Critical European Studies

Diese essayistische Synthesearbeit nimmt zwei Porträts des Aschantiprinzen Kwasi Boachi (1827–1904) zum Ausgangspunkt, um sich seinem Leben und Wirken als Schwarzer Adliger in europäischer Diaspora zu widmen. Im Zentrum steht dabei Boachis Beitrag zur Erinnerungskultur, der hier als Teil eines „royalen Narrativs“ verstanden und gewürdigt wird: Aus seiner privilegierten gesellschaftlichen Stellung heraus trug er auf vielfältige Weise zur Repräsentation des Aschantireiches im europäischen Raum bei. Zugleich nutzte er seine Position, um eigene Perspektiven – etwa zur Geschichte des transatlantischen Sklavenhandels – aus der Diaspora heraus sichtbar zu machen.

Seine Schriften und öffentlichen Auftritte zeugen davon, wie das Erbe des Aschantireiches in einem europäischen Kontext reflektiert und in kulturelle Diskurse eingebracht wurde. Auf diese Weise schlägt Boachi eine bemerkenswerte Brücke zwischen afrikanischen und europäischen Erinnerungskulturen. Insofern lässt sich seine Figur auch als bedeutende Stimme im Schwarzen deutschen Archiv verorten.

Indem sich diese Untersuchung dem vielschichtigen Wirken Boachis nähert, bietet sie zugleich ein Beispiel für die Potenziale transkontinentaler Erinnerungsarbeit – verstanden als ein Ansatz, historische Erfahrungen multiperspektivisch sowie im Sinne globaler Verflechtungen und Wechselwirkungen zu betrachten. Sie richtet sich damit sowohl an ein kunsthistorisch interessiertes Publikum als auch an Akteur:innen aus dem Bereich der postkolonialen Erinnerungskultur, einschließlich jenen, die sich mit Fragen von Identitätspolitik und dekolonialem Gedenken auseinandersetzen.

Die zugrunde liegende Grundlagenforschung stützt sich auf mehrjährige Recherchen in Deutschland, Ghana und den Niederlanden und vereint anthropologische mit ancestral Research-Methoden. Sie versteht sich als transdisziplinärer Beitrag zur Sichtbarmachung einer bislang weitgehend marginalisierten Biografie – und als ein Versuch, Kwasi Boachi im Jahr seines 120. Todestages aus dem Schatten des Vergessens in die kollektive Erinnerung zurückzuholen.

. The Transformation of Corporate Governance Regulation in the European Union: From Harmonization to Marketization. Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

This document is a summary of the book A History of Global Capitalism: Feuding Elites and Imperial Expansion by Sambit Bhattacharyya (2020). The book analyzes the evolution of global capitalism over five centuries, highlighting elite competition as a driving force behind imperial expansion and geopolitical conflicts. Key events such as the Industrial Revolution, European colonialism, the world wars, the Cold War, and the rise of China, India, and Russia in the 21st century are discussed. Furthermore, the book examines the economic, political, and strategic implications of global capitalism, as well as current trends toward a multipolar system.

Law.* It is a further privilege to be addressing members of the Delaware courts in this audience, especially since their cases and articles 2 comprise so much of my own reading matter. They have looked at me from the bench before, but not from the audience; all in all, this arrangement is more to my liking. My topic today is taken from the comparative-law corner of corporation law, but bears on the future of American corporation law. It is based, further, on recent practical experiences and events, but bears on the theory, not the practice, of corporation law. Corporations, as anyone reading the major law reviews over this past decade cannot help but recognize, have become the darlings of legal theory, rivaling the administrative agencies of the thirties and the automobile guest statutes of the sixties in the affection of scholars. Recent international upheavals indirectly have confirmed this privileged position of corporations in academic discourse. Societies with economies organized along liberal principles and on the basis of market-based institutions have, in these past couple of years, demonstrated their superiority over their state-socialist rivals. The superior organization of a market-based economy rests largely on those economic productive units called "corporations," as we in the * Professor Buxbaum, Dean of International and Area Studies of the University of California at Berkeley, has been a member of the Boalt Hall Law faculty since 1961 and holds the Jackson H. Ralston Chair of Public International Law there. He specializes in the international and comparative aspects of corporation law. This article is derived from the Francis G. Pileggi Distinguished Lecture in Law delivered by the author at the Widener University School of Law an March 3, 1992. 1. The original format of the paper, given as a lecture, has been retained and citations held to a minimum. I would like to thank Jennifer Liew, Boalt class of 1994, for her able research assistance.

Les domaines vitivinicoles français et espagnol sont très proches. Les réseaux conceptuels correspondants peuvent sembler à première vue identiques. Cependant, il y a des différences. L’objet du présent travail est d’étudier la variabilité conceptuelle entre les deux domaines afin d’en analyser les implications terminologiques et traductionnelles. Cette réflexion est nécessaire pour éviter notamment des équivalences erronées. Nous traiterons de différents plans de variabilité : des concepts, des objets et des communautés de travail. Après avoir établi les concepts principaux structurant le domaine vitivinicole, leur organisation conceptuelle est étudiée, puis les entités et les activités spécifiques des deux domaines sont analysées de manière contrastive.

Dirigisme, characterized by strong government intervention in economic affairs, remains a pertinent economic strategy in various parts of the world. While the era of pure command economies has largely subsided, dirigiste policies persist as governments seek to balance free market capitalism with socioeconomic goals. This paper explores contemporary manifestations of dirigisme, examining its rationale, implementation, and outcomes in nations such as China, India, France, and select Middle Eastern countries. Additionally, it evaluates the challenges and criticisms associated with this economic philosophy in the context of globalization and technological advancement.

This study is a contribution to the parliamentary debate in response to the proposal for reform of the common organisation of the market in wine initiated by the Commission. The study meets Parliament’s four requirements: (1) a brief summary of the situation on the wine market in the Europe of 25 over the last six years, (2) an assessment of the shortcomings of the mechanisms of the current CMO, (3) a critical analysis of the Commission proposals and (4) specific proposals for reform of the CMO.

La présente étude est destinée à contribuer au débat parlementaire, en réponse à la proposition de réforme de l'organisation commune du marché du vin émise par la Commission des Communautés européennes. Elle présente une brève synthèse de la situation du marché du vin dans l'Europe à vingt-cinq, au cours des dernières années, évalue les défauts des mécanismes de l'actuelle OCM, analyse les propositions de la Commission et présente des propositions concrètes pour la réforme de l'OCM.

Les coopératives constituent un mode organisationnel spécifique. Elles représentent un vecteur important de structuration de certaines filières agricoles et agroalimentaires en France depuis près d'un siècle. Dès le début des années 1990, une accélération du mouvement de concentration entre coopératives agricoles est observée. L'objet de notre travail est d'analyser le processus de rapprochement (par fusion et acquisition) des coopératives agricoles. Le suivi de 14 opérations de fusions de coopératives vinicoles du Languedoc-Roussillon entre 2004 et 2010 constitue notre application empirique. Les principaux résultats indiquent qu'il existe différents types de « processus » de fusions : certaines sont menées dans l'urgence sans aucune stratégie que la sauvegarde d'exploitations en difficultés, alors que d'autres répondent à des injonctions des politiques locales. Enfin, d'autres reposent sur de véritables projets stratégiques d'entreprise permettant de trouver des synergies entre les structures coopératives engagées. Mots Clés Coopératives vinicoles, Languedoc-Roussillon, Fusions & Acquisitions Growth, yes ! But how ? Concentration by mergers of wine cooperatives in Languedoc Roussillon Abstract Cooperatives are a specific type of organization. For a century, they represented an important means of organisational and strategic structuring of agricultural and food sectors in France. By the early 1990s, an accelerated process of concentration is observed between agricultural cooperatives. The purpose of our work is to analyze the concentration process mainly by mergers of agricultural cooperatives. The analysis of 14 wine cooperatives mergers in Languedoc-Roussillon wine between 2004 and 2010 is our empirical application. The main results indicate that there are different types of "process" of mergers: some are done without any backup strategy, while others respond to orders of local policies. Finally, in other cases, mergers are based on real corporate strategic projects to find synergies between the involved cooperatives.

Cooperatives are a specific type of organization. For a century, they represented an important means of organisational and strategic structuring of agricultural and food sectors in France. By the early 1990s, an accelerated process of concentration is observed between agricultural cooperatives. The purpose of our work is to analyze the concentration process mainly by mergers of agricultural cooperatives. The analysis of 14 wine cooperatives mergers in Languedoc-Roussillon wine between 2004 and 2010 is our empirical application. The main results indicate that there are different types of "process" of mergers: some are done without any backup strategy, while others respond to orders of local policies. Finally, in other cases, mergers are based on real corporate strategic projects to find synergies between the involved cooperatives. ...French Abstract : Les coopératives constituent un mode organisationnel spécifique. Elles représentent un vecteur important de structuration de...

The social reproduction of state socialism in Romania was made possible in part by the production of three million social housing units in a mixed housing sector that supported socialist industrialization, urbanization, and modernization. It is, therefore, not surprising that the transition to a market-oriented housing system has been one of the main pillars of the establishment of capitalism in post-1989 Romania. Today, we should reverse this development by disrupting the social reproduction of capitalism through housing policy. The paper argues that this can be done by implementing the demands of a transition program compatible with a future socialist housing system.

Au Maroc, si l’analyse des politiques publiques est au cœur des préoccupations des chercheurs en sciences sociales, l’analyse de leur quantification l’est beaucoup moins. A partir de la constitution d’un corpus documentaire et sur la base de plusieurs entretiens menés, les auteurs mettent en relief la quantification comme un art de gouverner particulièrement imposant dans une séquence néolibérale de l’histoire du Maroc. Outre l’acte de quantifier qui recèle une portée politique, sociale et culturelle, les dynamiques de la réception des statistiques agricoles sont mieux perceptibles dans un agencement entre un jugement façonné par une succession d’expériences vis-à-vis de la politique agricole et des interprétations qui oscillent au même rythme que des usages divers et
variés.

Ceuta and Melilla are considered exemplary models of the border spectacle. The fences of these cities typify the notion of "Fortress Europe" and impel the emotional engagement of the inhabitants with migration control policies. This article focuses on the experiences of local activists who have resisted migration containment policies. Through a close examination of the emotional geographies of activism in border areas, and the effect of migration policies on the everyday, this article aims to uncover the civic emotions underlying the lived realities of activists. Furthermore, by addressing the methodological challenges for investigating social emotions, this study integrates visual elicitation methods into ethnographic research. The evocative power of cinema allows films to act as visual stimuli that convey the intimate narratives of activists, which encompass compassion, outrage, or fatigue in the context of pro-migrant mobilization. By drawing on the mundane experiences of borders, this article delves into the intersection of emotions, activism, and borders to elucidate experiences against migration control.

The purpose of this work is to draw a panorama of the evolution of the restructuring strategies of the transnational firms in the world wine industry across the period 1980-2005. The main forms of development of these firms - mergers, acquisitions, and joint ventures - are identified based on an ad-hoc database (W2D-World Wine Data). The strategies of the firms are explained based on three key elements: production facilities (vineyard and winery), corporate brands portfolio, and distribution networks. This assessment anticipates an intensification of the globalisation and competition in the future world wine market. ...French Abstract : L'objectif de ce travail est de presenter un panorama de l'evolution des strategies de restructuration des grandes firmes de l'industrie mondiale du vin au cours de la periode 1980-2005. Les principaux modes de developpement des firmes - fusions, acquisitions et joint-ventures -, sont reperes a partir de la constitution d'une banque d...

Die Europäische Integration wurde von der Forschung lange als gesellschaftlicher Fortschritt betrachtet, wobei Krisen und Disintegrationstendenzen häufig übersehen wurden. Frühe marxistische Kritiken litten unter ökonomischen Determinismen, die den Blick auf die Eigenständigkeit der Politik verdeckten. Bald entwickelte sich aber eine kritisch-materialistische Integrationsforschung, die versucht, die europäische Integration in all ihrer Komplexität herrschaftskritisch zu hinterfragen.
Dieser Band gibt einen Überblick über die Ansätze kritischer Europaforschung sowie die historischen Phasen bis hin zu aktuellen Krisen und Desintegrationstendenzen. Es werden Schlaglichter auf Felder geworfen, auf denen kritischer Europaforschung noch viel Arbeit bevorsteht: Europäische Identität, die Gegenwart des europäischen Kolonialismus und die Auseinandersetzung mit autoritären Europavorstellungen.
Außerdem: feministische Ansätze und Kritiken, die Krise der EU als Kampffeld für die (neue) Rechte, Krise und Radikalisierung des Grenzregimes, Vergangenheitspolitik: Auschwitz als Gründungsmythos, Krisenproteste: Die Niederlagen der Linken (Griechenland bspw.), autoritäre Tendenzen in Mitgliedsstaaten, Brexit und Lexit, Europa und die Corona-Krise uvm.
Schließlich wird umrissen, wie eine emanzipatorische Haltung zum Europäischen Integrationsprozess aussehen kann

Sense in Translation: Essays on the Bilingual Body presents a series of thematically related essays on the subject of language, translation and the body. It weaves together ideas derived from phenomenology, science and linguistics with the author’s own experience as a bilingual writer and architect. Rabourdin’s engagement with the writings of Michel Butor, Caroline Bergvall and Louis Wolfson anchors the inquiry in concrete examples of literary practice, allowing for the notion of ‘essay as an experiment’ to suggest novel readings of these works while illuminating a complex set of relationships between embodiment and language.

This article is based on a fieldwork conducted in the second half of October 2007. The sampling has been designed to represent whole of Turkey. Modern Turkey has reached its 85th anniversary and still deals with problems related to the discussion on ethnic and religious identities in Turkish society. By conducting this survey, we have portrayed general peculiarities of Turkish voters in terms of political, socioeconomic , ethnic, and religious identities. We have obtained three main socio-political upper identities and called them Modernist-Kemalist, Conservative-Nationalist and Leftist-Social Democrat. The most common identities in Turkish society are lined up as Modernist-Kemalist, Conservative-Nationalist and Leftist-Social Democrat. It is interesting that the AKP has a high level of acceptance among all groups. This means that this party has moved to the center (center-right) and that the largest part of the Turkish population does not considered it a serious threat to the regime. The main divide within Turkish society, and the source of its conflict, is not so much among the majority of people, but rather between them and a traditional secular elite that continues to use its influence to deny those who do not share its particular vision of westernization access to the public sphere.

En 1907, après plusieurs années de chute des cours des vins, le Midi connaît un épisode
de mobilisations inédites. Entre les mois de février et octobre 1907, le Languedoc et le
Roussillon sont marqués par un cycle de manifestations hebdomadaires importantes. Ils suivent
les mots d’ordres du Comité d’Argeliers et des comités locaux qui se constituent dans la plupart
des communes du Midi. Estimant que la fraude sur les vins est responsable d’une augmentation
artificielle de la production et donc de la chute des cours, ils exigent l’action du Gouvernement
pour lutter contre cette fraude.
Le mouvement fait appel à différents éléments du répertoire d’action collective :
manifestations, démission des conseils municipaux et grève de l’impôt.
L’épisode de 1907 est marqué par des manifestations massives, qui culminent à Montpellier le
9 juin où se rassemblent entre 600 et 800 000 personnes. Il est également marqué par des actes
de violences : agressions de percepteurs, fusillades de Narbonne et par la mutinerie des 100° et
17° régiments d'infanterie de ligne.
La répression du mouvement par l’armée participe à la construction de deux mythes : la
mutinerie du 17° régiment d’infanterie de ligne de Béziers et ses raisons ainsi que la thèse du
sacrifice des bataillons du Midi lors de la Première Guerre mondiale. Ces deux mythes ayant
été étudiés et déconstruits par Rémy Pech et Jules Maurin.
L’étude des événements de 1907 a été largement effectuée aux plans économiques
menant à la crise et à propos du déroulement de cet épisode de mobilisation.
Notre étude tente à partir d’un important fond d’archives issues de la préfecture de l’Aude
d’analyser le rôle des administrations déconcentrées de l’Etat dans le cadre de cette
mobilisation. Tout d’abord en s’intéressant aux rôles de l’administration préfectorale et du
préfet que sont le renseignement au gouvernement ainsi que la surveillance politique, le
maintien de l’ordre et le recours à l’armée pour l’assurer. Puis nous tentons d’analyser le rôle
des municipalités et les conditions de leurs démissions. Enfin nous tentons d’étudier le rôle de
l’administration fiscale en tant que complément du renseignement et administration entièrement
concernée par la grève de l’impôt.
Ainsi notre démarche tend à étudier la manière dont les institutions agissent à l’échelle du
département de l’Aude lors de cette crise et propose un regard nouveau sur celle-ci au prisme
de ces dernières.

Social risks can be managed in different ways. The management of social risks is commonly discussed in relationship to welfare state institutions or, in a less common approach, in relation to the protection corporatist institutions provide through collective bargaining, as presented in the previous chapter. However, one of the central institutions active in risk management, alongside the family, is the firm. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, firms took (some) responsibility for the well-being of their employees. In some welfare states, for example in the US, firms still play an important role in managing social risks, hence the term 'corporate welfare state' , sometimes used to describe the US welfare state. In this chapter we focus on the essential function private corporations fulfil in the way social risks are defined and dealt with collectively. It is important to investigate the role of private corporations in the management of social risks because firms become increasingly important in an era of economic globalisation. As markets open up and national states weaken, private corporations have more freedom to act. As companies become geographically and institutionally 'footloose' , a process in the direction of reduced protection takes place, often called a 'race to the bottom' (Mishra 1999; Castles 2004) in the direction of diminished corporate responsibility for employees, resulting in a shift of responsibilities from employers to employees (Hacker 2006). In this chapter, we investigate the development of labour policies in two transnational corporations. We learn that due to the fact that these corporations are embedded in diff erent national and transnational economic fi elds, the extent to which corporate responsibility for protection against social risks is diminishing varies from risk to risk, and that a polarisation is taking place in corporate responsibility between the responsibility taken for higher management and responsibility taken for lower levels of personnel.

Regional disparities and inequalities have been a key concern in the EU. This paper develops a concept of spatial justice to examine the European Union policy of territorial cohesion and its reforms. It identifies three key dimensions of spatial justice that distinguish it from social justice: spatiality, which draws attention to spatial aspects of justice; integration of distributive and procedural justice, which goes beyond this controversial dichotomy in social justice; and inclusion, which crosses the boundaries and addresses both interregional and intra-regional inequality. This concept of spatial justice is then used to analyse the EU's territorial cohesion approach, a turning point in cohesion policy focusing on spatial imbalances in an enlarged EU. Critical analysis of the seven treaties since 1951 and seven cohesion reports since 1996 shows that this spatial emphasis has been added to, rather than integrated with, social and economic cohesion. It moves from interregional redistribution to intra-regional development and from distributive to procedural concerns. Rather than integrating society and space, distributive and procedural justice, and interregional and intra-regional cohesion, it moves from one pole to the other. Therefore, its contribution to spatial justice has been limited, providing necessary but insufficient responses to spatial imbalances and social inequalities.

Angesichts des Erstarkens nichtdemokratischer Regierungsformen und politischer Kräfte mit explizit antiegalitären, autoritären Agenden in einer posthegemonialen Phase des Neoliberalismus formulieren einige Autor*innen das Konzept des „autoritären Neoliberalismus“. Der Sammelband Authoritarian neoliberalism. Philosophies, practices, contestations, 2020 herausgegeben von Ian Bruff und Cemal B. Tansel, verfolgt diesen Ansatz in verschiedenen Geographien und gesellschaftlichen Sphären. Dabei zeigen sich seine Stärken, aber auch blinde Flecke, insbesondere hinsichtlich des Verständnisses des autoritären Populismus.

During the Mitterrand years, successive governments' policies of deregulation and privatization have progressively deprived the state of many of its traditional interventionist instruments. As a result of this, as well as of the internationalization of world trade and the economic integration of Europe, French business has become more independent of the state as well as more interdependent. With these changes in both business and government have come a concomitant transformation in French policymaking processes, such that the traditionally heroic government policies formulated absent business input have been succeeded by more everyday ones, where business for the most part leads and government follows.

This book is a fine contribution to the literature, exemplifying the interdisciplinary scope and appeal I mentioned at the start, and as such a text that could be read with profit by scholars not just in political theory, but IR, history, African American, and above all, philosophy. There are too many things I liked to mention all of them, but in particular, I was struck by the originality-in retrospect, so obvious, why had no one done this before?-of contextualizing both Kant's and Du Bois's writings with reference to an evolving timeline of events; the recognition that the "problem space" (David Scott) of the Kantian project is very different from one oriented toward questions of corrective global justice for the Global South; the underlining of the ongoing exclusion in the mainstream literature on these matters of the insights of people of color, both historic figures and contemporary thinkers, despite the fact that they are precisely the ones who have been forced to grapple with these structures of national and global oppression; the expansion of the cast of actors and the historical schedule of key events and dates in the official Western Political Drama of Modernity; the redrawing of the imperial cartographies of the polity and the re-periodization of its complementary imperial temporalities; and in general the exposure of a familiar Euro-normativity beneath the assumed guise of postcolonial inclusion and racelessness.

UID/CPO/04627/2013La gestión de fronteras es un área essencial para asegurar el Área de Libertad, Seguridad y Justicia de la Unión Europea (UE). La UE ha adoptado la gestión integrada de fronteras como una solución para salvaguardar sus fronteras externas y asegurar la seguridad interna de la Unión. Sin embargo, esto solo es posible a través de la cooperación con países terceros. La extraterritorialización de la frontera europea es crucial en la gestión de los fl ujos migratorios irregulares en el Mediterráneo. Las nuevas tecnologías son un elemento central en la gestión fronteriza y son en la actualidad instrumentos de gobernanza moderna. El establecimiento de sinergias entre la UE y sus países vecinos del Sur es un poco ambigua. La UE pretende construir un área de cooperación Euromediterránea, a la vez que construye muros y refuerza los controles fronterizos. Mediante el análisis de la cooperación en la gestión de fronteras en el Mediterráneo, pretendemos analizar los retos y opor...

This article seeks to elaborate the theoretical discourse on different, competing explanations of the European integration, invoking the notion of the national interest that plays an essential role in the process. Despite increasing integration, the European interest remains quite different from the sum of the national interests of all Member States, and different theories, by presenting explanations of the integration process, raise or diminish its importance. The major premise of the intergovernmental theory is that the integration progress can be analyzed as an intergovernmental regime designed to coordinate the economic and political interdependence negotiated through bargaining. This implies that Member States' behavior reflects actions taken by their governments based on rational choice, limited only by the domestic social demands and external strategic international environment. According to intergovernmentalism this process, within which states' preferences are shaped, is in fact the process of national interest formation. In contrast, a second school of thought on integration, affiliated with supranationalism, has a more normative ambition, providing not only a description of the role of the national interest, but also bringing the ideas of its limitation, proposing changes on the mode of European governance aimed at shaping Europe in a more republican manner. Despite the dominant position of the national agents at almost every level of the European governance, for the supranational approaches, due to the multi-level structure of the European Union, controversy between national interest and European common good is rarely invoked. The assumption that one theoretical understanding and the assessment of the level of influence of the national interest as applied to the European integration can have profound legal and political implications, leads us to the conclusion that depicting the five most prominent attempts at capturing it theoretically remains essential for further analysis of the European structure and European legal order. Paradoxically, an unstable economic situation and its overreaching and predominant negative influence on all the Member States, might catalyze a redefinition of Europe and reinvigorate the discourse on both European common good and national interests.

In the postwar period, both countries experienced far-reaching economic and social transformation guided by state technocrats. Their apparent success was celebrated and, in some countries, notably Korea, emulated. Over the past twenty years, however, all of the exemplars of state-led economic development have experienced profound crisis. In the early 1980s, France's vaunted dirigiste model was repudiated by a leftist government that had been elected on a pledge to take dirigisme to new heights (Cohen 1989; Hall 1990; Levy 1999; Levy 2000). Japan's statist system, once the object of envy and fear among Japan's trading partners, is now blamed for the country's decade-long period of economic stagnation. And in the wake of the 1998 financial meltdown in East Asia, the Korean offshoot of the Japanese model has been recategorized as "crony capitalism." The predominant interpretation of these crises portrays globalization (and, in the case of France, European integration) as having rendered state intervention obsolete. Whatever the merits of state activism in the past, today's internationalized environment leaves no place for free-spending, interventionist ways. In perhaps the most extreme version of this line of thinking, Peter Hall and David Soskice reduce the "varieties of capitalism" from three to two by eliminating the statist category altogether, while appending Japan to the Germanic "coordinated" model and excluding France from the typological exercise (Hall and Soskice 2001). To the extent that discussions of politics and the state have entered into the scholarly discussion, it has been in a primarily reactive and negative capacity. Scholars emphasize the reluctance of state authorities to cede power, particularly in Japan, which has prevented successful adjustment to a changing international economic environment. At first glance, the comparison of France and Japan would seem to bolster this interpretation. If Japan is a case of blocked adjustment, France is an example of statist rollback. Twenty years after the Socialists' break with dirigisme, virtually nothing remains of the institutions and practices associated with the dirigiste model. Planning, sectoral industrial policies, and ambitious grands projets ha ve been abandoned; the vast majority of nationalized companies have been privatized; credit, price, and capital controls have been lifted; restrictions on lay-offs and temporary and part-time employment have been eased; and a macroeconomic orientation emphasizing inflationary growth coupled with large devaluations has given way to one of the lowest inflation rates in Europe and a strong franc, culminating in European Monetary Union (EMU). By all accounts, France has become a much more market-oriented political economy, whose performance rests on the calculations of profit-seeking businesses, as opposed to state technocrats. First impressions can be deceiving, however. Alongside the dismantling of the dirigiste model, French authorities have launched a number of expensive new programs, notably in labor markets and social protection. As Figure 1 reveals, state revenues, which totaled 42.6 percent of GDP in 1983, at the height of Socialo-Communist voluntarism, have continued to rise in the ostensibly less interventionist post-dirigiste period, reaching 46 percent of GDP in 1999 (OECD 2000; Ministry of Finance 2001). Thus, not only has

En Chile la producción nacional de vinos de vides para vinificación aumentó de 238 a 736 millones de litros desde 1991 a 2005. Este explosivo crecimiento ha modificado la estructura de la industria vitivinícola chilena, observándose un masivo ingreso de nuevas viñas a la industria, una ...

The research presented here has developed within the project "Atl@s of historical cadastral and topographic maps of Lombardy (2009-2011)" funded by 'Fondazione Cariplo', involving 'Politecnico di Milano-BEST Dept.' (project leader), 'Archivio di Stato di Milano', 'Agenzia del Territorio', 'Centro Studi PIM', 'Regione Lombardia', 'Comune di Gorgonzola' (partners). The first release of the geo-portal (www.atlantestoricolombardia.it), has been presented to the public on 19 th January 2010 after a year's work. Conceived in the form of a modern Atl@s, it has been designed with a double level access to the historical cadastral series available by ASMi ('Catasto Teresiano', 'Lombardo Veneto', 'Cessato Catasto'), together with samples of 'Impianto in conservazione' by AdT (Italian Cadastral Administration): besides a catalogue approach level based on classical research keys (the application, Divenire©, has been inherited by ASMi from the Archive of Venice), an open geographic level has been implemented by the research group of Politecnico, with ongoing functionalities, based on a territorial regional basis, obtained experimenting and georeferencing small scale topographic maps, principally here focused on the historical chorographic maps. The methodologies, the reliability and feasibility of the georeferenced output, and the overall potentiality to use them as a gate to access the local scale represented by the spread diffusion of the cadastral series, are the topics discussed. Due to the high number of historical cadastral sheets, the generation of a systematic GeoDB on the local cadastral series-with a rigorous georeferencing method, already documented within the research-shall be faced by government policies and by algorithm automation, to become sustainable in the next years, in terms of time and costs. Thus, in the mean time, few functionalities are being tested to allow an agile user access, based on a geographic approach to the non georeferenced sheets, straightening the immediate content of the geographic language to a large public demand, respect to the simple key queries, through Web Mapping Services (WMS) developed on the small scale map: ASMi is going to share-over this project through the portal-more than 28.000 sheet units, that can find a challenge in the geographic fruition. Flying the territory of the past with the small scale synthesis, its political assets and physical elements, such as the hydrographic network, can offer interesting thematic cultural opportunities to knowledge dissemination of 'our territory' and its preservation.

The article investigates the views of European business associations on the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) project between 1946 and 1992. In doing so, it places the campaign for EMU organised by the Association for the Monetary Union of Europe in the run-up to the Maastricht Treaty into its previously neglected historical context. The article argues that although European business associations supported EMU in general, their views concerning its construction evolved and differed. As a result of these divergences, they only responded to political proposals made by others, instead of pro-actively pushing a specific agenda forward.

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The research presented here has developed within the project "Atl@s of historical cadastral and topographic maps of Lombardy (2009-2011)" funded by 'Fondazione Cariplo', involving 'Politecnico di Milano-BEST Dept.' (project leader), 'Archivio di Stato di Milano', 'Agenzia del Territorio', 'Centro Studi PIM', 'Regione Lombardia', 'Comune di Gorgonzola' (partners). The first release of the geo-portal (www.atlantestoricolombardia.it), has been presented to the public on 19 th January 2010 after a year's work. Conceived in the form of a modern Atl@s, it has been designed with a double level access to the historical cadastral series available by ASMi ('Catasto Teresiano', 'Lombardo Veneto', 'Cessato Catasto'), together with samples of 'Impianto in conservazione' by AdT (Italian Cadastral Administration): besides a catalogue approach level based on classical research keys (the application, Divenire©, has been inherited by ASMi from the Archive of Venice), an open geographic level has been implemented by the research group of Politecnico, with ongoing functionalities, based on a territorial regional basis, obtained experimenting and georeferencing small scale topographic maps, principally here focused on the historical chorographic maps. The methodologies, the reliability and feasibility of the georeferenced output, and the overall potentiality to use them as a gate to access the local scale represented by the spread diffusion of the cadastral series, are the topics discussed. Due to the high number of historical cadastral sheets, the generation of a systematic GeoDB on the local cadastral series-with a rigorous georeferencing method, already documented within the research-shall be faced by government policies and by algorithm automation, to become sustainable in the next years, in terms of time and costs. Thus, in the mean time, few functionalities are being tested to allow an agile user access, based on a geographic approach to the non georeferenced sheets, straightening the immediate content of the geographic language to a large public demand, respect to the simple key queries, through Web Mapping Services (WMS) developed on the small scale map: ASMi is going to share-over this project through the portal-more than 28.000 sheet units, that can find a challenge in the geographic fruition. Flying the territory of the past with the small scale synthesis, its political assets and physical elements, such as the hydrographic network, can offer interesting thematic cultural opportunities to knowledge dissemination of 'our territory' and its preservation.

blogs.lse.ac.uk /politicsandpolicy/the-coalition-myth/ Coalition politics remains relatively unfamiliar to British politicians, despite the experience of the past five years. Throughout the election campaign, the main party leaders have poured scorn on the idea of another coalition after May 7th, and have given the public little detail on their preferences for different potential coalition partners. In this post, Marie-Noelle Loewe points to evidence from across Europe that suggests there is little reason to expect future coalitions to lead to chaos, incoherence, or unpredictable decision making. Given their relative historic rarity in the UK, it is perhaps not surprising that the outlook of another coalition Government appears to not sit well with the British public. Until May 2010, the closest thing to a coalition postwar Britain had experienced at national level was the Callaghan Lib/Lab pact. Following a bielection defeat which had let to Labour losing its overall majority in March 1977, then Prime Minister James Callaghan agreed to a range of policies proposed by the Liberal Democrats in exchange for their support in a no confidence vote. Known as the Lib-Lab pact, this rather loose agreement lasted a mere 18 months, after which Labour ruled as minority government until the General Elections in May 1979. Note: This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of the General Election blog, nor of the London School of Economics. Please read our comments policy before posting.

Regional disparities and inequalities have been a key concern in the EU. This paper develops a concept of spatial justice to examine the European Union policy of territorial cohesion and its reforms. It identifies three key dimensions of spatial justice that distinguish it from social justice: spatiality, which draws attention to spatial aspects of justice; integration of distributive and procedural justice, which goes beyond this controversial dichotomy in social justice; and inclusion, which crosses the boundaries and addresses both interregional and intra-regional inequality. This concept of spatial justice is then used to analyse the EU's territorial cohesion approach, a turning point in cohesion policy focusing on spatial imbalances in an enlarged EU. Critical analysis of the seven treaties since 1951 and seven cohesion reports since 1996 shows that this spatial emphasis has been added to, rather than integrated with, social and economic cohesion. It moves from interregional redistribution to intra-regional development and from distributive to procedural concerns. Rather than integrating society and space, distributive and procedural justice, and interregional and intra-regional cohesion, it moves from one pole to the other. Therefore, its contribution to spatial justice has been limited, providing necessary but insufficient responses to spatial imbalances and social inequalities.

In the Western political science literature, modern political parties are grouped into party families, i.e., social democrat, socialist, communist, Christian democrat, liberal, radical, conservative, farmer-peasant, right-wing extremist, regional-ethnic parties and environmental movements. Categorizing a large number of political parties into a small number of party families is important not only for scientific reasons but also for practical ones. A correct categorization would help voters to better evaluate political parties and make more conscious voting decisions. Nevertheless, despite its central importance, the party family is one of the least empirically researched topics in the political science literature. More specifically, the literature on party family issue positions and their family locations. Moreover, to my knowledge, no previous study has investigated to what extent the Western party family phenomenon able to group political parties in a non-Western country. In order to fill this gap, this study aims to answer the following research positions, as revealed in their manifesto documents, align with their expected party family locations? Answering this research question I hypothesize that Turkish locations. Results of the empirical analysis of the Manifesto Project data largely supported this hypothesis and one can now safely argue that Turkish political parties do not pledge in line with values suggested by the Western party family categorization.

Die Frage nach der europäischen Vergesellschaftung ist in den letzten 20 Jahren im deutschsprachigen Wissenschaftsbetrieb zum Dreh-und Angelpunkt der europasoziologischen Forschung geworden. Heidenreichs Buch über die doppelte Spaltung Europas fügt einen weiteren Baustein zur Beantwortung dieser Frage hinzuund zwar mit einer wirtschafts-und arbeitsmarktdatengesättigten Analyse sozialer und territorialer Ungleichheiten in Europa. Der Autor stellt seine Befunde, die er im Wesentlichen auf der Grundlage der europäischen Erhebungen über Einkommen und Lebensbedingungen (EU-SILC) seit 2004 herausarbeitet, "als Ergebnis von unterschiedlichen grenzüberschreitenden Vergesellschaftungsprozessen in Europa" (S. 30) dar. Gleichzeitig betont er immer wieder die Bedeutung der nationalstaatlichen Handlungsebene für die beobachteten Ungleichheitsstrukturen. "Der sogenannte ‚methodologische Nationalismus' der Ungleichheitsforschung ist somit keinesfalls überholt. Nationale Strukturen, Institutionen und Politiken sind immer noch zentrale Bestimmungsfaktoren sozialer Ungleichheiten und ihrer Muster und Dynamiken." (S. 406) Die gleichwohl von Heidenreich festgestellte Europäisierung sozialer Ungleichheiten, welche in sozialen und territorialen Spaltungen (und nicht in einer europäischen Schichtungspyramide) zum Ausdruck kommt, ist das Resultat (i) einer "komparativ-internationalen Perspektive" auf die nationalen Bestimmungsfaktoren sozialer Ungleichheit, (ii) der Auswirkungen der EU-Politiken "auf die Einkommens-und Lebensbedingungen der Menschen und die nationalstaatlich verfassten Gesellschaften", (iii) der "transnationale[n] Wahrnehmungen und Einstellungen" und (iv) der europäisch strukturierten Handlungsfelder, grenzüberschreiten

The discourse on global governance tends to dissociate time and space. Based on broadly Cosmopolitan principles, it invokes a global normative ethic, a kind of shared civic identity, that ignores the burdens of history, obstacles of geography and the diversity of peoples, uniting all under a set of identifiable global problems. Despite the proliferation of Cosmopolitan arguments and models of governance, it is not an easy task to present a succinct account of current Cosmopolitan theory. Every single text on Cosmopolitanism starts with an observation or recantation that there is nothing resembling a consensus regarding "what constitutes Cosmopolitanism, who can be described as Cosmopolitan or where Cosmopolitanism is to be found". 1 And no less than a dozen strands of Cosmopolitanism exist. 2 In what follows, I focus on the dominant approaches to Cosmopolitanism and their critical alternatives. At its core, Cosmopolitanism believes that all people have equal worth and dignity as members of a common human Everita SILINA *

This article examines the factors that shape party preferences in Turkey by estimating an individual vote intention function that includes both economic and non-economic factors. The economic variables can be used to test the familiar hypotheses of economic voting theory-whether individuals vote retrospectively and/or prospectively, and whether they are sociotropic and/or egotropic. The non-economic factors include sociodemographic characteristics as well as identity and issue variables likely to be good predictors of party choice. The analysis focuses on comparing the characteristics of those who intend to vote for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) with those of other parties. According to multinomial logit estimates, young people, especially males, constitute the electoral base for the AKP. Those who have been affected adversely by recent economic developments, as well as those who are against Turkey's accession to the European Union are also more likely to vote for the AKP. The empirical work also provides evidence in support of economic voting hypotheses.