were made. But the subject of embedding abortion rights in the constitution does not fail to attract scrutiny. Legal scholars and various legal and policy bodies have particularly questioned the necessity, suitability, and added value of constitutionalising11 a right to abortion within European-national contexts. In this article, we begin by reviewing these controversies, including potential limitations of constitutionalisation identified in wider scholarship on abortion law. We then examine the validity of opposition to constitutionalisation by uncovering the functions that constitutionalisation of a right to abortion would fulfil, guiding our conclusions on the added value of an explicit constitutional right to abortion. Building on the previous two sections, the third section explores various constitutional design challenges and pathways associated with the constitutionalisation of a right to abortion, based on a comparative case study focusing on Belgium. Our findings suggest that constitutionalisation of a right to abortion would fulfil an important symbolic function in that it reflects the fundamental nature of reproductive rights, including abortion. In addition, constitutionalising a right to abortion could procedurally succeed in limiting the interpretative margin afforded to future interpreters of constitutional norms, reducing the risk at exacerbation of a right which, by its very nature, remains controversial and vulnerable. However, as we will demonstrate, the extent to which this limiting potential is realised and the added value of constitutionalisation achieved will be highly dependent on the constitutional design, for which we identify and discuss various options.

Το ευρώ είναι ένα ακρατικό νόμισμα, και η ΕΚΤ είναι μια ακρατική κεντρική τράπεζα. Ο ακρατικός τους χαρακτήρας εκφράζει μια πολιτική απόφαση και συνεπάγεται μια συνεχή πολιτική πρακτική απ’ τις κυβερνήσεις των κρατών-μελών του ευρώ. Η Ordnungspolitik [διακυβέρνηση] της νομισματικής ένωσης θέτει τα κράτη-μέλη του ευρώ ως ομοσπονδιακές δυνάμεις του υπερεθνικού χρήματος.

The remarkable ‘Lugano II’ opinion, given by the Court of Justice of the European Union in 2006 (case 1/03), has had the implications going far beyond the specific matter it decided, namely the competence of the EC to conclude the second Lugano Convention. Following ‘Lugano II’ numerous international agreements have been concluded with direct or indirect reference to the Court’s opinion as justification for the EU’s exclusive competence in a given area. This refers, among others, to the Hague Convention on the Choice of Court Agreements of 30 June 2005, the Hague Protocol of 23 November 2007 on the Law Applicable to Maintenance Obligations, and the Convention of 23 November 2007 on the International Recovery of Child Support and Other Forms of Family Maintenance. Therefore the Court of Justice, by its flexible reading of the so-called ERTA doctrine regarding the EU’s implied external competence to conclude international agreements, has created a powerful instrument for the unificati...

This article explores legal consequences arising from Italy's European human rights legal commitments in confrontation with the migration crisis. The so--called Arab Spring resulted in a great influx of illegal migrants who, from obvious reasons, chose mainly the territory of Italy as the first safe space for their living or as a transit country. At the beginning the process did not seem to become such a disaster and human rights drama. The main purpose of the Authors' analysis is to present the attitude of two main human rights organs of the Council of Europe, namely the European Court of Human Rights as well as the Committee on the Prevention of Torture, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Against the background of the analysed documents the Authors try not only to present the above-mentioned legal consequences, but also discuss the further role of Italy in the ongoing migration crisis. It

The integration of EU law into the legal systems of the Member States depends on the willingness of their courts to enter into a judicial dialogue with the Court of Justice and to recognise the authority of the Court’s judgments in the preliminary ruling procedure. This study draws up a typology of the strategies employed by certain national courts in order to limit the authority of the Court’s preliminary rulings in such a way as to consolidate, in violation of EU law, their supremacy in their domestic legal order. The proactive resistance method makes it possible to limit the usefulness of the preliminary ruling procedure by directing the content of the Court’s preliminary ruling or by preventing its delivery. In addition, the reactive method enables the courts of the Member States to render preliminary rulings ineffective by invoking certain requirements of national constitutional law. What these resistance techniques have in common is that they undermine the keystone of the Union’s judicial system, the preliminary ruling procedure.