Citizenship studies

This essay aims to analyze studies on gender and sexuality by adopting a multidisciplinary approach, ranging from the sociology of law to European Union law. In particular, we will seek to understand to what extent and in what ways the philosophy of law has influenced studies on sexuality and gender, which are inevitably linked not only to areas of positive law, but also to disciplines such as biomedicine, ethics, anthropology, and sociology. Starting from Zygmunt Bauman's analysis of "liquidity," we will focus on Ken Plummer's studies on "intimate citizenship" and Habermasian discourse ethics to understand how sociology and legal philosophy can intersect to give relevance to queer voices in our society. We will then focus on deconstructing legal subjectivity in the classical sense through the lens of critical legal studies and, in particular, queer theory. Finally, we will examine EU regulations and judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union, which seem to offer prospects for the protection of queer minorities.

Assisted Voluntary Return (AVR) programmes offer UK-government and EU-funded support and resettlement packages to asylum seekers and undocumented migrants to aid return to their countries of origin. These programmes have attracted criticism: in particular, a questioning of the return as ‘voluntary’. This study investigates how social inequality is discursively maintained and challenged within AVR, particularly in relation to two of its central aspects: the voluntariness of the programmes and clients’ opportunities to make informed decisions about return. I combine a discursive analysis of institutional written texts and ethnographic interviews with staff, with observations from the two organisations involved – the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and Refugee Action. Through an analysis of rhetorical-discursive devices, I show how power relationships are maintained and challenged, providing the institutional context for the client caseworker relationship. However, by ex...

La democracia es un consenso frágil que oculta disensos profundos. Su valor como régimen político depende de la deliberación, pero también de la inclusión real en la ciudadanía. Este texto examina los límites del concepto democrático, su relación con el cosmopolitismo y la necesidad de repensar el espacio público como condición para una vida común.

With the help of the Immigrant Inclusion Index (IMIX), a quantitative tool for measuring the electoral inclusion of immigrants, we demonstrate that European democracies are much more exclusive than they should be. All normative theories of democracy share the conviction that it is imperative that democracies include long-term immigrant residents into the demoseither by granting citizenship or by introducing alien voting rights. But even the 20 most established and stable democracies within the EU are far from fully realizing the ideal of 'universal suffrage'. This is true independently of whether we count in-and excluded people in numerical terms, or whether we evaluate the relevant laws and regulations. Therefore, we diagnose a substantial democratic deficit on the level of European nation-states. By requiring its member states to enfranchise nonnational EU citizens on the local level, the EU, for once, plays a positive role in reducing one of the most fundamental democratic deficits in times of migration.

In this paper I expose some reflections arising from the reading of M. La Torre's book, Libertà di parola. Cittadinanza e avvocatura. The book highlights the relationships between legal profession and status of citizen through the notion of parrhesia. I analyze some of La Torre's theses, then I draw inspiration from his book to propose some further remarks concerning the parrhesia as a concept and as a practice: its classical roots in ancient Greek literature and its spiritual meaning in the New Testament.

A new idea of citizenship should replace the old legal framework with a political practice based on the recognition and negotiation of rights. Conflicts of citizenship can lead to the formation of rights from below, starting from the demands and desires of those who claim them. A history of the concept of citizenship and its practices *** Una nuova idea della cittadinanza dovrebbe preferire all’antica veste giuridica una praticap politica fondata sul riconoscimento e sulla negoziazione dei diritti. I conflitti di cittadinanza possono portare alla formazione di diritti dal basso, partendo dalle istanze e dai desideri dei soggetti che li rivendicano. Una storia del concetto di cittadinanza e delle sue pratiche

The aim of this article is to explore the different demands and priorities of the intersex community as displayed in various Internet sites. It focuses on common and divergent viewpoints and strategies associated with the social, medical and legal regulations affecting intersex persons. It also demonstrates how online-based policy-making can lead to real actions and change, by allowing to provide information and support for intersex people, their families and supporters. This is oriented to reduce, if not eliminate, the shame and secrecy surrounding the topic, as well as inform and educate physicians and professionals specialized in intersex issues.

Human rights are inalienable basic rights that apply equally to all individuals. They are defined as ethical principles or norms, comprise specific standards of human conduct that serve as safeguards within domestic and international legal frameworks. They are often regarded as inherent, inalienable rights belonging to all individuals, irrespective of race, ethnicity, language, religion, color, status, or other differences. This article examines the right to vote from a human right-hand perspective. The right to vote or enfranchisement is recognized as a human right under International Human Rights law. However, the right to vote does not apply equally to all individuals in different circumstances or situations. There exist exceptions with respect to certain populations who are subject to loss of the right to vote or disenfranchisement. Extension of enfranchisement to prisoners has been a topic of debate for decades, with ununiform opinions from courts and national legislations of various nations. The present article analyses the rationale behind awarding disenfranchisement by authorities and the substantive claim to support disenfranchisement by such authorities to test its legitimacy particularly in accordance with the principles of the Constitution of India. The article also navigates through various lenses of international instruments and laws of different countries to shed light on the discourse of the right to vote for prisoners particularly in India. This article aims to contribute towards the recognition of the right to vote for prisoners.

In studies on transnationalism, mobile phones have gained prominent attention as tools that maintain relationships in the event of migration. They have transformed transnational sociality from procedural to a daily event all at the control of the actors who, for example, no longer relies on the post office for letters. Mobile phones provide avenues for social closeness and intimacy, impact social identities, facilitate participation in events dis-embedded from a locality, and help in the expression of belonging and solidarity across national borders. Despite these positive facets, the technology could become a source of discomfort as seen in this contribution, which revolves around the unmet expectations of utilising the device to sustain transnational social closeness. Drawn from a multi-sited study conducted among Cameroonians in Germany and Cameroon, the article demonstrates how the consciousness of the possibilities of direct communication negatively influences an actors’ interp...

This article explores the intersections of gender, sexuality and citizenship in the context of one prominent neo-Pentecostal movement in Kenya, the Ministry of Repentance and Holiness (MRH) led by the charismatic Prophet David Owuor. Employing the concept of intimate citizenship, the article analyses, first, how MRH engages in a contestation of intimate citizenship in the contemporary Kenyan public sphere, especially in relation to women's bodies. Second, it examines how MRH simultaneously configures, through a range of highly intimate beliefs, practices and techniques, an alternative form of intimate citizenship defined by moral purity and concerned with a political project of moral regeneration. Coining the notion of 'Pentecostal intimacies', the article provides insight into the reasons why so many people, especially women, are attracted to MRH, and hence it interrogates the liberal frame in which intimate citizenship is usually conceptualised.

Catanzaro e ha affrontato il tema delle "Grandi Transizioni". L'evento ha preso forma grazie alle idee e allo scambio di opinioni di giovani ricercatori e dottorandi del Dipartimento di Giurisprudenza, Economia e Sociologia (DiGES). Questi ultimi-riunitisi in un Comitato organizzativo-partendo dalle proprie esperienze di studio e ricerca in ambiti e settori disciplinari differenti, hanno avvertito l'importanza e la necessità di costruire un dialogo interdisciplinare attorno alle sfide che le grandi transizioni del nostro tempo pongono, nel presente e per il futuro. Il progetto è stato sostenuto dall'Ateneo, dal DiGES nell'ambito dei progetti del Dipartimento di Eccellenza 2023-2027, dal Centro di Ricerca Digit Lab Law-Transizione digitale, autonomie negoziali e relazioni di lavoro e dalla Fondazione UMG.

What influences Taiwanese public opinion on immigration? Taiwan faces the same immigration challenges as many other developed nations, where the demand for immigrant workers produces a domestic backlash. Our study addresses to what extent public opinions on immigration are influenced by two factors: the skills of immigrants and their place of origin. Our results show, besides the preference for skilled labour, that public opinion on the three Southeast Asian immigrant groups varies considerably, with the strongest negative reaction to Indonesian migrants. As Taiwan prides its progress on human rights among East Asian democracies, the results suggest the need for targeted policy efforts to overcome public biases towards Southeast Asian immigrants.

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Throughout the twenty-first century, Confucian education has rapidly expanded among the grassroots in China. This study focuses on the most influential style of Confucian education, dujing (classics reading) education, and on a very understudied group, the students, in the Confucian education system. Using data collected at a Confucian school, this study aims to elucidate dujing students' genuine thoughts and feelings toward their plans for future education. The findings suggest that dujing students exhibit an individualistic outlook, which is characterized by their personal aspirations, self-determination, independence, and self-pursuit, as well as a reluctance to pursue further Confucian studies. Their self-identity is further strengthened by resistance to the authoritarian discourse circulating in the domain of dujing education and by a shifting relationship with imposed parental expectations. This study argues that the development of Confucian individualism in students' dujing experience must be understood within the broader social contexts shaping Chinese individualisms and subjectivities.

This article aimed to investigate in what ways teachers' developing understandings of citizenship education in a divided society reflect discourses around national citizenship and controversial issues. Based on thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews with 13 post-primary teachers in Northern Ireland undertaking an in-service programme in citizenship, findings indicate that the controversial nature of past conflict maintains its sensitivity in the educational context though other categories of potential exclusion, such as race and sexuality, compete for space in educational discourse and teaching. Few teachers used controversial issues identified as challenging hegemonic beliefs as an opportunity for role modelling citizenship. However, teachers rarely explored the complex interlinkages between traditional and alternative categories of exclusion. It is argued that this may render teachers' understandings of citizenship and societal conflict disconnected, which in turn may hinder the potential for citizenship education to address societal divisions and to promote active peace in the long term.

London hosts by far the largest population of non-national EU citizens in Europe. It is also home to roughly one-third of the entire EU citizen population living in the UK. London's population changed rapidly following EU enlargement in the 2000s in terms of its size, the variety and number of nationalities it hosts, and its sociodemographic profile . These changes have intensified and shaped the process of 'diversification of diversity' captured in the late 2000s by anthropologist Steve Vertovec in his seminal work on superdiversity . Despite Britain's exit from the EU, its new geopolitical orientation (towards a more 'Global Britain') and the new immigration regime that has come to replace the EU's freedom of movement, this diversification process has continued. For example, between 2016 and 2020, live births among EU mothers in London have roughly stayed the same -only marginally declined from 17.52 to 17.18 per cent of the total number of live births in London, with Poland, Romania, Germany and Lithuania among the top 10 countries of birth for non-UK mothers in the city (ONS, 2021; see also . Despite vague reassurances from politicians during the referendum campaign, the outcome of the 2016 EU referendum -which saw the 'Leave' campaign winning popular support across every region in England and Wales with the exception

Immigrant integration governance in Europe increasingly requires migranticized subjects to respect constitutional values. This paper examines the knowledge production on integration by streetlevel bureaucrats in Switzerland, combining a moral economies approach with a governmentality perspective. The empirical analysis builds on problem-centred interviews and participant observations of public authorities and caseworkers in the fields of immigration and naturalization, disclosing the norms, values and emotions guiding the knowledge production on integration by street-level bureaucrats. The analysis reveals a moral economy of integration in which caseworkers struggle with the application of the value requirement as a 'mindset paragraph'. The tensions and negotiations in everyday knowledge practices revolve around the value of gentleness and, simultaneously, keeping a tight grip on the subjects' intimacy and the imperative urge to know and 'feel' their integration. This evaluation of inner values and feelings by the state inevitably produces knowledge practices of suspicion and doubt. The prism of governmentality allows us to grasp how this moral economy of integration might have shifted the workings of power but not its disciplining nature. The paper suggests understanding integration governance as a totalizing institution in that it seeks to govern all aspects and spheres of life.

Despite continuous struggles on the part of disenfranchised and marginalized peoples throughout the world, and various initiatives undertaken by national states and international organizations, social justice remains an unattainable goal for many diverse groups and populations. By "social justice" we mean an equitable distribution of fundamental resources and respect for human dignity and diversity, such that no minority group's life interests and struggles are undermined and that forms of political interaction enable all groups to voice their concerns for change. In light of this definition, we have been witnessing growing injustice in the past few decades, as access to resources is increasingly becoming more inequitable and new groups of people have become targets of racism and amplified vigilance due to their identity. These trends prompt us to interrogate the ways in which notions of citizenship and human rights (the two philosophical traditions rooted in principles of equality) have been employed by national and international agencies and organizations to either promote social justice or deny it. It is likewise important to explore how the use of certain concepts of citizenship brings about respect or disregard for human rights and, conversely, how human rights principles shape notions of citizenship. Human rights are distinct from citizenship rights. The notion of citizenship has three inter-related dimensions: political participation, rights and obligations, and membership in a political community . The modern concept of citizenship links rights and political participation membership to a nation-state. The human rights tradition, institutionalized through the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, disassociates rights from membership in a bounded community by making rights universal . Thus, the cross-border movements of peoples, such as labour migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers, are subject to an international human rights regime (see Benhabib, 2004, p. 7). In this regard, human rights can be presented as conceptually distinct from citizenship, and some researchers (for example, Kiwan, 2005) believe they should not be conflated.

Dual/multiple citizenship has become a widespread phenomenon in many parts of the world. This acceptance or tolerance of overlapping memberships in political communities represents an important element in the ongoing readjustment of the relationship between citizens and political communities in democratic systems. This article has two goals and parts. First, it evaluates dual citizenship from the perspective of five normative theories of democracy. Liberal and republican as well as multicultural and deliberative understandings of democracy deliver a broad spectrum of arguments in favour of dual citizenship. Only communitarians fear that dual citizenship endangers national democracies. Nevertheless, empirical evidence and national policies largely contradict these fears. The second part of the article reverses the perspective and shows that most theories of democracy do not only legitimate and facilitate the acceptance of dual citizenship -the phenomenon of multiple citizenships induces innovation in democratic theory in turn. A second look at the relationship between dual citizenship and theories of democracy reveals that dual citizenship stimulates refinements, expansions and reconceptualisations of these theories for a transnationalising world.

Taiwan's legalization of same-sex marriage in 2019 has reinforced its reputation as a beacon of progressive values in Asia. There has been much discourse on the progress of Taiwan's LGBT movement, yet there has been little discussion about how Taiwan could leverage that to enhance its soft power, particularly in Southeast Asia.

Background It has long been established that marking accuracy in public examinations varies considerably among subjects and markers (Murphy, 1982; Newton, 1996). This is unsurprising, given the diverse cognitive strategies that the marking process can entail (Suto and Greatorex, in press), but what is it about some questions that makes them harder to mark accurately than others? It is to be expected that multiple-choice questions with single letter responses are easier to mark than long essays. However, there exist variations in accuracy within subjects, among questions with much more similar formats and structures. Are there distinct but more subtle features of questions and their mark schemes that can affect accuracy? Such features could potentially contribute to a broad rationale for designating questions to markers according to personal expertise.

This paper examines the evolving concept of citizenship and the contemporary challenges it encounters by employing insights from contemporary citizenship theories. Over recent decades, the characteristics of the state, alongside the definition of citizenship, have undergone notable transformations. The dynamics of globalization and increased crossborder mobility have introduced novel challenges in our comprehension of citizenship and the role of the state. One example are the Zones for Employment and Economic Development (ZEDEs), which provide new forms of governance that transcend or bypass the traditional boundaries and functions of the nation-state. This paper discusses the emerging challenges posed by these zones, particularly in the context of democratic principles, political participation and citizenship. New Special Administrative Regions like the ZEDEs may change the way in which we understand and analyse modern citizenshipparticularly the notion of nation-states as the sole providers of rights and duties towards their citizens.

A constant aim of EU citizenship, and indeed the entire project of European integration, has always been to lower barriers and create a common space. If the complete elimination of national borders remains elusive, their importance has been diminished in striking ways by the development of EU citizenship and the ban against nationality based discrimination. Yet the barriers to free movement have been lowered in differential ways. Most citizens of EU member states now enjoy residence, employment and other rights throughout Europe. The extension of some rights to some categories of citizens of some new member states is admittedly sometimes subject to transition periods, but these expire. By contrast, third country nationals -individuals who do not hold citizenship of one of the member states, even though they may have resided for many years, or even been born in Europe -remain largely excluded from the benefits of EU citizenship. Various initiatives over the years have opened up limited rights for third country nationals. But the difficulty of enacting these rights, and current moves to more restrictive immigration and naturalization policies, highlight the continuing exclusivity of EU citizenship: immigrants migrate to national polities, and they become European only by virtue of incorporation into national states. This means that EU citizenship's transformative potential remains unrealized.

Despite being citizens, naturalised Mexicans are subjected to large restrictions in their political, civic, and even labour rights. Why such discriminatory regime is applied to such a reduced group of citizens, in a country that officially prides itself as open, tolerant, and having an intrinsically 'mixed' national origin? My hypothesis is that the roots of such differentiated treatment are the ideological legacy of the 'Revolutionary Nationalism' doctrine, which was promoted by the Mexican state during most of the 20th century, and is still expressed in laws and policies.

struggled to get middle-class women to understand the concerns of their working-class sisters. She also helped women organizing on their own within the labor movement whenever possible. Crean makes good use of the biographical mode to tell a larger story about an important part of the modern Canadian labor movement. She pastes the pieces of Hartman' s life onto a larger canvass, drawn largely from well-known secondary sources. As can be expected in a union-supported biography, much cannot be told. Yet she leaves us with a sensitive, nuanced portrait of an eloquent, compassionate, tough, yet gentle and curiously reserved woman, who could deliver thundering denunciations of governments from platforms and be found knitting in a spare moment shortly afterward. Her impact on the wider labor movement beyond CUPE was limited, but, among many working-class women in her union, she was beloved and respected, and for many feminists of the ª second waveº she was a welcome sister in the struggle for women' s equality.

This paper provides initial findings from an EU funded project about Intersex, Human Rights, and Citizenship in the UK, Italy and Switzerland. It focuses on intersex peoples’ accounts of the developments in contemporary Intersex activism, towards human rights claims that move away from both purely medical jurisdiction and/or identity politics. The topic of Intersex human rights is highly pertinent to sociologists, as Intersex activism is currently entering the international and national human rights spheres, and there is a dearth of research about this. This new project provides original insights into the ways that personal and social troubles are intertwined. Historically, Intersex medical treatment is multi­layered, contradictory and problematic. Treatment for minors has been especially concerning, as medics have used psycho­social rationales as a justification for coercive surgery, combined with shaming and inaccurate diagnosis communication. Since the creation of multi­disciplin...

"Settler Citizenship No More" is a portfolio curated and introduced by Alan Pelaez Lopez to mark the 100th anniversary of both the 1924 American Indian Citizenship Act and the Immigration Act of 1924. The portfolio "rejects the notion that U.S. citizenship has ever been a gift. U.S. citizenship is a looming reminder of conquest, but it also begets attention to the quotidian ways in which Indigenous peoples are resisting and imagining alternative ways of living and being outside/in/ through/against occupation. In this issue, Huizache celebrates Indigenous refusal, the active practice of rejecting the authority states believe they have over Indigenous kinship and Indigenous aliveness." Featured poets include Demian DinéYazhi' (Diné), Zoë Keeler (Cherokee), Deborah Miranda (Ohlone-Costanoan Esselen), Jennif(f)er Tamayo, Jess X. Snow, and Marwa Helal.

Immigration bureaucracies have long maintained special territories, sometimes detaining newcomers for months and even years. One such territory, the iconic Ellis Island in the New York harbor, has since the 1920s served as a place to hold America's foreign-born radicals and the departure point for many deportations. Long periods of detention both disrupted and reinforced the identities of prospective immigrants. This article scrutinizes the experiences of Norbert Wollheim, held as a suspected subversive on the island at the beginning of the Cold War, just a few months after a U.S. federal court sentenced Julius and Ethel Rosenberg to death for espionage. The case of Wollheim, a survivor of Auschwitz and former Jewish community leader in West Germany, reveals a punitive chapter in U.S. immigration policy following World War II, with inclusion and exclusion in a tense, perpetual partnership. At the same this bittersweet story illuminates how this one "territory of waiting" at the mouth of the Hudson River ironically offered a special vantage point for understanding American life and culture in the mid-twentieth century.

Modern immigration debates often center on economics, integration, and national security. Yet beneath these surface-level concerns lies a deeper, more persistent force: the unresolved legacy of colonialism. In former imperial powers and post-colonial states alike, generational trauma continues to shape public discourse and policy, particularly about immigrants from previously colonized regions. The rejection of these groups is not a contemporary anomaly-it is a continuation of historical hierarchies, racial ideologies, and cultural displacements established during colonial rule. Understanding this connection is essential to grappling with the social and political tensions that define the post-colonial present. Colonialism was not limited to territorial conquest and economic exploitation. As Frantz Fanon vividly articulated in The Wretched of the Earth, it penetrated deeply into the psyche, alienating colonized populations from their culture, language, and sense of self. The long-term impact was not just material but psychological-resulting in internalized inferiority and disrupted identities reverberating across generations. This trauma, passed down through familial memory, literature, and lived experience, continues to influence how post-colonial communities relate to the world and themselves.

Karla Cornejo Villavicencio positions her book The Undocumented Americans as a "work of creative non-fiction," experimentally mixing literary genres such as the memoir, personal essay, and testimonio. She draws on journalistic methods of doing interviews and fact-checking exercises, but departs from them at will as she blends these stories from the undocumented community with the personal and the magical. This essay details some of these creative overtures and discusses how and why Villavicencio's work sits uncomfortably between fact and fiction, between memoir and manifesto, as she sets out to represent America's undocumented.

The essay examines the politics of Villavicencio’s unapologetic tone, her
focus on undocumented life post-migration, and her mapping of the self as
an extension of community. It contextualizes her work in relation to the self-
narratives that appear during the youth movements surrounding the DREAM
Act in the first decade of the 21st century and probes at the limits of self-
representation, especially for an undocumented writer. Villavicencio registers
her struggles at representing a community that is vulnerable to the extent that
it is rendered voiceless, but also overrepresented in the mainstream media
as caricatures or through simplified categorizations. Her critical engagement
with representing undocumented voices also manifests as complaints against
translation biases in the publishing industry. Long after the publication of her
book, Villavicencio has continued the behind-the-scenes work to position
her voice, doing book readings and interviews. This essay is interested in
Villavicencio’s efforts to retain the autonomy over her voice within the textual
boundaries and beyond.

Solidaristic spaces where to fight for migration rights intersect with notions of community and commons, often drawing on cartography as a medium through which to mobilize migrant struggles. In this chapter, I focus on mapping endeavors sustained by a solidaristic agency, considering maps that are created in a participatory way or shared among several communities of migration for various purposes, either to visualize abuses experienced by illegalized migrants or to support them with logistical information during their journeys. To build a theoretical bridge between migration, commons, and cartography, I draw on Roberto Esposito's notion of community-a space in which one irremediably exposes oneself to the other-to rethink cartography beyond its individualistic and coercive reputation, that is a common. riassunto Gli spazi solidaristici in cui si lotta per i diritti dei migranti si intersecano variamente con le nozioni di comunità e beni comuni, spesso attingendo alla cartografia come mezzo attraverso cui esprimere tali battaglie. In questo capitolo mi concentro sugli sforzi di mappatura sostenuti da forme di agency solidali, considerando le mappe create in modo partecipativo o condivise tra diverse comunità di migranti per vari scopi: sia per visualizzare gli abusi subiti dai migranti illegalizzati sia per supportarli con informazioni logistiche durante i loro viaggi. Per costruire un ponte teorico tra migrazione, commons e mappatura, parto dalla nozione di comunità di Roberto Esposito -uno spazio in cui ci si espone irrimediabilmente all'altro -per ripensare la cartografia oltre la sua fama individualistica e coercitiva.

This paper develops Confucian humanitarian cosmopolitanism rooted in the ideal Grand Union (datong) in the Book of Rites and later expanded by Neo-Confucians through their concept of humaneness (ren). The ideal world illustrated in the Grand Union provides the foundation for Confucian humanitarian cosmopolitanism in that it highlights valuing the lives and dignity of all individuals, and catering to the basic needs of all people. It is a form of humanitarian cosmopolitanism. However, this paper does not advocate an impartialist ethical attitude derived from the rationalist mandate: treat all equally, but argues for a partialist cosmopolitanism. It compares Kwame Anthony Appiah's partialist humanitarian cosmopolitanism with the Confucian partialist humanitarian cosmopolitanism. Besides acknowledging Appiah's emphasis that developed nations should aid the global community, this paper further advocates for the need for individuals' psychological transformation to cultivate, and actualize, a global sense of humaneness. A key psychological barrier to the humanitarian cosmopolitan spirit is people's claim of entitlement to their own "place," the homeland to which they attach their sense of belonging and ownership. The papers suggests that Doreen Massey's concept of a "global sense of place" could help to facilitate a psychological shift in our expanding our sense of place from the homeland to the world, thereby extending our empathy and concerns towards others in distant lands.

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Research on the significance of the mobile phone and internet in transnational family relationships shows that these media provide direct platforms for negotiating remittances. My interest in this article is not so much in how they are used to coordinate and channel money home as in their appropriation to meet expectations of reciprocity. The article draws from field narratives collected among Cameroonians in Germany and in Cameroon to reveal contestations over what can be described as legitimate consumption within the Cameroonian transnational social sphere. Underlying the arguments in this article is my observation that direct communication within the Cameroonian transnational sphere is beset by so much mistrust, discontent and uncertainty that remitters must specify what they are remitting money for. Healthcare in Cameroon is considered an expenditure that is worthy of migrants' financial support.

El centro de interés de esta investigación giró en torno a la posibilidad de indagar la forma como las mujeres de las clases populares, aquellas que estando en las condiciones de dominación más obcecadas, tienen por ello mismo las posibilidades de unas prácticas capaces de reinventar lo existente, pero no como prácticas racionales y racionalistas, tal como lo leen aquellas miradas que ven en la emancipación de las mujeres procesos de concientización de sus condiciones, que tal vez sin darse cuenta dejan entonces las posibilidades de reinvención del mundo social a élites culturales, intelectuales y políticas. No, las mujeres de las clases populares, pese —o más bien, gracias— al marco de relaciones de extrema dominación en el que se encuentran, son capaces de abrir las fisuras más preponderantes con un movimiento a contracorriente por tímido e incluso solitario que parezca; además, sin ninguna pretensión liberadora de su
género ni ninguna pretensión democratizadora de la existencia, logran generar las rupturas que permiten la entrada de las tenues trazas de democracia que aún hoy caracterizan a nuestro mundo público.

The UK Supreme Court's judgment in the Reference by the Lord Advocate of Devolution Issues under Paragraph 34 of Schedule 6 to the Scotland Act 1998 [2022] UKSC 31 not only confirms that holding a second referendum on Scottish independence is outside the Scottish Parliament's legislative competence but raises a series of important constitutional issues. These include the constitutional status of referendums, the importance of sub-state democracy and the sovereignty of the United Kingdom (UK) Parliament. Whilst the Court gives referendums more significance than they were previously thought to have, its reasoning invoking democracy and on parliamentary sovereignty suggests it has adopted a vision of the UK constitution in which UK-level authority is privileged over sub-state authority, to the detriment of subsidiarity and devolved autonomy.

Devolutionary trends in immigration and social welfare policy have enabled different levels of government to define membership and confer rights to people residing within the political boundary of a province or municipality in ways that may contradict federal legal status. Drawing upon theories of postnational and deterritorialized citizenship, we examined the legal construction of social rights within federal, provincial and municipal law in Toronto, Ontario. The study of these different policy arenas focuses on rights related to education, access to safety and police protection, and income assistance. Our analysis suggests that the interplay of intra-governmental laws produces an uneven terrain of social rights for people with precarious status. We argue that while provincial and municipal governments may rhetorically seek to advance the social rights of all people living within their territorial boundaries, program and funding guidelines ensure that national practices of market citizenship and the policing of non-citizen subjects are reproduced at local levels.

The chapter explores the establishment and evolution of nation-state citizenship in modern Romania and Hungary, with a focus on the communist and post-communist periods. I argue that, due to the demographic-territorial mixing and common history of Romanians and Hungarians in various historical provinces – most notably in Transylvania, the Banat, and Partium – the legal separation of the citizenship bodies in Romania and Hungary was long and arduous, generating major conflicts over contrasting but also mutually interrelated definitions of the nation.

Constantin Iordachi: “From Disentanglement to Interdependence: State Citizenship in Romania and Hungary, 1945-2012” in Anders Blomqvist, Constantin Iordachi, Balazs Trencsenyi, eds., Hungary and Romania Beyond National Narratives: Comparisons and Entanglements (Oxford, Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, Frankfurt am Main, New York, Wien: Peter Land, 2013), 711-771.

ABSTRACTThis work deals with the Horizontal Efficacy of Fundamental Rights in consumer relationships. It analyzes the historical evolution of Human Rights, until the 1950s, the point when they began to speak about horizontal efficacy of human rights in private relationships. The article ends with the treatment of the ADI of Banks and the analysis of the Senate bill, Nº. 283, 2012, which changes articles of the CCD, seeking to protect the consumer from falling into over-indebtedness.KEYWORDS: Drittwirkung; Bank Action; Fundamental Rights; Consumer Protection; over-indebtedness. RESUMOO presente trabalho trata da Eficácia Horizontal dos Direitos Fundamentais nas relações de consumo. Analisa a evolução histórica dos Direitos Humanos, chegando à década de 1950, momento em que se iniciou a falar em eficácia horizontal dos direitos humanos nas relações privadas. O artigo termina com o tratamento da ADI dos Bancos e com a análise do Projeto de Lei do Senado Federal, nº 283, de 2012, o qual...

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This paper seeks to contribute to a dynamic understanding of the space of children"s citizenship by exploring perspectives generated by children age 5-13 in two countries in the light of Nancy Fraser"s ( ) theory of representation. To ensure that understandings of the spaces of children"s citizenship are guided by the views of children themselves, the paper reports findings from six Children"s Research Groups who, in a process inspired by , acted and reflected on their understandings of citizenship using participatory methods that they created. The spaces they describe in their data were analysed drawing on Fraser"s theories for reframing claims to social justice. This synthesis of empirical research and political theory suggests the need to supplement Fraser"s theory of representation with more diffuse understandings of how influence occurs in relational spaces. The dynamic spaces of children"s citizenship can then be conceived of as framed by a concern for social justice that children identify and deepened by exploring the way in relationships, institutions and networks influence the achievement of this claim over time, for different social groups. This approach enables children"s citizenship to be located simultaneously in children"s lived practices, in local and in global distributions of actions, attitudes and resources.