Classical Studies

A passagem final do Panatenaico ( § § 200-73) apresenta uma cena de uma conversa entre Isócrates e um dos seus discípulos, situação que teria precedido a publicação do texto, consistindo na única ocorrência de diálogo dentro do corpus dos oradores áticos. Este artigo propõe um exame dessa passagem final a partir de sua forma, tentando mostrar quais são as consequências do emprego do diálogo em um texto que se apresenta como a fala de um orador. Para tanto, proceder-se-á a uma comparação do discurso com obra daquele que foi o principal do cultor do diálogo em prosa na Grécia antiga -Platão. Para se estabelecer a comparação, escolheu-se o Fedro, não somente por ele conter excurso discutindo o valor da escrita quando comparada à dialética, mas também porque Isócrates é especialmente visado por esse texto, que termina com o elogio de Sócrates ao autor.

A passagem final do Panatenaico ( § § 200-73) apresenta uma cena de uma conversa entre Isócrates e um dos seus discípulos, situação que teria precedido a publicação do texto, consistindo na única ocorrência de diálogo dentro do corpus dos oradores áticos. Este artigo propõe um exame dessa passagem final a partir de sua forma, tentando mostrar quais são as consequências do emprego do diálogo em um texto que se apresenta como a fala de um orador. Para tanto, proceder-se-á a uma comparação do discurso com obra daquele que foi o principal do cultor do diálogo em prosa na Grécia antiga -Platão. Para se estabelecer a comparação, escolheu-se o Fedro, não somente por ele conter excurso discutindo o valor da escrita quando comparada à dialética, mas também porque Isócrates é especialmente visado por esse texto, que termina com o elogio de Sócrates ao autor.

The Roman general Vespasian is regarded as a military genius of low origins who put down the revolt in Judea to bring a measure of peace to the Roman Empire. But evidence has been provided by the late Guy Edward Farquhar Chilver, Professor of Classical Studies, showing Vespasian’s revolt and rise did not begin with undisciplined and dissatisfied soldiers, as claimed in The Jewish War, but was orchestrated from the top.  A large part of his success was due to the support he received from members of the Herodian royal family (Agrippa II and his sister Berenice) and a man called Tiberius Julius Alexander. The investigation here expands on the above argument and the evidence will show that Vespasian was not of low origins but was in fact of royal Herodian blood.

This article belongs to the celebratory issue of BICS on its seventieth anniversary. It reviews the article of Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood published in BICS 32 (1985). I discuss the main points raised in her article about the representation of palm-trees with altars and parthenoi on Attic vases, as well as trace trends and developments of this topic in subsequent research.

This article maps the presence of the Greek goddess Hestia at Delphi, focusing on three kinds of sources: literature, inscriptions, and architectural sculpture. While the sacred hearth of Delphi burning inside Apollo's temple comes up frequently in scholarship, Hestia as a personified goddess is rarely mentioned and her presence at Delphi has not been analyzed until now. This silence is due to Hestia's ambiguous nature, which fluctuates between the thing after which she is named (the hearth) and the anthropomorphic goddess. Even at Delphi, where Hestia's aniconic role as the hearth is strong, she also appears in anthropomorphic form.

Homeros'un İlyada ve Odysseia destanları, Batı edebiyatının temel metinleri olarak yüzyıllardır farklı dillere çevrilmiş, her dönemin estetik ve kültürel anlayışına göre yeniden yorumlanmıştır. Homeros'un destanlarının Latinceye çevrilmesi, Roma döneminde metinlerin Avrupa edebiyatına girişini sağlamıştır. Rönesans'la birlikte Yunanca aslından yapılan çeviriler hız kazanmış; özellikle İngilizce, Fransızca ve Almanca çeviriler klasik filolojinin gelişmesinde büyük rol oynamıştır. 18. ve 19. yüzyıllarda yapılan düzyazı çeviriler metinlerin akademik incelenmesine katkı sağlarken, şiirsel çeviriler (örneğin Alexander Pope'un İngilizce çevirileri) edebî etkileri genişletmiştir. Günümüzde destanların farklı yaklaşımlarla (düz çeviri, uyarlama, serbest şiirsel aktarım) çok sayıda modern dilde çevirisi bulunur. Osmanlı döneminde Homeros doğrudan çevrilmemiş, ancak Batı dillerinden yapılan aktarmalar aracılığıyla tanınmaya başlanmıştır. Cumhuriyet'in ilk yıllarında Yunanca aslından Türkçeye çeviriler başlamış, özellikle 20. yüzyılın ikinci yarısından itibaren destanların bilimsel ve edebî nitelikli Türkçe çevirileri yapılmıştır. Azra Erhat ve A. Kadir'in 20. yüzyıl ortasındaki şiirsel çevirileri, Homeros'u Türk okuyucusuyla geniş ölçekte buluşturan ilk büyük girişim olmuştur. Daha sonraki dönemlerde çeşitli filologlar ve çevirmenler tarafından yeni edisyonlar, düz yazı ve şiirsel çeviri denemeleri yayımlanmıştır. Homeros'un eserlerinin çeviri tarihi, yalnızca bir dil aktarımı değil, aynı zamanda her toplumun kendi edebî anlayışını, estetik ölçülerini ve kültürel önceliklerini yansıtan bir süreçtir. Her çeviri, destanların yorumunu dönemin dil zevkine ve dünya görüşüne göre yeniden şekillendirmiştir. Bu araştırmada Homeros çeviri geleneği perspektifinden E. Gören'in İlyada Destanı çevirisi incelenmekte, ama aynı zamanda yapay zekanın özellikle çevirideki etkisi örneklerle ele alınmaktadır.

Проанализирована кандидатская диссертация Л. М. Осипова «Вооружённые силы Римской империи на Черноморье (I–III вв. н. э)». Диссертант, закончивший Императорский Московский университет в 1912 г. и не имевший с тех пор опыта научной работы, спустя 30 лет после окончания университета представил на диспут свою диссертацию. Получившийся труд включал в себя две как бы независимые части. Одна часть отражала представления выпускника дореволюционного университета – была фактографической и не несла отпечатка идеологии. Другая же являлась скорее иллюстрацией выдвинутых в военное время пропагандистских положений, которые предполагали неизбежность поражения фашизма и возвеличивание героического прошлого советского народа. Двойственный характер диссертации объясняется двуэтапностью процесса написания работы, в ходе которой у Л. М. Осипова сменился и научный руководитель, а также началась война.

I thought it would be interesting to have a look at one room in the courtyard house and an aspect of male life that reflects the new idea of democracy. It shows how a man's position was reflected in the actions he took in certain circumstances, in this case in the holding of a symposium in the andron.

Article Info This research examines the political-military relations between Assyria and Pars (Parsua, Achaemenid Anshan). The term "Pars" first appears in Assyrian annals during the campaign of Shalmaneser III to Zagros in 836 BCE, which mention a land and people called Parsua (Parsuash, Parshuash) in the region of Kurdistan and Kermanshah. This king plundered Parsua again in 835-834 BCE. Under his successors, including Shamshi-Adad V, Queen Semiramis, Adad-nirari III, Shalmaneser IV, Ashur-dan III, Ashur-nirari IV, Tiglath-Pileser III, and Sargon II, significant relations were maintained with other Zagros peoples, especially the Medes, indicating ongoing ties with Parsua. Tiglath-Pileser III campaigned against Parsua in 744 BCE and subjugated it. Sargon II's campaigns in 716-712 BCE ended Assyrian relations with Parsua. The Persians migrated around 700 BCE to Elam (Anshan) and became known as Parsumash (Achaemenid Anshan). Under Achaemenes and his successors (Teispes and Cyrus I), Parsumash had important relations with Assyria, especially during the reigns of Sennacherib (Battle of Halule in 692 BCE) and Ashurbanipal (after Assyria's defeat of Elam in 640-639 BCE). The Persians also played a major role in the Median coalition against Assyria (614-605 BCE), which led to the fall of the Assyrian Empire. The main question is: when and under what designations can the political-military relations between Assyria and Pars be outlined? It is concluded that these relations occurred in two phases: 1. Assyria and Parsua (836-700 BCE), and 2. Assyria and Parsumash (Achaemenid Anshan, 700-605 BCE. History

In this paper I shall examine the importance of a woman being placed as the voice of Apollo in ancient Greece’s most famous oracular site at Delphi, and how this contrasted with the long-held theory of ‘oriental seclusion’ that where women historically had been seen as isolated and secluded in their homes.  By tracing the theory of ‘oriental seclusion’ I will show that it was a misguided product of the time it was written, the 17th to the 19th centuries, and how modern scholars have only recently started to address the above contradiction.
By analysing the role of the Delphic Oracle as the voice that replied to many questions regarding statesmanship, I discuss how the Pythia helped the polis to develop its new idea of democracy by giving ambiguous oracles that encouraged discussion and philosophy.  I shall also analyse the wife’s place in the home, her importance as the central figure  year after year with her in maintaining this home through her knowledge of running a smallholding and it importance, and also her understanding of religious rituals making it spiritually secure, in the prothesis.
Also I will analysis the reality of her position in society.  I have used the term ‘perception vs reality’ to understand that one was opposite to the other and that the perception we have of the Athenian wife was dependent on ‘oriental seclusion’ and the cherry-picking of certain elements of texts.  By looking at other areas of texts and archaeology; for example plays, funerary monuments and images of the prothesis, we can also see that in reality the Athenian wife was given freedom to go out and about getting on with her role as a domestic manager.
My aim is to show that the Delphic Oracle represented women as a whole in Greek society.  This representation meant that she, along with all other women, could be considered the lynch pin that connected religion and the oikos and the polis in the uncertain times of famine, war and disease and that woman’s position in society was paramount to the survival and future of the oikos and polis.

This paper builds on earlier efforts which identified Sanskrit as a structural substrate beneath Linear B. Building on that experiment, this proposal asserts that Linear A may encode phonological suspension comparable to those governed in Sanskrit phonology by sandhi. To test this, sandhi will be applied to the widely attested Linear A phrase JA-SA-SA-RA-ME. Conversely, the inverse process will be applied to the Sanskrit sequence Jaya Śrī Rāma. Regrettably, this test for irregularity showed that irregularity was likely built into the test itself.

ସଂ􀅁ି􀆌ସାର
ଇେକାେଫମିନିଜି􀇡 ବା ପରିେବଶ ନାରୀବାଦ , ଏକ ବହୁମୁଖୀ ରାଜେନୖତିକ ଓ େବୗ􀅶କ ଦଶ􀆽ନ ଯାହା ନାରୀବାଦ ଏବଂ ପରିେବଶ
ସମ􀈴􀆆ୀୟ ଚି􀅽ାଧାରାକୁ ଏକ􀇿 କେର ।ଲି􀅏, ପରିେବଶ ଏବଂ ସାମାଜିକ ନ􀈻ାୟ ମ􀅼େର ଜଟିଳ ସ􀆓କର􀆽 ଅନୁସ􀆆ାନ କେର | ଏହ ି ତ􀅭
ସାମାଜକି ଢା􀅙ା ଓ ସଂରଚନାକୁ ସମାେଲାଚନା କେର ଯାହା ଉଭୟ ମହଳି ା ଏବଂ 􀈄କୃତ ି ଉପେର 􀈄ାଧାନ􀈻 େଦଇଥାଏ । ମହଳି ା, ଦଳତି
େଗା􀆪ୀ ଏବଂ ପରିେବଶର ପର􀆶ର ସହ ଜଡିତ ଅତ􀈻ାଚାରକୁ 􀆸ୀକୃତି େଦଇଥାଏ | ଇେକାେଫମିନିଜିମର ଐତିହାସିକ ବିକାଶ, 􀈄ମୁଖ
ନୀତ,ି ଏବଂ ବ􀈻ବହାରିକ 􀈄େୟାଗକୁ ବେି 􀆥ଷଣ କରି, ଏହ ି 􀈄ବ􀆆ଟ ି ବଭି ି􀆊 􀈄ସ􀅏େର ପରେି ବଶର ଅବ􀅁ୟ ଏବଂ ଲି􀅏ଗତ
ଅସମାନତା କପି ରି ଅ􀅽ନହ􀇃 ତି ଭାବେର ଜଡତି ତାହା ଅନୁସ􀆆ାନ କରିଛ ି | 􀆳ାୟୀ ଜୀବନଯାପନ, ପରିେବଶ ନ􀈻ାୟ ଏବଂ ମହଳି ା
ସଶ􀄽ିକରଣ ପାଇଁ ଓକଲି ାତ ି କରବି ାେର ପରିେବଶ ନାରୀବାଦର ଭୂ ମିକା ଉପେର ଏହ ି 􀈄ବ􀆆େର ଦଶା􀆽 ଯାଇଛ।ି କଛି ି 􀈄ମଖୁ ଉଦାହରଣ
ଏବଂ ବା􀆱ବ ବି􀆤ର ଉଦାହରଣ ମା􀅼ମେର, ଜଳବାୟୁ ପରିବ􀅧􀆽ନ, ସଂଶାଧନର େଶାଷଣ ଏବଂ ସାମାଜିକ ଅସମାନତା ଭଳି ସମସ􀈻ାର
ମୁକାବଲି ା କରବି ାେର ପରିେବଶ ନାରୀବାଦର ବ􀆤ି 􀆱ରୀୟ 􀈄ାସ􀅏ିକତାକୁ ଦଶ􀆽ାଇଛ ି | 􀈄ବ􀆆େର େଜାର ଦଆି ଯାଇଛ ି େଯ ମହଳି ା ଏବଂ
􀈄କୃତରି ମ􀄽ୁ ି ଅବେି 􀅒ଦ􀈻, ସାମାଜକି -ପରେି ବଶ ନ􀈻ାୟର ଏକ ନୂତନ ସ􀆓କ􀆽ର ଆେଲାଚନା କରବି ା ଏବଂ ଏହ ି ଗୁଡ଼କି େର
ମେନାନେି ବଶ କରବି ା, ଭାରତେର ପରେି ବଶ ନାରୀବାଦ ର ବଭି ି􀆊 ଦଗି ଯା􀅙 କରବି ା ଏବଂ ଏହ ି ଅ􀅽ନହ􀇃 ତି ଆହ􀈴ାନ ର ସମାଧାନ ପାଇଁ
ରଣନୀତି 􀈄􀆱ାବ େଦବା।
ଏଠ ି ବାରମା􀈴 ର ପରିେବଶ ନାରୀବାଦ ବଦଳେର ଇେକାେଫମିନଜି 􀇡ି ଶ􀆑 ବ􀈻ବାହାର କରାଯାଇଛ ି ।
􀈄ମୁଖ

Το 1444 στη Νυρεμβέργη της Γερμανίας ο Σενέζος ουμανιστής Enea Silvio Piccolomini, ο μετέπειτα Πάπας Πίος Β’, ακολουθώντας τα ίχνη των μεγάλων Λατίνων συγγραφέων, συνθέτει τη λατινική κωμωδία Chrysis. Το συγκεκριμένο έργο ανήκει στην παραγωγή της Λόγιας Ουμανιστικής Κωμωδίας, η οποία έχει ως πρότυπο την Ρωμαϊκή Κωμωδία ελληνικού τύπου, γνωστή ως fabula palliata. Το ιδιότυπο αυτό θεατρικό είδος αναπτύσσεται στον ιταλικό χώρο στην περίοδο του Ουμανισμού, από τα τέλη του 14ου αιώνα ως τα τέλη του 15ου. Δύο από τους κεντρικούς πρωταγωνιστές της Chrysis είναι οι κληρικοί Dyophanes και Theobolus. Στόχος της παρούσας εργασίας είναι η παρουσίαση των δύο προσώπων και η ανίχνευση των προσλήψεων στη δράση τους τους από τη Ρωμαϊκή Κωμωδία.

This volume is intended not only as a present for Mogens Herman Hansen on his sixtieth birthday, but also as a way of thanking him for his significant contribution to the field of Greek history over the past thirty-two years. For that reason the first person whom we, the editorial team, should like to include in our acknowledgement is the honorand himself. As his former students and present colleagues, all three of us have experienced Mogens' approachability and enthusiasm at close quarters. Even while still undergraduates we knew that a knock at his door would never be resented, and that he would always be ready to answer our questions, be they trivial or intricate. As a colleague and director of the Copenhagen Polis Centre he is providing a stimulating working environment, which is also full of personal warmth. One thing is certain: working with Mogens on a daily basis may be a breath-taking experience at umes; but it is never dull. Above all, we should like to thank Mogens for being not only an inspiring teacher, scholar and colleague but also a generous and faithful friend, who is always there for those who need him. Thus we offer him this Festschnft as a small token of our appreciation of his kindness and unfailing loyalty as a friend. The themes of the present volume, Polis and Politics, represent Mogens' two main areas of research; and the wide range of questions addressed by the individual chapters is in itself a testimony to the range of Mogens' own scholarship. Moreover, the number of participants in this project reflects Mogens' qualities as a colleague who, throughout his career, has managed to combine a high level of professional activity with an outstanding willingness to help and to collaborate with others. Mogens' own kindness and generosity is undoubtedly one important reason why we as editors have been met with a similar warmth, kindness, and helpful attitude from all the persons who have agreed to contribute to the Festschnft in his honour. All have been very receptive to suggestions from our referees; and we should like to express our gratitude to all the authors, whose collaborative spirit and patience have made the job of editing this Festschrift a very pleasurable one. Numerous people have offered us invaluable assistance at various stages of the editorial process. We owe our greatest debt to Prof.

In the 1st c. AD, Albinus, the son of Chaerea, an inhabitant of the northern province of Lusitania, erected an inscribed altar dedicated to the patron gods of his city. The inscription combined the local language with Latin, employing the former for the names of the deities and the latter for the name of the dedicator and the votive formula 4 . It could be argued that this bilingualism is a marginal phenomenon or characteristic of a peripheral province, indicative of an early stage of Latinisation and "Romanisation", yet conservative in its customs. However, such a phenomenon was widespread across the ancient world. Let us entertain a hypothetical scenario in which Albinus emigrates to Rome. In the bustling streets of the imperial capital,

Revelation as the Way Home III. Odyssean Perspectives IV. Structure of Odysseus' Odyssey V. Odysseus' Concern for Justice VI. The Crux of the Odyssey VII. Odysseus' Return to Ithaka I. So, when Odysseus washes up on the craggy shores of distant Scheria, he is a no-body; he is a man without a history, or at least we can say his story has not yet been told. What he once was long ago at Troy he has ceased to be. He is no longer a great warrior or a captain of men at war, contending for honor and glory among other heroes, like Achilles, Hector and Agamemnon. Nor is he a god, although that inviting offer has been made to him, and rejected. He washes up ashore, helpless and dependent upon the gods and the locals for assistance. He is like a new-born, needing clothes and shelter and sustenance. He must become human again, after years of being stuck in a liminal space somewhere between mortal and immortal, on an unknown island hidden deep in the navel of a vast undifferentiated sea. Before he can return "home" (whatever that means) Odysseus must first strive to know himself -for a genuine home-coming is not possible if he does not know who he is. To understand the meaning of the stories told by Odysseus in the books assigned for today and his emergence within and through them, we must reflect on the problem of concealment, or oblivion. The Human Situation: Antiquity Gish

This book explores the application of glocalization theory in the context of Roman archaeology. Chapters range across social and economic connectivity, architecture and construction, trade, iconography, art and agricultural production and apply glocalization in different ways. Such a diverse range of topics and approaches provokes further consideration of glocalization as an analytical tool that can generate new perspectives in Roman archaeology and history.
Glocalization has become increasingly influential in archaeology in recent years. The Roman world is particularly well-suited to develop this concept. Global phenomena did not simply generate local responses, but instigated adaptations and modifications of these forces to fit local customs, contexts or beliefs. The ability of glocalization as a concept to move fluidly between scales enables discussion of highly localized (micro-scale) developments in funerary architecture, interior décor or agricultural production, through to transregional (macro-scale) responses in the design of forums or economic infrastructure. This book asks, for example, whether local customs and materials shaped the adoption and adaptation of imperial innovations, and if highly interconnected regions responded to changing global networks intentionally. By using glocalization as an analytical tool we can acknowledge multiple agencies and multi-scalar interactions to visualize global-local relationships and the development of bespoke local forms across the different territories of the Roman world.

This paper examines the contrasting leadership styles of Gnaeus Julius Agricola, the principled Roman governor of Britain (77-84 AD), and Emperor Nero, whose reign (54-68 AD) exemplifies the dangers of unchecked power and personal indulgence. Through a comprehensive analysis of their governance methods, economic strategies, military actions, and historical legacies, this study identifies ten fundamental principles of effective leadership that remain relevant for contemporary governance and urban planning. The research demonstrates how Agricola's focus on economic development, military strategy, and territorial integration stands in stark contrast to Nero's self-serving policies, political misjudgments, and crisis mismanagement. These historical examples provide valuable insights for modern leaders, educators, and policymakers seeking to understand the foundations of responsible governance and sustainable development. The paper contributes to leadership studies by bridging ancient Roman governance practices with contemporary public administration principles, offering practical lessons for 21st-century challenges in urban development, crisis management, and civic engagement.

O volume apresenta a tradução integral, realizada diretamente do texto sânscrito, do célebre episódio de Śakuntalā́ (pronuncia-se “Xacuntalá”), que se desdobra entre os capítulos 62 e 69 do Adiparvan (“O Livro das Origens”), o livro inaugural do Mahābhā́rata. Nesta narrativa fundadora, emoldurada pela vibrante paisagem natural indiana, desenrola-se a jornada amorosa de Śakuntalā́ e do rei Duḥṣanta (pronuncia-se “Durchanta”). Mais do que um simples romance, a trama explora temas de profunda ressonância universal, como o conflito entre o dever (dharma) e o desejo (kāma), a falibilidade da memória e a busca pela verdade e justiça. Do enlace dos protagonistas nasce o príncipe Bhárata, cuja linhagem dará origem ao próprio nome da Índia (em hindi: भारत, Bhā́rat) e à sua mais ilustre dinastia.

The panel discussion focuses on three main topics. The first section concerns the variae lectiones εὐκλεῶς/εὐκόλως in the opening of the Evagoras: Marianna A. Nardi, Simone Corvasce and Albrecht Ziebuhr debate this textual problem providing a rich and original selection of parallels, respectively from Plato's Phaedo, Pindar's Epinician Odes, John Chrysostom's Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles and his Homilies on Paul's Letter to the Philippians. The second section is focused on the relevance of the indirect tradition for the constitutio textus of Isocrates; Nardi investigates the philological and ecdotic process of choosing between direct and indirect lectiones when they are both plausible; Ziebuhr provides some insights on the role of contamination in Isocrates' tradition. The last part of the discussion is devoted to the possible circulation of corpuscula of Isocrates' speeches. This section also includes Stefano Martinelli Tempesta's and Mauro Tulli's contributions to the debate. Marianna A. Nardi. Filologia e critica letteraria. Un confronto con la morte di Socrate (Platone, Fedone, 117 c3-5) Ringrazio molto la Professoressa Vallozza per il contributo proposto. Vorrei anzitutto affrontare il problema della variante εὐκλεῶς/εὐκόλως nel proemio dell'Evagora a partire da alcune considerazioni generali sulla prassi dell'encomio, cercando poi di inquadrare l'apporto della critica letteraria per il lavoro dell'editore attorno alla constitutio textus. La variante εὐκλεῶς/εὐκόλως viene discussa da Alexiou (2010: 70), che offre un numeroso elenco di loci paralleli e riconosce nella sequenza ἀποθνῄσκειν εὐκλεῶς un Epitaphientopik presente già in Lisia, Tucidide, Demostene. Emerge, se osserviamo la pagina di Alexiou, la presenza massiccia della sequenza ἀποθνῄσκειν εὐκλεῶς proprio nel genere dell'oratoria, con un lessico vicino, seppur non del tutto sovrapponibile, alla produzione di Isocrate. È possibile riconoscere un tratto tipico del discorso di lode, in piena analogia anche con la produzione poetica arcaica: ad esempio, non è distante la bella morte che Tirteo

ଲୋକସାହିତ୍ୟର ବିଭିନ୍ନ ବିଭବ ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଲୋକୋକ୍ତି ବା ଲୋକବାଣୀ ସ୍ୱତନ୍ତ୍ର। ବିଶ୍ୱର ବିଭିନ୍ନ କଥିତ ସାହିତ୍ୟରେ ବହୁ ପ୍ରାଚୀନ କାଳରୁ ଆଦ୍ୟାବଧି ଏହାର ଗୁରୁତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ଭୂମିକା ରହିଆସିଛି। ଭାରତ ତଥା ଓଡ଼ିଶାରେ ମଧ୍ୟ ଲୋକୋକ୍ତିର ବ୍ୟବହାର ବହୁମାତ୍ରାରେ ଦେଖିବାକୁ ମିଳିଥାଏ। ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଉତ୍ତର, ଦକ୍ଷିଣ, ପୂର୍ବ ପରି ପଶ୍ଚିମାଞ୍ଚଳରେ ମଧ୍ୟ ସାଧାରଣ ଗ୍ରାମ୍ୟ ଜନତାର ମୁଖେମୁଖେ ଏହା ପ୍ରଚଳିତ। ଏହି ଅଞ୍ଚଳର ଲୋକ କଥିତ ଭାଷାକୁ ସମ୍ବଲପୁରୀ ଭାଷା ବୋଲି କୁହାଯାଇ ଥାଏ। ଏହା ମାନକ ଭାଷା ଓଡ଼ିଆର ଏକ ଉପଭାଷା ଅଟେ। ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଅନ୍ୟାନ୍ୟ ଉପଭାଷା ପରି ସମ୍ବଲପୁରୀ ଭାଷାର ମଧ୍ୟ ସ୍ୱାତନ୍ତ୍ର୍ୟ ରହିଛି। ତେଣୁ ଏହି ଭାଷାରେ ପ୍ରଚଳିତ ଥିବା ଅନେକ ଲୁପ୍ତପ୍ରାୟ ଲୋକୋକ୍ତି ବା ଲୋକବାଣୀକୁ ଲୋକଲୋଚନକୁ ଆଣିବା ଓ ଏହାର ସ୍ୱାତନ୍ତ୍ର୍ୟ ପ୍ରତିପାଦନ କରିବା ହେଉଛି ଏହି ନିବନ୍ଧର ମୁଖ୍ୟ ଆଭିମୁଖ୍ୟ।

ସାହିତ୍ୟ, ସମୟାନୁସାରି ସାମାଜିକ ଜଳଛବି। ସାହିତ୍ୟର ପଥ ଦେଇ ଆଜି ଆମେ ଆମ ଅତୀତର ଏକ ପ୍ରାରୂପକୁ ଦେଖିବାର ସୁଯୋଗ ଲାଭ କରିପାରୁଛେ। ବାସ୍ତବରେ ସାହିତ୍ୟ କେବଳ ସର୍ଜନାତ୍ମକ କଳାକର୍ମ ନୁହେଁ; ଏହା ଆମ ସାମାଜିକ ଓ ସଂସ୍କୃତିକ ଇତିହାସ ମଧ୍ୟ। ଯାହାକୁ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ମାର୍ଗ ଦେଇ ସ୍ରଷ୍ଟା ଭିନ୍ନ ରୂପରେ ସଂରକ୍ଷଣ ଦିଏ। ଅନୁରୂପ ପ୍ରୟାସ ଆଧୁନିକ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ଏକ ପ୍ରମୁଖ ଦିଗ। ଏଠାରେ ସ୍ପଷ୍ଟ କରିଦିଆ ଯାଇପାରେ ଯେ, ସାହିତ୍ୟରେ ଏହି ଇତିହାସ ବା କିମ୍ବଦନ୍ତୀକୁ ଯଦିଓ ପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣତଃ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରା ନ ଯାଇ ଏହା ସହ ସର୍ଜନା ଯୋଡ଼ି ଦିଆଯାଇଛି। ତଥାପି ଏହାର ଅଧ୍ୟୟନ ଆମ ସାହିତ୍ୟପାଇଁ ଗୌରବର ପରିଚାୟକ।

ନୟାଗଡ଼ ଏକ ଦେଶୀୟ ରାଜ୍ୟ। ଛବିଶ ଗଡ଼ଜାତ ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଅନ୍ୟତମ। ଲୋକମୁଖରେ ‘ନବଦୁର୍ଗ’, ‘ନୂଆଗଡ଼’, ‘ଗଡ଼’। ଗଡ଼ଜାତ ମିଶ୍ରଣପରେ ୧୮୪୮ ମସିହାରେ, ଏହା ଆଧୁନିକ ଓଡ଼ିଶା ସହିତ ମିଶିଗଲା। ସେତେବେଳେ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଜିଲ୍ଲା ସଂଖ୍ୟା ତେର ଏବଂ ନୟାଗଡ଼ ପୁରୀ ଜିଲ୍ଲାର ଅଂଶ। ଏହି ଅଞ୍ଚଳ ବିବିଧ ସଂସ୍କୃତିକ ବିଭବରେ ବର୍ଣ୍ଣାଢ୍ୟ । ନୟାଗଡ଼ରେ ବଞ୍ଚୁଥିବା ବିଭିନ୍ନ ଜାତି ଓ ସଂଗୋଷ୍ଠୀର ମଣିଷମାନଙ୍କ ଜୀବନଚର୍ଯା କିପରି ସ୍ୱତନ୍ତ୍ର ଓ ମିଶ୍ର ତାହାର ସ୍ୱରୂପ ସଂପର୍କରେ ଅବଗାହନ ଓ ସାମାଜିକ ଓ ସଂସ୍କୃତିକ ଦୃଷ୍ଟିରେ ସେସବୁର ମୂଲ୍ୟାୟନ ଦିଗରେ ଉକ୍ତ ଆଲୋଚନାରେ ପ୍ରୟାସ କରାଯାଇଛି। ଯାହା ନୟାଗଡ଼ ମାଟିର ବୈଭବ ଓ ସ୍ୱାତନ୍ତ୍ର୍ୟର ପରିଚାୟକ।

ଆଧୁନିକ ଓଡ଼ିଆ କବିତା ବିଭିନ୍ନ ଭାବ ପ୍ରସ୍ଥକୁ ଆତ୍ମସ୍ଥ କରି ଗତିଶୀଳ କବିତାର ଆତ୍ମିକ ଉପାଦାନ ଭାବରେ କେତେବେଳେ ସମୟ ସଚେତନତା, ମୃତ୍ୟୁ ଚେତନା, ବିଭୁଚେତନା, ଆଦି ସ୍ଥାନ ପାଇଥିବା ବେଳେ ଅନ୍ୟତମ ଶକ୍ତିଶାଳୀ ଭାବପକ୍ଷ ଭାବରେ ମୁଁ’ତ୍ୱ ଭାବ ବା ଆତ୍ମକୈନ୍ଦ୍ରିକ (Self-centered) ଭାବ ସ୍ଥାନିତ ହୋଇ କବିତାର ଶ୍ରୀ ବୃଦ୍ଧିରେ ସହାୟକ ହୋଇଛି। ସ୍ୱପ୍ନ, ହତାଶା, ବ୍ୟର୍ଥତା, ନିଃସଙ୍ଗତା, ରୁକ୍ଷ ବାସ୍ତବତା, ଆଧ୍ୟାତ୍ମିକ ଜିଜ୍ଞାସା ଆଦି ଭାବକୁ କବି କାବ୍ୟ ନାୟକର ସହାୟତାରେ ମୁଁ’ତ୍ୱର ପ୍ରତୀକାତ୍ମକ ଆବେଗ ସାହାଯ୍ୟରେ ପ୍ରକାଶ କରିଛି। ଉକ୍ତ ନିବନ୍ଧଟି ସେସବୁର ଏକ ପରିଚୟାତ୍ମକ ଉପସ୍ଥାପନା ମାତ୍ର।

Poppaea Sabina, the second wife of Emperor Nero, was posthumously granted a state cult (Suet. Nero 35.3; Tac. Annals XVI. 21.2). In Roman Egypt, the notion of her deification was reflected in a Greek poem (P.Oxy.LXXVII 5105), wherein it is described that the deceased Poppaea was transported to the heavens in a chariot by the goddess Aphrodite. This narrative reinforced the declaration that Emperor Nero, who had deified his wife, thereby conferring upon her a divine favor, was himself "equal to the gods." The idea of Poppaea’s apotheosis is deeply rooted in the Ptolemaic traditions of queenly deification. The present study seeks to address several key questions: What Egyptian religious beliefs may have shaped the imagery surrounding the apotheosis of Nero's wife? How were these concepts integrated into the religious system of Roman Egypt? Furthermore, what factors may have contributed to the legitimation of the Roman emperor's power and the manifestation of local loyalty?

The depiction of Poppaea’s ascension in a chariot not only signifies her apotheosis, but also aligns her with the goddess Aphrodite. Following her death, Poppaea Sabina was venerated as Aphrodite-Venus (Dio Cass. LXIII. 26.3), whose Egyptian counterpart was Isis-Hathor. This iconography was mirrored in the Alexandrian coinage, where Poppaea was depicted with iconographic traits of Demeter-Isis, while Nero himself was portrayed with solar attributes associated with the gods Helios and Ra. The portrayal of Poppaea with characteristics of Isis-Demeter indicates a linkage between the newly deified figure and the fertility motifs (Tac. Annals XV. 23.3), as well as the virtues of the emperor. These allegorical representations of imperial virtues were also inscribed on coins from Alexandria, where the iconography of Poppaea was shown to correspond with depictions of the emperor’s virtues.

The connection between Poppaea’s image and the virtues of the emperor, which might be paralleled in Egyptian religious thought by the concept of Ma’at—the principle of cosmic and social order—helped to convey to the Egyptian populace the legitimacy of the emperor's rule. The emperor was understood as a bearer of divine order, the enforcer of Ma’at, and the embodiment of Pax Romana. It is crucial to note that the imagery of Poppaea’s ascension by Aphrodite finds an Egyptian parallel in which the goddess Isis raises the soul of the deceased king to the heavens (Pyr. 379c). Moreover, the comparison of Poppaea to Aphrodite is reflective of Egyptian customs wherein deceased royal women were associated with the figures of Hathor-Isis in the tombs of Roman Egypt.

Thus, the conceptualization of Poppaea Sabina’s ascension to the heavens is firmly rooted in Egyptian religious traditions, intertwining themes of fertility, imperial virtues, and the assertion of Ma’at, which the emperor was seen to uphold, alongside the broader ideology of Pax Romana. This fusion of Egyptian religious thought with imperial Roman propaganda underscores the ways in which imperial power was represented and legitimized in the diverse cultural context of Roman Egypt.

O escopo do presente artigo consiste em analisar a interpretação de Leo Strauss, contida em seu ensaio "Notes on Lucretius", do poema De Rerum Natura de Lucrécio, a fim de evidenciar como o filósofo teuto-americano compreende a crítica da religião e o problema da verdade no epicurismo. Nosso ponto de partida é a observação da concepção tipicamente straussiana do epicurismo como um motivo universal da natureza humana, voltado para a busca da felicidade (εύδαιμονία) neste mundo e requerendo, para a sua realização, a crítica sistemática da religião, concebida como uma fonte de medo e ilusão. A partir disso, procuraremos mostrar de que forma, de acordo com Strauss, essa crítica é elaborada, em Lucrécio, de modo radical, mas ambivalente, na medida em que o poeta romano determina a religião tanto como um obstáculo à felicidade quanto como uma proteção psíquica contra o terror cósmico de um universo infinito e indiferente. Avançando nessa abordagem, trataremos de ver então como Strauss interpreta o recurso de Lucrécio à poesia como um estratagema literário que, objetivando inicialmente tornar a verdade filosófica, por natureza repulsiva e dolorosa, mais acessível a todos, acaba por trazer à tona os limites do projeto epicurista de emancipação universal. À guisa de conclusão, ressaltaremos a visão straussiana de que, no De Rerum Natura, a tensão entre a verdade filosófica e as necessidades morais e psicológicas humanas permanece insolúvel, o que distinguiria, para Strauss, o epicurismo lucreciano do otimismo da Ilustração moderna.

In the article the images from the tombs of Kom el Shoqafa (Alexandria) are discussed, in which the victorious god Hades acts as a psycho-pomp, taking the goddess Persephone to the Underworld. These believes are compared with the ideas about Osiris as the victorious solar god with whom the deceased was traditionally identified in Egypt. The images of the victorious psycho-pomp are found in the apotheosis of the Roman emperors who are brought to heaven by the solar deities Horus-Apollo and Mithras in chariots drawn by a quadriga. Presence of the images of the victorious psycho-pomps in the tombs of Kom el Shoqaf and in the apotheosis of emperors was associated with the influence of the Eleusinian mysteries.

A tese busca responder à seguinte questão: havia e, em caso afirmativo, como se estruturava a "teoria" ou as "teorias" da tradução na Antiguidade latina em Cícero, tido como seu precursor ? Assim, apesar de centralizar-se nas obras e período de Cícero, na pesquisa foi necessário enveredar pelos contextos que o antecederam e sucederam, isto é, com breve análise da tradução no âmbito das comédias, com Plauto e Terêncio, por meio de comparação com o projeto da Arte poética de Horácio ao não recomendar ao autor, no desenvolvimento da matéria, agir como fidus interpres, passando por Quintiliano e seu desenvolvimento retórico calcado em Cícero até, já distante no tempo, São Jerônimo, que não poucas pesquisas associam a Cícero para traçar o nascimento das correntes de tradução conhecidas por literal (uerbum pro uerbo, palavra por palavra) ou livre (ad sensum, de acordo com o sentido). Para tanto, analisam-se conceitos retóricos fundamentais como imitação (imitatio), emulação (aemulatio) e interpretação (interpretatio) porque, tal como a composição de um novo discurso em sentido latouma oração, um poema -, a tradução também se pautava nesses procedimentos. Também se analisam os papéis do gramatticus, do rhetor e do interpres no contexto de ensino e aprendizagem quanto à retórica e oratória e que servem de pano de fundo da criação e produção dos textos antigos, uma vez que estabelecem o cânone de autores, gregos e latinos, os exercícios de memorização e manejo de suas obras. Nesse aspecto, ganham relevo a paráfrase e a tradução como exercício calcado na emulação. Serão analisados também os procedimentos imediatos relativos à própria ação de traduzir, expressa em vocábulos como exprimere, uertere, ferre ou transferre, que, não sendo sinônimos, parecem indicar finalidades e meios diferentes do que parece ser a mesma ação de "traduzir". Para tanto, edições filológicas e comentadas dos textos em latim serão privilegiadas, bem como os próprios textos e o que trouxerem de informação para compor uma teoria antiga da tradução. Palavras-chave: tradução; imitação (imitatio); Cícero; interpres; uerbum pro uerbo.

Paper presented to the 14th Asian-Pacific Early Christian Studies Society Conference, University of Notre Dame Australia, 27-28 September 2025.

Abstract :
The translation of Christian concepts into Chinese exhibits remarkable di-versity across historical periods and denominational traditions, from Tang-dynasty Syriac Christians to contemporary scholars. This terminological fluidi-ty creates significant obstacles for Chinese Christian studies, affecting academ-ic research, patristic translation projects, and scholarly exchange. Current lexi-cographical resources remain insufficient, with general dictionaries failing to document orthographic variations and specialized resources lacking compre-hensive coverage of religious terminology across ancient languages. This article presents a computational lexicography framework to document Chinese Christian terminology through automated processing of parallel biblical texts. The methodology employs a four-stage pipeline combining dictionary-based extraction with pivot strategies, phonetic similarity analysis, statistical domi-nance detection, and proper noun resolution. Preliminary testing across He-brew, Greek, Latin, and English source texts shows promising results, though validation mechanisms are still being developed. Upon completion, this pro-ject aims to deliver the first comprehensive, searchable database of Chinese Christian terminology, providing systematic access to previously scattered terminological knowledge essential for translation projects and comparative theological studies.

The International Journal of Catholic Studies invites contributions for a special issue dedicated to the critical edition and translation of ancient texts. This thematic volume aims to foster scholarly dialogue between Western and Chinese academics, bringing together diverse methodological approaches to textual criticism and translation studies. Papers submitted must be in English or in Chinese.

Abhaabar Anubhuti (a memoir in Odia Language): ଅଭାବର ଅନୁଭୂତି: ଅଜଣା ପଥିକର ଅଭୂଲା ଅତୀତ । ଲେଖକ - ରବି ନାରାୟଣ ସୁବୁଦ୍ଧି, ଗ୍ରାମ - ତରାପି (ଚିଲିକା ତହସି ଲ), ଓଡିଶା ।  This book/ monograph covers interesting anecdotes and history of coastal Odisha in India, and the social life since 1960. It covers about education and publication experience of the author.

In this paper I argue that Epode 11, as an elegiac parody, can be seen as an iambic variation based on the same way of contrasting the elegiac genre with another genre capable to provide remedies for love than the one used by Vergil in Eclogue 10. Following Harrison, I will analyze Epode 11 as an example of "generic enrichment" resulting from the way Horace combined elegiac and iambic elements in order to create a generically mixed poem.

Pues es vano y necio hablar de conocer el griego, ya que en nuestra ignorancia debiéramos estar entre los últimos de cualquier aula de colegiales, pues no sabemos cómo sonaban las palabras, o dónde exactamente deberíamos reír, o cómo actuaban los actores, y entre este pueblo extranjero y nosotros existe no solo una diferencia de raza y lengua, sino una tremenda brecha en la tradición. Cuánto más extraño, entonces, es que deseemos saber griego, que intentemos conocer el griego, que nos sintamos siempre atraídos hacia el griego y nos estemos formando siempre alguna idea sobre el significado del griego, aunque quién sabe a partir de qué retazos incongruentes, con qué escaso parecido con el verdadero sentido del griego. Es obvio, en primer lugar, que la literatura griega es la literatura impersonal. Esos pocos cientos de años que separan a John Paston de Platón, a Norwich de Atenas, suponen un abismo imposible de salvar para la vasta marea de palabrería europea. Cuando leemos a Chaucer, nos deslizamos hasta él imperceptiblemente a través de la corriente de las vidas de nuestros ancestros y, más adelante, a medida que los documentos crecen y los recuerdos se prolongan, apenas existe una figura que no tenga un nimbo de asociaciones, su vida y sus cartas, su mujer y su familia, su casa, su carácter, su feliz o sombría catástrofe. Pero los griegos permanecen en una fortaleza propia. El hado ha sido benévolo también en eso. Los ha preservado de la vulgaridad. A Eurípides lo devoraron

Readers of The Education of Cyrus have long pondered its basic message. In this essay, I argue for the centrality of the first chapter of the work to our understanding of the work as a whole. There, Xenophon indicates that he was led to the study of Cyrus by idealistic hopes engendered by the awe he felt at Cyrus’s accomplishments. Once he had come to understand certain key aspects of Cyrus’s rule, Xenophon ceased to be gripped by those hopes. In this way, the introductory chapter of the Cyropaedia anticipates and encapsulates key teachings of the work as a whole, both about the true character of Cyrus’s excellence at ruling and about Xenophon’s interest in Cyrus. The chapter provides substantial evidence for a realist reading of the Cyropaedia as a corrective to idealistic hopes, particularly the hope that knowledge, if joined with political power, could solve all the problems of political life.

This paper examines the portrayal of the goddess Athena in Aeschylus' Oresteia as a divine symbol of patriarchal authority and civic order in classical Athens. While Athena is often celebrated as a powerful female figure, her character in the trilogy reveals a deeper alignment with masculine-coded ideals and the political structures of the polis. The essay argues that Athena’s rejection of maternal identity, her loyalty to the paternal line, and her enforcement of rational justice are not liberatory acts but rather manifestations of Athenian patriarchal doctrine. Her mythological role reinforces gender norms rather than subverting them, presenting her divine power as attainable only through the denial of womanhood. Through literary analysis and historical context, this paper explores how Athena becomes a vessel for legitimizing political patriarchy in Greek mythology.

Our research seminars are held at 4 pm normally on Fridays in person and online via ZOOM. Seminar 4, exceptionally, is taking place on a Monday. The physical venue for all seminars is room E302 of the Forgan-Smith Building (building no. 1) on UQ’s St Lucia campus. The link for ZOOM is https://uqz.zoom.us/j/87545523375 and is remaining unchanged throughout 2025. Seminars 1-2 and 4-5 will be recorded for open-access podcasting. Professor Kelly Olson (seminar 1) is UQ’s 2025 R D Milns Visiting Scholar. Professor Alexander Mazarakis Ainian (seminar 4) is the 2025 Gale Visiting Professor of the Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens. For further information on all our talks, please contact Associate Professor David M. Pritchard (d.pritchard@uq.edu.au or +61 401 955 160), who is the Discipline’s seminar convenor in 2025.