Common Security and Defense Policy

The European Union's current pursuit of strategic autonomy and technological sovereignty through industrial policy initiatives occurs amid intensifying US-China competition, prompting new policy instruments and rhetoric that many scholars interpret as fundamental transformation in EU economic governance. However, historical analysis reveals striking parallels with the 1970s-1980s, when Europe confronted US technological dominance and Japanese competition. Drawing on historical institutionalist theory, extensive archival research, and seven interviews with key policymakers from the European Commission, this paper demonstrates how four interconnected structural constraints have maintained the EU's decentralized industrial policy governance across both periods. These constraints create what we term the "Competence Paradox": external competitive pressures simultaneously create functional demands for centralized coordination while activating national sovereignty protection mechanisms that prevent such centralization. This analysis challenges interpretations of strategic autonomy as institutional transformation, revealing instead how external pressures generate innovation through institutional layering rather than governance transformation. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

El Decreto 575/2025 establece un nuevo régimen para la administración de bienes ilícitos recuperados, con foco en la transparencia, trazabilidad y justicia restaurativa. El Ministerio de Justicia asume el control central, supervisado por el Consejo de Bienes Recuperados, y se prioriza la reparación a víctimas. El modelo reemplaza al esquema de 2012, incorporando estándares OCDE/GAFI y fijando plazos judiciales precisos. Aunque representa un avance institucional, su eficacia dependerá de la implementación concreta y de evitar la concentración discrecional de poder.

Security and defence policy in the European Union is predominantly a competence of the Member States. At the same time, a common security and defence policy, which could progressively lead to a European defence union, is enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty. Since 2016, there has been significant progress in that direction, with several initiatives in the area of security and defence having been proposed and initiated under the 2014-2019 mandate of the Commission and the European Parliament.

∎ www.ispd.org.cy To Ινστιτούτο προάγει τον ελεύθερο και ανοιχτό δημόσιο διάλογο που εδράζεται στον ορθολογισμό και στην επιστημονική τεκμηρίωση. Οι απόψεις που εκφράζονται σε δημοσιεύσεις του Ινστιτούτου εκφράζουν αποκλειστικά τον/την συγγραφέα ή τους συγγραφείς και δεν αντανακλούν απαραίτητα τις απόψεις του Ινστιτούτου.

The Russia-Ukraine war, which erupted in February 2022, has had profound implications for NATO and European security. This study examines the long-term consequences of the conflict on regional defense strategies, alliance dynamics, and geopolitical stability. The war has highlighted vulnerabilities in NATO's deterrence posture, necessitating strategic adjustments and increased military coordination among member states (Rynning, 2015, p. 112). Simultaneously, European nations have been compelled to reassess their defense expenditures, military readiness, and security policies to address emerging threats posed by a resurgent Russia (Wolff, 2015, p. 78). This research employs a qualitative approach, analyzing policy documents, defense reports, and scholarly literature published after 2015 to provide a comprehensive overview of the evolving security landscape. Findings indicate that NATO is likely to adopt a more robust collective defense posture, emphasizing rapid response capabilities and strategic deterrence, while European states may pursue greater defense autonomy and enhanced cooperation within the alliance framework. The study also explores potential implications for broader international security, including shifts in transatlantic relations, the role of the European Union in defense policy, and the future of arms control agreements. By synthesizing contemporary research and policy analysis, this paper contributes to a nuanced understanding of how ongoing conflicts reshape regional security architectures, offering insights relevant for policymakers, scholars, and international relations practitioners seeking to navigate the postwar European security environment.

: The joint planner has many conditions to consider when contemplating future threats against the United States. The vast expanse of an adversary's weapons arsenal includes improved terminal guidance systems for ballistic missiles, cyberspace operations, and space-related weapon systems. However, after 13 years of protracted counterinsurgency operations, our nation has overlooked a persistent danger that threatens our force -nuclear weapons. As various publications and deterrence symposiums have emphasized, the time has arrived for serious discourse and intellectual effort on the adversarial use of nuclear weapons and our plans to operate in a restrictive environment. Consequently , we must educate Department of Defense (DOD) personnel in nuclear operations and the redevelopment of nuclear operational doctrine to prepare the joint force for future challenges.

36 7a NAME OF MONITORING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School ADDRESS {City, State, and ZIP Code) fonterev. California 93943-5000 7b. ADDRESS (C/ty. State, and ZIP Code) * These aircraft (as later versions) still active in the forces. °Arbitrary ground attack speed: aircraft capable of Mach 2 performance.

A book which explores the current laws relevant to aviation and space cybersecurity and analyses them from a critical perspective. The growing connection between the aviation and space sectors and reliance on related technology make them more susceptible to potential cyberattacks. Consequently, cybersecurity is becoming a pressing concern that should be taken into consideration by stakeholders in both sectors. This progressive book takes an introductory approach to allow those unfamiliar with aviation and space law, including telecommunications, and/or cybersecurity to gain valuable insight into these areas, and the subsequent chapters delve deep into the gamut of relevant international and European Union (EU) laws, with specific attention to associated risks, existing legal provisions and the potential development of new rules.

There is no shortage of books on the European Union (EU) in the literature. The experience of European integration has attracted the attention of many social scientists, at the crossroads of the study of international organizations, public policy analysis, and the more normative issues of political theory. There is often a temptation to analyse the European Union through its crises. However, it is an analytical limit to consider the European Union only in terms of crises. It also produces rules on a daily basis that affect the economic and political future of European Member States without necessarily being the subject of extensive conflict. There is a normality in the political work of the European Union that must not be forgotten simply because of the focus on history making events such as Brexit or the debt crisis within the Economic and Monetary Union. For anyone thinking about a Companion to the European Union, the question of its structure and special added value immediately arises. The main challenge is precisely how to capture the normality of the European Union's politics without neglecting moments of crisis and political breakdown. This is exactly what we are proposing in this edition. To do this, we feel important to act in a similar diversity to the European Union, i.e., by bringing together a range of excellent scholars from different Member States and different disciplines and academic traditions. The social sciences too often suffer from a kind of theoretical and methodological 'clannism' that a Companion must absolutely avoid. The aim is to offer readers, especially undergraduate and graduate students, a collection of concise and well-documented chapters that can be read independently of each other. A bit like what used to be called in the past an encyclopaedia, the Companion is a book that does not necessarily aim to develop one specific research hypothesis, but seeks to be very well informed, clearly written and with bibliographical references helping go further on every topic related to the European Union. The Companion is divided into five parts. In the first part, the authors outline the main theoretical approaches that have been developed to analyse the European Union from the perspective of social sciences (four chapters). While the number of theoretical approaches has increased spectacularly since the beginning of European integration in the 1950, three grand theories remain central in structuring the debate: the founding theory of European integration, neofunctionalism, followed, after the

L’Union européenne se tient à la lisière d’un précipice. Les coûts exorbitants de la non-Europe ne sont plus des projections lointaines, mais des réalités douloureuses qui se matérialisent chaque jour sous nos yeux.

Les erreurs stratégiques accumulées depuis des décennies, les mensonges institutionnels répétés, et les incohérences politiques flagrantes ont sapé la confiance des citoyens, affaibli les économies et compromis l’avenir du continent.

Ce document se propose d’analyser sans fard les échecs passés et présents, tout en esquissant des solutions réalistes et ambitieuses pour éviter l’effondrement.

Entre les tentations du repli national, les défis géopolitiques inédits et les crises systémiques qui se multiplient, une question s’impose : l’Union européenne peut-elle encore se permettre l’indécision, la division ou la dépendance ? La réponse, brutale, est non.
Ce document démontre que le coût de la « Non-Europe » — c’est-à-dire d’une Europe fragmentée, dépendante ou paralysée — serait bien plus élevé que celui d’une intégration ambitieuse et d’une autonomie stratégique.
Inspirée par la notion de « Raison d’Union », une transposition supranationale de la « Raison d’État », cette analyse montre que l’UE doit agir au-delà des souverainetés nationales, non par idéologie, mais par nécessité vitale.
Les crises récentes — pandémie, guerre en Ukraine, pénuries technologiques, tensions énergétiques — ont révélé une vérité implacable : l’inaction ou la désunion ont un prix exorbitant, bien supérieur à celui des investissements nécessaires pour bâtir une Europe souveraine, résiliente et unie.

È laureato in Giurisprudenza e Sociologia. Già amministratore pubblico e dirigente di partito, attualmente vive la politica come impegno civile e culturale. Relatore nonché curatore di seminari di cultura politica ed economica. Appassionato studioso di Scienza della politica e di Analisi delle politiche pubbliche, pubblica articoli e saggi di analisi politica su riviste e giornali cartacei e on line. Ha pubblicato, nel 2021, per la casa editrice Aracne il saggio dal titolo La democrazia sospesa 2012-2014. Per le edizioni il Segno, nel 2024, ha curato Riflessioni di cultura politica raccolta degli atti relativi ai seminari di formazione economica e politica organizzati dall'Associazione "Comitato Sviluppo e Comunità Basilicata".

Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the EU has offered a membership perspective to Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova. This gives the bloc new potential to resolve or stabilise "frozen conflicts" in eastern candidate states. The breakaway and occupied regions of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transnistria are undergoing a process of de facto annexation by Russia. The EU should draw up a policy to deal with Russian annexation actions, prevent Moscow from effectively vetoing candidates' accession, and embed this in its evolving approach towards Russia.

La guerra en curso entre Rusia y Ucrania no es sólo una prueba para las capacidades y tácticas militares convencionales; también es un moderno frente de batalla, donde la guerra electrónica (GE) en el espectro electromagnético (EE) desempeña un papel importante. En efecto, Ucrania ha intentado utilizar la GE para ayudar a sus defensas aéreas a enfrentarse a los drones y misiles rusos, mientras que Rusia ha interferido las señales ucranianas en un intento de interrumpir los satélites del sistema de posicionamiento, navegación y tiempo que ayudan a Ucrania a emplear municiones guiadas con precisión.

A América do Sul ainda é tratada hoje como uma área sem muita
significância do ponto de vista estratégico-militar, devido à ausência de
longos conflitos entre os Estados da região. Dessa forma, ao contrário de
todas as demais áreas do sistema internacional, a região não apresentaria
problemas sérios quanto a hipóteses de guerra – além de estar distante
dos confrontos entre as grandes potências. Por outro lado, é entendido
que a principal preocupação do ponto de vista da Segurança Nacional
seria com as chamadas “novas ameaças”, tais como o crime organizado,
a migração indocumentada e o terrorismo internacional (Herz, 2002).
Apesar dessa relativa estabilidade, a região ainda é palco de disputas geopolíticas entre os Estados da região, fazendo com que ainda seja
uma área relevante para as relações internacionais. Isso tem sido particularmente verdadeiro já na primeira década do século XX, com disputas
envolvendo, sobretudo, os países da região norte do subcontinente. Desse modo, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo central compreender
o motivo da persistência dessas disputas militarizadas no presente momento.

Cyberspace has become a key operational domain for modern armed forces, alongside land, sea, air, and space. This article examines how the United States and the Russian Federation conduct military operations in cyberspace, focusing on their official doctrines, organisational structures, and practical capabilities. The analysis highlights fundamental differences in how both countries define cyberspace and use it for offensive, defensive, and strategic purposes. Particular attention is paid to the role of electronic warfare and the integration of cyber capabilities into broader military planning. The article also considers the implications of these differences for NATO and the European Union, especially in the context of growing tensions and the evolving nature of hybrid threats.

Non è importante chi abbia vinto le elezioni statunitensi: l’Europa doveva da tempo prepararsi a un nuovo rapporto transatlantico e ad assumere proprie responsabilità in materia di sicurezza europea ma non l’ha fatto.
Nulla di nuovo e nulla di profetico, era scritto da tempo ed era chiaro  dal Summit NATO di Praga, 2022, quando gli Stati Uniti richiamarono gli Alleati ad una maggiore consapevolezza nel campo della difesa collettiva e  di una deterrenza appropriata
Il futuro del “vecchio mondo” non dipenderà dal “nuovo mondo” e meno dal nuovo (o ritrovato) ma dalla capacità condivisa degli europei di rendersi indipendenti dall’assistenzialismo di convenienza (almeno nel campo di difesa e sicurezza) di cui l’Europa ha sempre goduto dal dopoguerra da parte degli Stati Uniti.
Una situazione di comodo che non è più sostenibile, indipendente dell’acquiscenza dei governanti di turno, da una sponda all’altro dell’Atlantico
Una situazione di fatto è che l’Unione Europea è ben diversa da quelle speranze che avevano sognato i suoi fondatori, mostrando ancora un’evidente incapacità di scelte autonome causata dalle divisioni interne.
Questo divario concettuale si esprime in tutti i campi compreso il posizionamento ideologico nella competizione USA-Cina e sulla gestione di una guerra aggressiva ai suoi confini.
L’Europa, ancora evanescente se non incapace è chiamata a scegliere il male minore
========
It does not matter who won the US elections: Europe should have long since prepared for a new transatlantic relationship and assumed its responsibilities in the field of European security, but it did not
Nothing new and nothing prophetic, it had been written for some time and was clear from the NATO Summit in Prague, 2022, when the United States called on the Allies to be more aware in the field of common defense and appropriate deterrence.
The future of the "old world" will not depend on the "new world" and less on the new (or rediscovered) but on the shared ability of Europeans to make themselves independent of the welfarism of convenience (at least in the field of defense and security) that Europe has always enjoyed since the post-war period by the United States.
A comfortable situation that is no longer sustainable, independent of the acquiescence of the rulers of the day, from one side of the Atlantic to the other
A fact is that the European Union is very different from those hopes that its founders had dreamed of, still showing an evident inability to make autonomous choices caused by internal divisions.
This conceptual gap is expressed in all fields, including ideological positioning in the US-China competition and the management of an aggressive war on its borders.
Europe, still evanescent if not incapable, is called upon to choose the lesser evil

The present thesis has the aim to analyse the theme of the missions and operations in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. In particular, this topic permits to pose the attention on different transversal arguments, as the conciliation between sovereign interests of the States and the need of cooperation in a globalised world, that brings up continuously the insufficient means linked to the egoism of nations in tackling ongoing challenges. A further aspect offered by the subject of this elaborate is the cooperation between Military and Civilian dimensions, which demonstrates the creative efforts necessary for the maintenance of security and peace.

The Traffic Light Coalition of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the Union 90/Greens (BG90/Grüne) and the Free Democratic Party (FDP), were already in a difficult coalition because of their deep ideological differences, and their government coincided with the Russian invasion of Ukraine. There is no doubt that Germany and Turkey are linked by their deep and multidimensional relations in the fields of economy and defense, as well as their history of immigration. Given that the international system will be based more on bilateral relations in the upcoming period, the results of the German elections and the path the country will chart for itself from 2025 onwards are of great interest to Turkey.

En base a documentos del Archivo Histórico del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y en el marco de la Política de Defensa del Hemisferio Occidental, se examina un aspecto de las relaciones bilaterales entre Chile y Estados Unidos en torno al ‘problema del cobre’. Esta relación estuvo signada por la convergencia y la divergencia en función de que, una vez estallada la Guerra de Corea, la Casa Blanca necesitó de toda la cooperación hemisférica en cuanto a provisión de materias primas estratégicas, y de que Chile requirió de un mejor precio para su cobre, base de la estabilidad económica, argumentos que en definitiva fueron rechazados por el Departamento de Estado.

This policy brief analyses maritime security challenges in the Strait of Gibraltar, more specifically undersea infrastructure protection and delegated patrol structures. Originally drafted as part of a Model NATO application exercise, it synthesises open-source analyses to propose actionable recommendations for NATO decision-makers.

Öz: Bu makale, Birleşik Krallık'ın Avrupa Birliği ile olan ilişkisini tarihsel bir perspektiften ele alarak Brexit sürecinin siyasi, ekonomik ve toplumsal etkilerini derinlemesine incelemektedir. 1973'te başlayan üyelik süreci, 2016'daki referandumla son bulmuş; %51,9'luk ayrılma kararı, önemli siyasi liderlik değişimlerine ve kapsamlı müzakerelere zemin hazırlamıştır. Bu süreçte, ülkenin Avrupa ile olan finansal ve siyasi bağlamdaki zorlu deneyimleri de dikkate değerdir; özellikle ERM krizi ve 2009 Avrupa Döviz Krizi gibi önemli dönemeçler, Birleşik Krallık'ın AB ile ilişkilerinde Brexit'e giden yolu adeta şekillendirmiştir. 2020'de resmen tamamlanan Brexit, özellikle İrlanda sınırı gibi kritik konular nedeniyle karmaşık bir geçiş sürecini beraberinde getirmiştir. Çalışma, Brexit öncesinde Londra'nın küresel finans merkezi rolünü ve AB'ye olan ekonomik bağımlılığı değerlendirirken, sonrasında yaşanan ticaret kısıtlamaları, maliyet artışları ve iş gücü eksikliklerinin ekonomik büyümeyi nasıl etkilediğini ortaya koymaktadır. Ayrıca, toplumsal düzeyde giderek artan siyasi ve kültürel kutuplaşmalara dikkat çekilmektedir. Bu bağlamda, Birleşik Krallık'ın yeni ticaret bağlantıları da analiz edilmiştir. Makale, Birleşik Krallık'ın iç ve dış politikasını gelecekte şekillendirecek temel dinamiklere ve güncel seçimlerin analizine odaklanmaktadır.

Notes du Cerfa/Notes de l'Ifri 141Policy paper collectifHow can France and Germany contribute to reaching the goal of European strategic autonomy? This key question has been guiding the work with the present report. In the light of a more demanding security environment, but also a rare momentum for further European integration, Berlin and Paris have to take their security and defence cooperation to the next level, bilaterally as well as in the EU. Progress in Franco-German security and defence cooperation is a key step towards strategic autonomy with its three dimensions: political, operational and industrial autonomy. Political autonomy has so far been neglected in Franco-German security and defence cooperation. Past cooperation was almost exclusively linked to the operational, sometimes industrial levels. The new impetus needs to be embedded in a farther reaching political dialogue. This can best be achieved by elaborating a Franco-German White Paper on Security and Defence. A...

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine was heating up. Russian military attacks succeeded in taking control of Zaporizhzhia, the major Ukraine Nuclear Power Plant. This mastery drew world criticism, especially from the West with its NATO, and was responded to by Russia by threatening to use nuclear weapons if another country intervened in the conflict. Threat imposed by Russia is relevant to be assessed by employing the Deterrence Theory. The aim of this study is to analyze and describe the relevance of the Deterrence Theory amid the Russia-Ukraine conflict. More specifically, this study is to conceive the possibility of the outbreak of nuclear war amidst the Russian threat. Qualitative methods are used in this research. The interpretation of the data becomes the basis for the analysis that comes from a series of interviews and based on literature studies. Collection of previous reference journals, books, and news from internet sources, all of which are used as secondary data. Conc...

Most studies on decentralisation in developing countries reveal that the failure of decentralizing was due to inadequate local government framework, ineffective implementation or capture of local government by interest groups or a combination of these factors. The result was the inadequate delivery of services at the local level and failure to strengthen grassroots democracy. We argue that unlike most developing countries, the lessons learned from the case of Pakistan demonstrates that right from the outset the purpose of decentralisation was not to decentralise power and authority but to meet two prime objectives. First, strengthening of civil and military bureaucracies to establish the most centralised and coercive government structures through the political marginalisation of mainstream political parties and; second to co-opt newly emerging politicians from local councils who could act as conduits between the local constituencies and military established governments.

Η σχέση του Ρουσσώ με τις διεθνείς σχέσεις, αν και γνωστή σε αυτούς που ασχολούνται με την πολιτική του σκέψη, σπάνια αποτέλεσε αντικείμενο πραγμάτευσης στην ελληνική βιβλιογραφία. Αποτελεί πεποίθηση του Rousseau ότι η οργάνωση της πολιτείας σε τοπικό επίπεδο δεν μπορεί να ολοκληρωθεί δίχως την ταυτόχρονη ενασχόληση με την οργάνωση της διεθνούς κοινωνίας κρατών, η οποία, αν παραμείνει αρρύθμιστη οδηγεί μάλιστα στην χειρότερη κατάσταση από όλες. Αν η ηθική ολοκλήρωση του ατόμου είναι το πρώτιστο καθήκον εντός μιας συγκεκριμένης πολιτείας, η επίτευξη της
ειρήνης σε διεθνές επίπεδο αποτελεί άρρηκτα συνδεδεμένο στόχο με αυτή, καθώς η πρώτη δεν μπορεί να επιτευχθεί δίχως τη δεύτερη. Μέσα από μια ανασυγκρότηση των επιχειρημάτων του για τον πόλεμο, την ειρήνη και την φύση των κρατών η παρούσα μελέτη θα υποστηρίξει ότι ο Rousseau δεν είναι ούτε πολιτικός ρεαλιστής, ούτε όμως
και ουτοπικός πασιφιστής.

In the current global context of great power competition and while fighting to overcome and recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU has embarked on the ambitious undertaking to redefine itself as a more capable, credible, independent when necessary, defence stakeholder, the EU strategic autonomy process. Throughout this endeavour, it is becoming more and more apparent that one of the more challenging dimensions of the EU strategic autonomy debate is dial of national characters and strategic cultures within the union. The aim of the paper is conceptualizing the strategic culture framework in EU context and to identify both positive and negative factors that carry the potential to influence the formation of an authentic European strategic culture. The final conclusions will assess whether any subsequent actionable policy is in fact possible in the foreseeable future, mainly to what extent an autonomous European strategic culture could act as either a facilitator or inhibitor of EU ...

Özet-Küreselleşme, özellikle güvenlik ve savunma politikaları bağlamında, geleneksel ulusal egemenlik kavramı üzerinde önemli bir etkiye sahip olmuştur. Bu çalışma, küreselleşme bağlamında devlet egemenliğinin değişen karakterini, yeni güvenlik ve savunma paradigmalarının oluşturulmasına odaklanarak incelemektedir. İlgili literatür ve vaka çalışmaları kapsamlı bir şekilde incelenerek bu değişimin ana itici güçleri ve sonuçları ele alınmaktadır. Çalışma, güvenlik ve savunma alanlarında devlet egemenliğinin evrimini etkileyen birçok bağlantılı unsuru ortaya koymaktadır. İlk olarak, ekonomik küreselleşme, devletler arasındaki karşılıklı bağımlılığı artırmış ve geleneksel egemenlik kavramlarının sınırlarını bulanıklaştırmıştır. Sınır ötesi güvenlik endişelerini başarıyla yönetmek için işbirlikçi güvenlik çerçevelerine ve çok taraflı askeri ittifaklara doğru bir eğilim olmuştur. İkinci olarak, özellikle bilgi ve iletişim teknolojilerindeki teknik gelişmeler, devlet dışı aktörlerin yayılmasını hızlandırmış ve bu aktörlerin devlet otoritesini ve egemenliğini yeni yollarla sorgulamalarına olanak sağlamıştır. Bu nedenle, devletler asimetrik tehditler karşısında uyarlanabilir ve çevik savunma taktikleri uygulamaya zorlanmaktadır. Ayrıca, araştırma, uluslararası kurumların ve normların güvenlik sektöründe devlet egemenliği üzerindeki etkisini incelemektedir. Küresel yönetişim sistemlerinin büyümesi ve uluslararası hukuk çerçevelerinin çoğalması, devletlerin güvenlik ve savunma konularında özerkliklerini sınırlamış ve uluslararası normlara ve standartlara artan bir bağlılık zorunluluğunu getirmiştir. Bu sorunlara yanıt olarak, uluslar esneklik ve işbirliğini önceliklendiren yeni güvenlik ve savunma stratejileri uygulamışlardır. Son olarak, bu çalışma, küreselleşmenin güvenlik ve savunma açısından geleneksel ulusal egemenlik kavramını derinden değiştirdiğini ileri sürmektedir. Uluslar, ulusal güvenliği sağlamada önemli bir rol oynamaya devam ederken, modern güvenlik endişelerinin artan karşılıklı bağımlılığı ve karmaşıklığı, değişen küresel dinamikler ışığında egemenliğin yeniden düşünülmesini gerektirmektedir. Devletler, işbirlikçi güvenlik çerçevelerini benimseyerek ve gelişen tehditlere uyum sağlayarak küreselleşmiş güvenlik sahnesinin zorluklarını etkili bir şekilde aşabilirler.

Este documento examina la acelerada innovación institucional de la Unión Europea en seguridad y defensa tras la invasión de Ucrania por Rusia y la creciente incertidumbre transatlántica con la nueva presidencia de Trump. Analiza cómo la UE ha utilizado la flexibilidad del Tratado de Lisboa para introducir nuevos instrumentos, sin cambios formales en el Tratado, empleando un enfoque de ‘superposición’ por capas para abordar carencias urgentes en capacidades de defensa e industria utilizando políticas distintas a la Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa. El estudio destaca los cambios que tratan de pasar de unas políticas nacionales fragmentadas hacia otras más integradas para mejorar la competitividad de la Base Tecnológica e Industrial de Defensa Europea, con mayor adquisición conjunta y la cooperación transfronteriza. La gobernanza sigue siendo objeto de debate, ya que los Estados miembros han de equilibrar la soberanía nacional con una posible tendencia a mayor coordinación y supervisión desde el nivel de la Unión. El realineamiento de las políticas de cohesión e investigación suponen una ‘conversión’ hacia objetivos de defensa, reorientando lo relativo a las tecnologías de doble uso. El documento concluye señalando vías para futuras investigaciones, como la efectividad de la gobernanza híbrida, la posible madurez de los Estados para admitir mayor supervisión multilateral, y el futuro de la coordinación UE-OTAN.

At the time of the Indochina War, two dynamics of French foreign policy collided namely the construction of Europe and the struggle to preserve sovereignty in the Far East. After the pivot towards Europe, France tried to maximize its central place among European partners to Europeanize its Vietnamese policy. The objective was to continue the transition to diplomacy more adapted to French means while presenting to the Vietnamese interlocutors a large-scale partnership throughout the European Community. Through this process, France wished to remain the essential link in the cooperation, which it was otherwise seeking to confine to the intergovernmental level. The common European orientations towards the Vietnamese stakeholders between 1973 and 1975 finally led the Nine into paralysis. This only came to an end with reunification and the proclamation of the Socialist Republique of Việt Nam which allowed the establishment of multiform cooperation.

This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of the European Security and Defence College (ESDC) and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

Foundations of Cybersecurity: Principles, Threats, and Defence Mechanisms offers a comprehensive yet accessible introduction to the essential concepts, evolving threats, and modern defence strategies in the field of cybersecurity. This book provides a unified perspective on core principles such as confidentiality, integrity, and availability (CIA), while exploring a broad range of cyber threats including malware, phishing, ransomware, and insider attacks. It delves into key defence mechanisms like encryption, authentication, access control, intrusion detection systems, and risk management frameworks, bridging theoretical knowledge with practical application. Designed for students, researchers, and professionals alike, the book equips readers with the foundational understanding necessary to navigate and respond to the dynamic cybersecurity landscape.

There is not one explanation for the source of revolutions that took place in late 2010 early 2011 in Arab World. Liberalists argue combination of growing inequality produced revolutionary aspiration. Marxists believe that location of Arab states in the capitalist world system produced the revolt. Some scholars believe these revolts to be a reaction to the rapid growth of social media in the region leading to collective action. Others ascribe them to the emergence of a civil. There are still some other authors who explain these revolutions by reference youth unemployment which fueled uprisings. The research, however, was not questioning why revolutions in Arab countries did happen. What was being investigated, rather, is why they ended up differently in different Arab countries. That is, how dictatorship in some of the Arab countries could be overthrown and give a rise to democracy, e.g. Tunisia, whilst it failed to do so in some other Arab countries leading to civil wars (Syria), military splits, or even humanitarian intervention (Libya). This research advanced four hypotheses derived from different theories. Hypothesis one, which was based on the Third Wave of Immanuel Huntington and Stepan's operationalization, argued that democracy in Arab Spring was more likely to consolidate in states that had experienced three consecutive years of democratic level equal or greater than +4. The second hypotheses derived from Lipset's modernization theory and Przeworski's operationalization, argued that it was economic growth that determined outcomes of the Arab Spring leading to democracy in some countries and to the civil war in some others. The third hypothesis was based on Moore's argument of "no bourgeoisieno democracy" and argued that the larger the number of labor force participants in industry sector, the greater probability of democracy to be achieved. Finally, the fourth hypothesis of this research argued that democracy in Arab Spring was more likely to be achieved in countries where the military had less v incentives to stay loyal to the regime. In order to test these hypotheses, the research applied comparative case studies method and contrasted relevant indicators in the countries in question in the ear of 2011. Additionally, the research questions whether there is correlation between democracy level in Arab World and GDP per capita, Military expenditure, and the number of employment level in industry sector in general. For testing this hypothesis, we applied regression analysis taking the figures in a time range from 1960 to 2016. Due to the lack of data for independent variable in the case of Libya, and lack of variation in dependent variable in this country, we excluded Libya from regression analysis, applying only three of initial cases. The research found out whilst military expenditure and GDP per capita were significant in determination of democracy level in Arab countries throughout the history (since 1960), only military choice affected by rational and moral incentives was significant in determination of the outcome of Arab Spring. Despite the limitations of the research, the findings of it are very interesting, since they reveal that, although there were two crucial variables affecting democracy throughout the history, only one of them remained crucial in 2011.

The rise of digital governance serves as a transformative mechanism which establishes effective and open and all-inclusive public service systems worldwide. The digital transformation of governance systems in Africa requires both necessity and complexity because the region faces infrastructure shortages together with institutional problems and digital illiteracy. The study evaluates the present state of digital governance in African countries by identifying three main obstacles which include inadequate infrastructure together with weak policy frameworks and social inequality. The paper investigates major advantages which arise from mobile technology penetration and youth-driven innovation and regional integration efforts and global best practice lessons. The research uses both literature analysis and regional case studies to determine strategic pathways for African countries to achieve sustainable governance through digital tools. According to the findings policy reform and digital infrastructure investment along with cybersecurity measures and capacity building represent essential elements which lead to successful digital governance. The paper presents practical guidance to build governance systems that will endure challenges and promote fairness throughout the continent while preparing for future developments.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US and Russian Federation relations have been experienced ups and downs. The period of believing the end of long-lasting competition between the two countries after the cold war was too short enough to approve the optimistic analysis of Westerners politicians. The next developments showed quickly the distance between Moscow and Washington's views on issues of international peace and security. On the one hand, Russia's growing concerns about the former republics on its own periphery were intensified by the increasing effects of the Global War on Terrorism. On the other hand, the US growing presence in West Asia, Afghanistan and Iraq, and then Syrian crisis, Iranian nuclear program and deployment of the US Missile Defense System in Europe, prepared the ground for creating more confrontation between them. A decade after the independence of the former Soviet Republics, Russian president, Vladimir Putin, crafted and fixed a pragmatic foreign policy. Dmitry Medvedev, the next President of Russia, put this policy on the path of "reset", which is now facing with complicated problems. However, the question raised by this article is: "What internal, regional or international factors changed the Russian and US relations during Medvedev's presidency? This paper is based on a descriptive-analytic method, and to examine the mechanisms of this change from the Russian point of view, it studies the positions of its experts.

The European Union’s(EU)strategic actorness is facing a unique and direct challenge. The second Trump administration issued a final yet decisive message to the international system – the United States was no longer going to operate as the ‘leader’ of a transatlantic alliance which it believes, for too long, was based on nonreciprocity and American over-extension. As the other highly influential actor in the relationship, the EU faced no other choice than to act. The on-going war in Ukraine was, since its beginning, portrayed in Brussels as a matter of ‘survival’ for European security, with member state support a ‘must’ as opposed to a ‘choice’. However, to this day, the EU remains divided on the matter and has been unable to influence events on the ground in a sufficiently meaningful way. This analysis will propose that, in addition to the policy deviation pursued by members like Hungary and Slovakia, it is in fact the division at the heart of the EU (among key founders and drivers of the project) that has been as influential in weakening its strategic actorness. The analysis will argue that if members are to unite over a consistent, norms-based, and future oriented foreign policy strategy, the Weimar Triangle (composed of Germany, France and Poland) must return as the starting point.

Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Stuifbergen, J. A. M. (2011). Kindsoldaten in conflictgebieden wereldwijd. Tijdschrift voor Criminologie, 2011(53), 363-384. [4]. Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim.

This article analyzes the initiatives of Chilean President Gabriel González Videla (1946-1952) in favor of the price of bolivian tin in the 1950s as a consequence of a vision that, in the economic sphere, contained critical elements of Washington’s relationship with the South American countries. The novelty of this position is that it contradicts the historiographic consensus on the conflicting nature of relations between Chile and Bolivia and also nuances the idea that Gonzalez Videla’s political alignment should be extended to the field economic. Este artículo analiza las iniciativas del Presidente chileno Gabriel González Videla (1946-1952) en favor del precio del estaño boliviano en los años 50 como consecuencia de una visión que, en lo económico contenía elementos críticos de la relación de Washington con los países sudamericanos. Lo novedoso de esta posición es que contradice el consenso historiográfico acerca de la naturaleza conflictiva de las relaciones entre Chile y Bolivi...

L’affirmation d’une ambition russe en Afrique, et notamment en Afrique de l’Est, est devenue manifeste depuis deux ans meme si on peut la voir prendre forme des le milieu des annees 2000 et plus nettement encore a partir de 2014. La Russie opere de facon tres differente en comparaison avec la Chine ou avec d’autres pays emergents. Elle vend des armes (tout comme l’Union sovietique) et s’interesse essentiellement aux ressources minieres et energetiques en cultivant sa difference avec les Etats occidentaux. Elle entend ainsi apparaitre comme une puissance globale et non plus regionale, qui en coordination avec la Chine peut fournir une solution alternative au systeme d’alliances et de normes diplomatiques occidentales.