Black Lives Matter

This chapter interrogates the contested meanings of “we the people” across contexts of U.S. racial justice and Syrian revolutionary struggle, with particular attention to the diminishing rhetorical power of the Declaration of Independence in contemporary movements. Beginning with the 2020 protests against systemic racism and settler colonialism surrounding Independence Day celebrations, I situate critiques of the Declaration’s exclusionary vision within broader demands for racial equality in the United States. I trace how Syrian revolutionaries, rather than drawing from U.S. founding texts, articulate alternative notions of peoplehood grounded in lived experience, plurality, and grassroots resistance. The analysis moves through two stages: first, it outlines the historical entanglements between Syrian democratic aspirations and U.S. constitutional ideals, revealing the unfulfilled promises of American support for Syrian self-determination; second, it examines Syrian revolutionary rhetorics of breath and suffocation, solidarity banners, and transnational antiracism to demonstrate how Black Lives Matter provides symbolic and affective resources for Syrian activists. In doing so, Syrians reconstitute “the people” as a multitude—diverse, embodied, and relational—beyond homogenizing frameworks of nationalism or state sovereignty. The chapter ultimately argues that while the Declaration of Independence once inspired global struggles, its limitations are evident in twenty-first-century transnational contexts. Grassroots struggles in both the U.S. and Syria instead forge solidarities through practices of survival, testimony, and imagination, offering a pluriversal redefinition of freedom, equality, and democracy outside the constraints of the American founding tradition.

This article reads Armenian women's lullabies and narratives of the past as reserves of memory (Nora 1989). It interweaves these two forms of expression together in order to situate the memory work lullabies do within the remembrance practices of Armenians in Istanbul. The ethnographic research 1 this article draws on aimed at unearthing the lived experiences of the Armenian Genocide from the perspectives of women within my native community. 2 It also aspired to conceive gendered microhistories of Armenian life in a specific locality in postgenocide 3 Turkey. It delved into the unwritten histories of cohabitation, conflict, discrimination, dispossession, violence, and displacement that shaped Armenians' experience of "home." Interviews I share in this article were conducted in Istanbul with Armenian women who were born into families of survivors who continued living within the borders of republican Turkey. Some of these women migrated from their hometowns to settle in Istanbul at different stages of their lives, while others were born and raised in Istanbul. Fragments of stories I present throughout the article verbalize their remembrance of the details of their lives and their perceptions of home, belonging, and loss. Lullaby texts that accompany their narratives are songs they inherited from their grandmothers or mothers and transmitted to their siblings,

IN THE SPRING OF , AYESAH ADAMO, A COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY undergraduate, asked if she could interview me about the political funerals that we performed in the later years of ACT UP New York. This interview was for a special edition of the journal Trigger that she edited entitled "Flesh." I had not often spoken about these funerals, not that I had forgotten them, it's just I was only accustomed to talking about them with friends who had been there. It is difficult to speak about death, even today, beyond the established norms of discourse, and so I welcomed the chance to talk with Ayesah, to see through her eyes, and out to others, something of that time. As members of ACT UP New York in the early 's we took to the streets with the newly dead bodies of our friends to honor them. We were filled with rage at a political, social, and intertwined healthcare system that had ignored, abandoned, or punished those who suffered with or died of HIV infection. HIV disease stripped the body of its own ability to care for itself and decimated and

This paper explores the unstable, paradoxical, and global phenomenon of “revolutionary cultural action” in the United States and its worldwide reverberations. Beginning with Paulo Freire’s pedagogy of liberation, the analysis moves through the Frankfurt School’s suspicion of culture, post-structuralist insistence on différance, and the lived praxis of grassroots movements such as Black Lives Matter, climate justice, LGBTQIA+ struggles, disability activism, and feminist mobilizations. It situates American “culture wars” not as national skirmishes but as global circulations, hybridizations, and appropriations, amplified and distorted by memes, hashtags, and algorithmic infrastructures. Drawing on case studies from Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia, the paper demonstrates that revolutionary cultural action is never stable: it is emancipatory and co-optable, dialogical and commodified, local and transnational. The argument culminates in the recognition that the incoherence of revolutionary cultural action is not its weakness but its generative power. In a postmodern world, where culture is weapon and terrain, revolutionary cultural action emerges as a perpetual practice of resistance, re-signification, and renewal.

Keywords: Revolutionary cultural action; Paulo Freire; Liberation theology; Frankfurt School; Culture industry; Post-structuralism; Différance; Michel Foucault; Jacques Derrida; Black Lives Matter; Climate justice; LGBTQIA+ struggles; Disability justice; Feminist movements; Anti-gender ideology; Global circulation; Memes; TikTok; Algorithms; postmodern incompleteness.

The wave of actions that followed the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests in May and June 2020, when statues of colonial masters or slave traders were torn down or defaced with graffiti, had repercussions beyond the United States. In Europe, they were felt with particular force in Britain and France, but also in smaller countries such as Belgium, as Idesbald Goddeeris argues in this issue. In Germany Finland, on the other hand, there were few, if any, violent actions or toppled statues. This movement has brought increased attention to how Europeans deal with their colonial past, and how history should be made visible in public spaces. 1 This special issue seeks to bring colonial heritage to the forefront of the debates on European identity by highlighting different national discussions and by critically engaging with the current discourses on the contested meanings underlying colonial statues and public spaces. The articles examine how colonial statues and public spaces have become focal points for activism across

Music and poetry continue to express messages about inequality and oppression faced in society. Their distribution via social media can extend messages to the masses, allowing the repetition and sharing of ideas to unite people and help others to understand the struggles of those living through them. Danez Smith’s “Don’t Call Me Dead” poetry collection, and Childish Gambino’s “This is America” music video emphasise the fears and attitudes surrounding U.S. Law Enforcement and the negative and damaging behaviours shown towards black and ethnic minority groups in particular. Drawing on the imagery of Childish Gambino’s “This is America” and the poetry of Danez Smith this essay will explore how racially charged police injustice in the United States is expressed by groups affected by it, including how the #BlackLivesMatter social media and protest movement is looking for change. Shared imagery and language represent an unjust experience still lived by many in the United States and internationally.

White saviorism is a well-documented phenomenon in the education litera- ture. Particularly, researchers have made connections between white savior- ism and teacher preparation for urban contexts serving Students of Color negatively impacted by legacies of systemic racism. Scholars are increas- ingly taking an intersectional lens to understand the ways in which racism and ableism intersect, yet much of the literature on white saviorism does not critically examine the role of ableism. In this meta-ethnography, we review extant qualitative research on urban teacher preparation in an effort to extend the analysis to include a robust examination of ableism and deepen our understandings of white supremacy in these spaces. To this end, we con- ceptualize white-ability saviorism as a more comprehensive and precise way to understand the dynamics at play in urban teacher preparation that con- tribute to white supremacy and perpetuate educational inequities for urban Communities of Color.

Reviewed by: Tanveer Ahamed Critics of prison abolitionism often argue that abolitionism is an impractical and utopian idea that has, in spite of its convincing theoretical claims, little empirical value in long-term crime prevention and rehabilitation of offenders in a society. Many who support the abolitionist cause also deem the activities of abolitionists to be largely haphazard and anarchist in nature. While these assumptions are not easily repudiable, Rachel Herzing and Justin Piché have shown new possibilities for an organized and properly-led movement against carceral practices in their book titled 'How to abolish prisons: Lessons from the Movement against Imprisonment'. In the eight chapters of the book, including the introduction and the splendid concluding section, the authors have presented a detailed account of lessons learnt from notable abolitionist campaigns in the US and Canada in order to help activists choose the right pathway based on their surrounding circumstances. While these lessons bear special values for abolitionists, they can also provide significant insights for those who are working for prison reform in different parts of the world.

Debuted in 2016 under the YG Entertainment label, the all-women K-pop group BLACKPINK rapidly shot to global stardom, rivaling their male counterparts BTS on the world stage. Among the group's four members is Lalisa Manoban (Lisa) from Thailand. Non-Korean members of K-pop groups have become common as the industry seeks to broaden their talent pool. In one segment of her self-titled solo music video, released on September 10, 2021, Manoban dons a sabai-style shirt and sarong wrap skirt that pay homage to Thai artistry and fabrics. For the native of the Thai province of Buri Ram Buriram, the efforts to incorporate Thai heritage with contemporary fashion designs and dance choreography stemmed from the desire to conjure the "Thai-style melody line within the song to the music video sets, styling album design and choreography. " 1 With more than 70 million views on YouTube within 24 hours of its release, the song "Lalisa" set a new record for the most viewed solo artist on the platform in a day. The video has more than 400 million views at the time of writing this chapter; through K-pop, Lisa has projected Thai cultural aesthetics and heritage onto the world stage. 2 Using the analogy of a forest, if the American market represents the canopy of K-pop's globalization, Southeast Asia would be its often-neglected understory. As much as it places the region in the global spotlight, the music video is perhaps

El libro parte de la idea de que el imperio de la ley y la superioridad moral que subyace el neocolonialismo del primer mundo son características del necropoder primermundista. Se propone el marco necropolítico para analizar situaciones y espacios neocoloniales del primer mundo dentro de su propia geografía con una epistemología novedosa que puede sustituir los marcos funcionalistas, racionales y liberales hegemónicos que no favorecen el estudio crítico de la región norteamericana. La propuesta teórica tiene dos vertientes. En primer lugar, a diferencia del propio autor de la necropolítica, Achille Mbembe, que teorizó sobre las políticas de muerte en los estados africanos (necropolítica), usa los casos planteados en los diferentes capítulos como instanciaciones de un poder político dirigido a producir muerte (necropoder). Se propone que el necropoder es una forma de poder político dirigido a lucrar con la muerte de poblaciones precarizadas y racializadas, en espacios de neocolonialidad, como aquellas donde se llevan a cabo actividades extractivistas y la segregación de minorías raciales y étnicas, dentro de geografías que a todas luces constituyen el primer mundo, como Estados Unidos, Canadá y Europa y la frontera de estos con poblaciones colonizadas -México, territorios indígenas, y espacios habitados por negros y latinos. En segundo lugar, a través de sus diferentes capítulos, el libro propone un marco analítico y de interpretación diferente al usado comúnmente en los estudios norteamericanistas. No se habla de la democracia o la justicia como horizontes normativos a partir de los cuales se legisla y se hace política en América del Norte. Por el contrario, se invierte la lógica de las epistemologías racionalistas, funcionalistas y liberales de los estudios norteamericanos, y ofrece una perspectiva poscolonial mexicana que caracteriza al poder político de la región como el poder soberano de hacer morir para lucrar con la muerte y reproducir el poder neocolonial.

Today’s Black Lives Matter movement rests on the foundation of the civil rights movement of the 1960s and lessons from that earlier period are relevant to advancing racial justice today. Both movements provide rich material for understanding how social protests can be viewed as negotiation stories. This article uses a negotiations lens to (1) interpret key events and features of these two movements and (2) suggest how the current movement might be sustained in ways that advance racial justice.

This study examined the 2024 #EndBadGovernance protest in Nigeria through the lens of Fairclough's (2010) Critical Discourse Analysis model, aiming to uncover the language used on placards at three levels: text, discursive practice, and at social practice. As a case study, the research investigated a real-life phenomenon by employing a purposive data collection technique to gather relevant data from placards obtained from the BusinessDay, the Premium Times online newspapers, the Almy website, and online Channels Television. In addition, a critical case sampling strategy-an adapted form of purposive data collection was implemented by selecting placards that provided significant insights into the research topic. The analysis utilised a blend of qualitative description and analytical interpretation methods. To protect the privacy of individuals depicted in the photographs, faces were blurred. The findings indicated, among others, that the protesters made distinctive lexical choices that conveyed powerful social meanings. Their deliberate use of text font, colour, and bullets contributed to the clarity and impact of

This paper examines how feminist movements in Italy have reframed gender-based violence as a structural issue, leading to the creation of structural gender-based violence as a master frame. Drawing on frame analysis and interviews with feminist activists, the study explores how the Non Una Di Meno (NUDM) movement challenged prevailing media narratives that framed violence as an individual or exceptional phenomenon. Instead, NUDM diagnosed patriarchy as a systemic cause of violence, linking it to intersecting oppressions such as capitalism, racism, and institutional inequality. By emphasizing the structural nature of violence, the movement broadened its scope to address issues like labor rights, reproductive freedom, and migration, creating resonance through accessible, emotionally impactful messages. The study highlights how diagnostic, motivational, and prognostic frames contributed to the emergence of structural gender-based violence as a master frame, which unified diverse struggles and enhanced the mobilizing potency of feminist movements. This master frame facilitated large-scale participation and transnational solidarity, linking local struggles to global contexts. By analyzing NUDM’s framing process, the paper underscores the role of feminist movements in reshaping societal understandings of violence and advancing systemic change, offering both theoretical and empirical contributions to the study of social movements and framing theory.

There is growing diversity within the Black population in the U.S., but limited understanding of ethnic and nativity differences in the mental health treatment needs of Black women. This study examined differences in the prevalence of psychiatric disorders, their persistence, and unmet treatment needs among Black women in the U.S. Data were from the National Survey of American Life, a nationally representative survey that assessed lifetime and twelve-month mood, anxiety, and substance use disorders according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 4th Edition (DSM-IV) criteria, and mental health service use among those meeting disorder criteria. One in three African American women met criteria for a lifetime disorder, compared to one in three Caribbean women born within the U.S. and one in five Caribbean women born outside the U.S. About half of African American women with a lifetime disorder had a persistent psychiatric disorder, compared to two in five Caribbean women born within the U.S. and two in three Caribbean women born outside the U.S. African Americans had more persisting dysthymia and panic disorder and less persisting social phobia compared to foreign-born Caribbean women. Of the three groups, Caribbean women born within the U.S. were most likely to seek mental health treatment during their lifetime. These results demonstrate, despite a lower prevalence of psychiatric disorders in Black women, that there is a great likelihood their disorders will be marked by persistence and underscores the need for culturally specific treatment approaches. As Black immigrants in the United States are increasing in number, adequate mental health services are needed.

There is growing diversity within the Black population in the U.S., but limited understanding of ethnic and nativity differences in the mental health treatment needs of Black women. This study examined differences in the prevalence of psychiatric disorders, their persistence, and unmet treatment needs among Black women in the U.S. Data were from the National Survey of American Life, a nationally representative survey that assessed lifetime and twelve-month mood, anxiety, and substance use disorders according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 4th Edition (DSM-IV) criteria, and mental health service use among those meeting disorder criteria. One in three African American women met criteria for a lifetime disorder, compared to one in three Caribbean women born within the U.S. and one in five Caribbean women born outside the U.S. About half of African American women with a lifetime disorder had a persistent psychiatric disorder, compared to two in five Caribbe...

كانت الفترة الممتدة من عام 1918 إلى عام 1928 فترة أزمات واضطرابات اجتماعية مفاجئة في الولايات المتحدة، حيث لم يتمكن سوى القليل من الهروب من المفارقات المؤلمة التي رافقت العصر الجديد. لا شك أن هذه السنوات من المعاناة التي عاشها البيض والأميركيون من أصل أفريقي على حد سواء كانت أشد وطأة على الأميركيين السود. وعلى أية حال، لم يدخر زعيمها "ويليام إدوارد بورغاردت دو بوا"  William Edward Burghardt Du Boisأي جهد في اقتراح رؤية جديدة للعالم على شعبه، والتي كانت تتمثل في الالتزام دون تحفظ بإعادة البناء الاجتماعي والاقتصادي لفترة ما بعد الحرب.
وُلِد وليام دو بوا في 23 فبراير 1868 في "جريت بارينغتون" Great Barrington,وهي بلدة صغيرة في غرب "ماساتشوستس" Massachusetts ولذلك لم يشهد دو بوا أهوال العبودية. كان جده لأبيه هوغونوتيًا" huguenot من أصل "فلاندرز،" Flandres هاجر إلى أمريكا الشمالية عبر هولندا وجزر الأنتيل في بداية القرن الثامن عشر. لا يقدم دو بوا الكثير من التفاصيل حول هذا الفرع من شجرة عائلته. ومن ناحية أخرى، فإنه يعطينا الكثير من المعلومات عن الفرع الأمومي، عائلة "بورغاردت" Burghardt. وصل هؤلاء إلى غريت بارينغتون في القرن الثامن عشر، ومثل البيض، اندمجوا مع تقاليد المدينة وتاريخها. وفي الأمور الدينية، كانوا أحياناً من الأسقفيين، وأحياناً أخرى من الطائفة الكنسية. لم يكن آل بورغاردت أغنياء جداً. ومع ذلك، كانوا يمتلكون منازلهم وبعض الأفدنة من الأراضي الصالحة للزراعة. لقد عرفوا الحياة المنزلية والفقر أحياناً. وكان الجد، " أوتو بول بورغاردت" Otto Paul Burghardt قد حصل على حريته وحريه نسله كمكافأة على شجاعته خلال حرب الاستقلال. باختصار، نشأ ويليام الصغير على الجانب المشرق من الفقر.

This work examines the field of Mäori graphic design, and more specifically, kaupapa Mäori visual communication design and process. Initially this research was conceptualised through a health communication project, and was extended to include experiences from practising Mäori designers and an examination of print material in order to highlight apparent differences in process and practice when design is undertaken from a kaupapa Mäori perspective. The research topic was chosen as a response to kaupapa Mäori initiatives and Mäori renaissance strategies of the twenty first century. The research is presented from a kaupapa Mäori perspective and uses a post-structuralist method of enquiry. A 'by Mäori, for Mäori' or kaupapa Mäori cultural framework is considered as differing from the current design academy in New Zealand. In order to examine and identify Mäori cultural frameworks within a design process, four practicing designers were interviewed. When analysed these interviews offered valuable insight into personal experiences, values, beliefs, practices and processes, which is not necessarily identified in the current literature reviewed. Throughout the thesis, a recurring underlying theme presented itself concerned with the interaction of two world-views, that is, design and Mäori epistemologies. It is the synthesis of both world-views and the space where these two intersect and meet that the thesis is specifically interested in. The investigation of kaupapa Mäori design is limited to visual communication design; however, the process and specifications documented in this thesis are presented as dynamic and complimentary to other areas of Mäori design and creative fields. Firstly I would like to acknowledge and thank the University of Otago, I have really enjoyed my time here, as well as the experiences and people I have met. Thanks also for awarding me with the University of Otago Mäori Postgraduate Award. This scholarship was instrumental in helping me to make the decision to continue on with post-graduate studies. I would especially like to extend acknowledgement and thanks to the Ngäi Tahu community and Te Huka Matauraka Mäori for their manaakitanga, support and services, while at the University of Otago. Also to Te Röpü Mäori for providing me with an opportunity to share and give support to other students, being a voice and enabling me to find my own voice and support-network during my studies. Considering I never imagined myself coming to University, let alone completing a Masters, there are certain people in my life who have helped me to realise my potential and who I owe a lot of acknowledgement and thanks. Therefore, I would especially like to thank my supervisors. So much thanks and gratitude goes out to Caro McCaw -who has been with me right from the start. You have helped me to conceptualise, shape and challenge my thinking. Always a positive influence, Caro you have often been my third hand, motivating and enthusiastic, helping me work through complex concepts, believing in me and the research and helping me make sense of the bigger picture. Caro thanks so much for all your sneaky persuasion, encouragement, support, time and effort over these years, I wouldn't have got this far if it wasn't for you-you're truly amazing! Thanks to Brendan Hokowhitu from Te Tumu, for challenging, supporting and encouraging me also. I've learnt so much from what you have taught me. Thanks for v introducing me to some complicated theory and words I can hardly pronounce, I think I've finally made sense of things and it's finally sunk in! You have been extremely influential in shaping my learning and thinking, which I now feel I can start to share. Thanks for being hands-on with feedback towards the end, pushing me towards the finish line, giving me confidence in the research and a desire and pride to learn more about my culture. I'm indebted with gratitude for all that you have contributed in helping me achieve this end result. To Sarah Wakes who came on board towards the end, thanks very much for all your help with structure (time and thesis) and your feedback also. Thanks also for your support and assistance with the many exciting opportunities that have presented themselves and been made possible throughout and as a result of the research. To my family, much love and thanks for always being my support base. The hugest thanks goes out to mum and dad for raising four determined girls. For always knowing you're there unconditionally to listen, encourage and support my decisions in life and during my time at University. I also want to acknowledge my grandmother, Jean Gardner who passed away during the completion of this thesis. Thanks for all your traditions, girl power, never missing a birthday and helping me realise the importance of family and relationships with others, I miss you lots, and like many who have passed you will always remain in my heart and thoughts. Thanks heaps to Aunty Shirley and Uncle Bruce for looking after me when I first arrived in Dunedin and started on with this 'University career'. To my younger sisters and nephews, Terri, Sam, Jack and Dylan, this thesis is dedicated to you also. May you always have a passion and love for learning, believe and achieve to the best of your abilities and always continue to challenge yourself everyday. The best opportunities come from risk and determination.

Calls to defund the police gained prominence with the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement and take various forms. Depending on what will be defunded, the idea has attracted support from different parts of the political spectrum. The politicized nature of the debate often cuts short reflection on how best to assess proposals to defund the police. This article takes up that task. It begins by developing a typology of defund measures: abolitionist cuts, abolitionist reallocation, disaggregative cuts, and disaggregative reallocation. It then outlines a framework to evaluate policing and defund measures, drawing on criteria from the ethics of defensive force. Since policing relies on force, it faces a high justificatory bar and must satisfy the principles of just aim, proportionality, and necessity. The state should not fund unjustified forms of policing that violate those principles. Different violations, though, demand different policy responses.

routes for mariners but also represented winds, currents, depths, temperatures, and even biological information in synoptic format. His book The Physical Geography of the Sea remained in print for decades, through numerous editions. His US navy career came to an end in 1861, when he resigned his commission at the start of the American Civil War to join the Confederate navy . This latter service led to the installation of the Richmond monument in 1929, one of five statues honoring Confederates. Of this group, Maury was the only one who was not a general or president and the

Using James C. Scott's concepts of "public transcripts" and "hidden transcripts" as a framework for discussion, the author examines the ways in which Birmingham's black urban poor fought a municipal government that barred them from the political process while subjecting them to verbal and physical abuse, a denial of municipal rights, and unchecked police brutality. The focus is on those moments when the "hidden transcriptM--the dissident political culture of the oppressed-manifested itself, be it in the form of black passengers sitting next to whites on public busses, bottles and rocks being thrown at Bull Connor's policemen during the 1963 demonstrations, or the Alabama Black Liberation Front being organized to physically intervene in resisting evictions. The author argues that the position of poor urban blacks will improve only after policymakers and grass-roots organizers act with the hidden transcript in mind and leave off believing that the "public transcriptw-the often decorous conversations between black and white public officials that only reinforce the subordinate position of the black poor--expresses the true needs and positions of the poor.

This study discusses the racism in the film The Hate You Give (2018) by George Tillman Jr. this film was adapted from a novel by Angie Thomas in 2017. This film tells of acts of racism committed by white people as the majority against black people as a minority. This study used the theory of sociology by George Ritzer (2011). The type of research used is literary studies. After conducting the analysis, it was found that there were indicators of the occurrence of racism in the film The Hate You Give such as the sociological theory by George Ritzer. The results of this study were (1) there were indicators of racism, (2) the forms of racism contained in the film, (3) knowing the acts of racism in the film The Hate You Give

Though the concept of place-based philanthropy is common parlance in community development scholarship and practice, there is still uncertainty around its meaning due to the multidisciplinary nature of its study and definitional variation among and between scholars and practitioners. This article presents findings from a recently edited volume created by a binational research team. Ten cases of philanthropic initiatives were explored to develop a transnational understanding of foundation engagement in place-based philanthropy. Place-based philanthropy was explored by considering collaboration with other stakeholders, initiative evaluation, systems change efforts, and issues of power, equity, and justice. Our findings suggest that place-based philanthropy among foundations is heterogeneous. While some foundations adhere to traditional forms of place-based philanthropy, others are pushing the boundaries of this type of work. This article urges both academics and practitioners to reimagine placebased philanthropy for transformative purposes.

Whether you are approaching this paper with prior knowledge of the subject matter or are learning about these topics for the first time, the framework set forth below will help contextualize the Disability Justice Movement, my argument, and my position within the conversation. First, this paper uses identity-first language. The debate over person-first language (e.g., people with disabilities) versus identity-first language (e.g., disabled person) is contested within and outside the disabled community. I believe this approach normalizes language that both honors the experiences of these communities and subverts the concept of disability as an afterthought or an inherently negative experience that disabled people should seek to not be defined by (Ferregon; Liebowitz). Second, disabled and disability is used to refer to people with physical disabilities, intellectual and developmental disabilities, chronic illnesses, mental illnesses, those who are part of the d/Deaf community, those who are neurodivergent, and those in chronic pain. While language is always in flux, currently these identifiers are prevalent and affirmative terms used within the disability justice community to describe a wide variety of experiences. It should be noted, however, that selfidentification varies, and everyone has a right to self-identify as they choose. Third, the term liberation is used throughout this paper to describe efforts to effect real and lasting change to systems that oppress all of us. The term liberated spaces refers to communities doing that work. If safe spaces are rooted in suppressing uncomfortable situations, liberated spaces are "grounded in community and love. A space we are free to be human along with one another…a liberated space is a space in which everyone works as a team to repair that which has been broken" (Urbach). Though liberation is often conceptualized as describing macro-level system changes like government policy, it is also important to conceptualize all community spaces within this framework: how do we change our systems such that anyone can safely and sustainably lead, participate, or both? Working toward liberation allows each of us to show up as our authentic selves, holding each other accountable and protecting each sacred being. Finally, you will find that throughout this paper, I use first-person language rather than the traditional third-person language customary in formal writing. I made this choice deliberately. The topic I am addressing demands that we come as we are and invite others to do the same. It requires a step-away from strict, formal, academic writing in order for each of us to approach the topic authentically, openly, and through a lens of pushing against the status quo. By doing so, we make room for our unique individual voices and our collective liberation. Just as I cannot come to a space authentically without acknowledging my unique experience as a queer, chronically ill, Puerto Rican woman, neither can you approach the work of community building, healing justice, community care, and liberation without acknowledging all parts of your own experience. In the words of Cara Liebowitz, "my disability is just another thread in the tapestry of my life. Pull it and the whole thing might unravel. Pull it and you might get an ugly hole where something beautiful once was.

This study examines the effect of slogan specificity on the mobilization potential of movements on social media platforms. We argue that specific slogans attract more narrowly defined audiences with consistent interpretations. In contrast, vague slogans appeal to broader, more heterogeneous audiences whose interpretations are often diverse, inconsistent, and fragmented. To analyze the link between slogan specificity and mobilization potential, we introduce three concepts: diversity (the range of causes), consistency (continuity of cause related messages), and interconnectivity (the degree to which users refer to common causes). We test this argument on 709,222 tweets of the countermovements of Black Lives Matter (All Lives Matter, Blue/Police Lives Matter, and

In societies where racial justice is salient and social movement organizations (SMOs) are increasingly relying on social media for mobilization, it is crucial to understand the psychological mechanisms that propel activists to scale up the movement in the digital sphere. Going beyond traditional approaches where activism is mainly conceptualized as public mainstream and normative behaviors, this study goes a little further by examining why BLM activists adopt various activist behaviors (i.e., conventional, high risk, social media)- which we posit source from complex motivational concepts of passion and emotions that are imbricated in identity. Drawing from the Dualistic Model of Passion (DMP), the findings indicate that while harmoniously passionate and obsessively passionate BLM activists’ resort to conventional (i.e., peaceful) and high-risk activist behaviors; it is the harmoniously passionate BLM activists that are occupying the digital landscape and rebutting the slacktivism argument to mobilization. Additionally, positive emotions drive the most passionate BLM activists toward social media activism -fostering the wetopian perspective- carving its niche in terms of scaling up the movement in the digital sphere.

The openness of the concept of gentrification—its practical flexibility as a sign—makes it useful, and thus prominent, in everyday conversations about the socio-spatial changes affecting Oakland, CA and other US cities. Within gentrification studies, however, this openness has often been seen as a conceptual problem to be corrected. In this paper, rather than refine a categoric definition of gentrification, we focus on the contingent ways that a range of political actors articulate relational identities and claims in struggles over public space. We observe that, as a situated and unstable constellation of meanings and resonances, the talk of gentrification is central to urban cultural politics in places like Oakland. We thus argue that the ‘chaotic’ use of the term is neither a conceptual problem nor a political failure. Instead, it is in itself a rich and meaningful subject of research on urban life, pointing to a multiplicity of sites in which new and consequential formations of inclusion and exclusion, belonging and disbelonging, are forged in practice. Using six months of ethnographic fieldwork, we detail the struggle over Oakland First Fridays, a downtown street festival. In particular, we show how a diverse group of organizers drew on ‘gentrification’ as a grid of meaning to configure and reconfigure the event’s deserving public in ways that rendered commercial vendors, young people of color and political protesters increasingly out of place. We thus argue that viewing ‘gentrification’ as a grid of meaning allows us to appreciate fluctuating formations of inclusion and exclusion—formations that a too-rigid focus on gentrification as a socio-spatial and political–economic process of urban change can either naturalize or obscure.

The racial discrimination and oppression toward Black community in the U.S. have become the main concern in American society. Several factors make Black community live with fear and struggle to be accepted in American society. Racial discrimination is a complex phenomenon, which is the accumulation of variables within Black community’s lives. Race, class, and gender are factors that intersect with one another, resulting in continuous racial discrimination toward Black people in the U.S. Black literature explores how Black people encounter oppression and discrimination; and how they fight against them. One of Black young adult literature is entitled The Hate U Give (2017) by Angie Thomas. This novel explores the life of a high school student named Starr who lives within two atmospheres, a black neighborhood and a predominately white school. Through the protagonist’s point of view, this novel explores how the intersection of race, class, and gender are connected and creates continuous...

This paper explores the dynamic relationship between public law and social justice movements, examining how legal frameworks are influenced by and, in turn, shape social change. The paper analyzes the historical and contemporary roles of social justice movements in advocating for legislative reforms, with a particular focus on recent trends and the interactions between legal frameworks and activist initiatives. The examination highlights the potential for law to either support or hinder social progress, considering both institutional structures and the broader socio-political context. Key case studies, including movements such as Black Lives Matter and LGBTQ+ rights advocacy, illustrate the evolving role of public law in facilitating or obstructing social change.

For all the profound disagreements between the conservative establishment and those of us on the emerging new Right, we broadly agree on what to do about the most contentious issue in America: race-by which we mean, as everyone else does, black people. We both reject invidious discrimination (including so-called "affirmative action") and believe desirable positions should generally be awarded on the basis of merit and competence. We both expect the government to secure the rights of all Americans equally, regardless of race. And, of course, we both think that our fellow black citizens should be treated with courtesy in everyday life (the days in which a grown man was called "boy"-or worse-are, in any case, long gone). Equal rights under equal laws with no special treatment should be the bedrock of American justice. Nothing less, nothing more-come what may of life outcomes. That last qualifier is the real holdup. Conservatives claim to believe in colorblindness but they in truth do not have the stomach to accept the outcomes it produces. They tirelessly quote that one line from the "I Have a Dream" speech but feel uneasy when they end up without enough people of a particular skin color after having judged people by the content of their character.

In the face of climate change, communities across the globe are
experiencing profound shifts in their ideological and physical environments, that
amplify existing gender vulnerabilities. This study proposes a symbiosis
adaptation paradigm to climate-induced violence against women, that is based on
and stems from different gender-responsive adaptation epistemologies and
theories. The analysis focuses on the intricate ways in which climate-related
adaptation strategies intersect with gender dynamics and environmental injustice.
It aims at enriching the discussion about violence against women (VAW), from a
UNA/Human Rights approach perspective, in the context of climate change by
drawing from diverse theoretical frameworks and analytical lenses like post
humanism, intersectional feminism and African futurism. Through the lens of two
selected literary narratives, Octavia Butler's "Parable of the Sower," and Nnedi
Okorafor's "Who Fears Death, " this study engages with exploring how these
fictional and non-fictional written and visual narratives depict the intersections
of gender, violence, and climate change in different regions of the Global South.
Butler's "Parable of the Sower" is a dystopian fantasy adventure that paints a
picture of ecological terror and racial tension in a postapocalyptic world. Butler
shapes her story around the rejection of patriarchy, using language and metaphor
to further develop her idea of a planet in desperate need of the feminine. Viewed
through an ecofeminist lens, the world of Parable of the Sower becomes even more
visceral as we assess the horror of what a white capitalist patriarchy has done to
humankind and the Earth. Thus, Parable of the Sower becomes a story of a world
rebuilt, reimagined, and ultimately healed by an ecofeminist hand. Meanwhile, in
"Who Fears Death," Okorafor, the founder of Africanfuturism, presents a
dystopian future Africa where violence against women is compounded by
environmental degradation, showcasing the resilience of women as both victims
and agents of change in navigating these socio-environmental challenges. This
interdisciplinary thesis research underscores the potential of two samples from
the Global South and the Global North narratives to galvanize environmental
awareness and advocacy. It examines how it reflects, challenges, and perpetuates
gender norms shedding light on its role in fostering eco-feminist discourse and
activism. By exploring the unique ways in which these narratives amplify the
voices of women affected by climate change, this study tackles dynamic
perspectives on the ‘imaginactivist’ role of the gender-responsive narratives in
addressing urgent socio-environmental issues and proposes 'symbiotic'
adaptation strategy that can hinder gender-based violence (GBV), specifically
violence against women (VAW), during global climatic changes.

This session explored two contrasting approaches to social and structural sin. Bryan Massingale offered a cultural analysis of the evil of white supremacy to supplement a treatment of the social sin of racism. He has previously written "effective moral analysis and action require understanding racism as a culture of white advantage, privilege, and dominance that has derivative personal, interpersonal, and institutional manifestations." This position draws on Bernard Lonergan's view of culture as a "set of meanings and values that inform a people's way of life." For Massingale "culture is more fundamental and foundational than the social," like the soul is to the body so biases, values, and symbols "define a person's identity and inform their common way of life." Noel Cazevane's book on the killing of African Americans by police and vigilantes offers instances of a culture of white supremacy. Social sin is a symptom of a deeper problem called cultural sin or cultural evil, identified as white supremacy and white nationalism following Malcolm X, James Baldwin, Charles Mills, and Ta-Nehisi Coates. This cultural sin is the trait of "ignorance of or insensitivity to moral truth." In the words of Baldwin, "my country and my countrymen. . . have destroyed and are destroying hundreds of thousands of lives and do not know it and do not want to know it." This aggressive distortion of knowledge, an epistemic distortion, cannot be overcome through education or dialogue. Massingale identifies "three effects or impacts of such culturally-induced epistemic blindness, namely, incorrect judgments and assessments of moral situations; affective numbness or callousness to the plight of nonwhite peoples; and a refusal to acknowledge the impact of the past for present-day harms." To defy this ignorance, Catholic theological ethics must rethink ethical responsibility and moral culpability; interrogate the power of culture undergirding this ignorance; and develop a new approach to conscience formation. Dan Finn explores "Moral Agency within Sinful Social Structures" using a critical realist sociology. "How does the power of social structures alter our decisions?" Sociology recognizes three options: collective or structural determinism, individualism, and the approach of critical realism. The latter distinguishes persons as moral agents, and structures as sources of causal impact based on their impact on free choice. Critical realist Douglas Porpora proposes, "a social structure is a system of human relationships among (pre-existing) social positions" by means of incentives that are either restrictions or opportunities, offering constrains or enticements, which may cultivate good habits. Racism acts as cultural and can be based on explicit convictions about racial inferiority or by unconscious racial motivations and people "act out of a cultural frame in 'preconscious ways.'" But structures influence people of color differently than white people: more restrictions, fewer opportunities. "This is often not the personal

This article delves into online strategies to demand accountability for Floyd's murder amid the polarized context of the 2020 presidential elections and the Chauvin trial. By applying signaling theory to the study of hashtag activism, we examine how users strategically emphasized and deemphasized Floyd's death to adapt to contextual sensitivities. Our analysis, based on an original dataset of approximately 6,000,000 tweets (January 2020-December 2021), employs statistical tools and network analysis to uncover temporal patterns in users' framing strategies related to Floyd's death. Users emphasized Floyd's case, policing reforms, and systemic racism during the summer of 2020, transitioning to broader themes during the elections, and refocused on accountability and justice during the Chauvin trial. This article proposes a novel theoretical application of the signaling theory to the study of online activism, through observable metricstweet volume, duration, and hashtag combinations. These metrics capture when and by which messaging activists strategically raise issue salience. Our findings shed light on the differences in activist strategies along partisan lines, with Democrats predominantly associated with justice demands and Republicans with grievances.

This Special Issue offers insights about race and leadership for all-not just Black, Indigenous and other people of color-but everyone, as each person is implicated in this discussion in some way. To do justice to the beauty and power of the authors' words in this special issue on race and leadership, rather than an editors' review we wish to instead frame a way of receiving these works. In doing so, we draw inspiration from the Sufi mystic Rumi (1995: 36): Out beyond ideas of wrongdoing and rightdoing there is a field. I'll meet you there. When the soul lies down in that grass, the world is too full to talk about. Ideas, language, even the phrase each other Doesn't make any sense. We invite you to join us in that field beyond. Beyond belief and non-belief, judgements and ideologies. Beyond binaries, dichotomies, dualities and polarities. Beyond the divisions of you, me and other. Take off the lenses that refract leadership into hotly argued angles. This field, as we wish to offer it, is a state of being. A space to release the occlusions that prevent us from receiving the voices of others. To forgo the need for corroboration of our opinions, judgments and assumptions. A state that releases the ego to allow receptivity to flow. The field we envision is expansive, wholehearted, spacious and right here in this moment. A moment to just listen and be suspended in possibilities. It is with honor we present this collection of works on race and leadership. The authors have stepped forward with courage to share words that may drift across your field like a familiar wind or more likely perturbate it in an uncomfortable and disturbing way with words to be reckoned with, thereby leading to change. The authors, collectively, bring our attention to the importance of race and leadership in these times, and for all times. This is not a race to the finish. It is a race into this very moment in time. We all have the power in the moment to pause and reflect before acting. It is in this moment we hope you choose to use your personal power to enhance the space you inhabit for justice.

The June 2025 military deployment of 2,000 National Guard troops and 700 Marines to Los Angeles was an unprecedented response to protests against ICE immigration raids. President Trump justified the action as a defense against an "invasion" of "undocumented immigrants and criminals," federalizing the National Guard without the consent of California Governor Gavin Newsom, something unseen in 60 years. This measure sparked a constitutional crisis, with Newsom filing lawsuits alleging violation of state sovereignty and the Posse Comitatus Act. The action is part of Trump's authoritarian strategies, such as "Flooding the Zone" to overwhelm the opposition, and "Project 2025," which seeks a radical restructuring of executive power with mass deportations and the use of force against protesters. The deployment occurred in a context of economic (tariffs) and diplomatic (war in Ukraine) failures, suggesting a "hunt for immigrants" to divert attention and test the institutional and social resilience of American democracy to the planned advance of an authoritarian system. The legal and social resistance underscores democratic resilience to these tactics.

This paper is a call to university leaders across the United Kingdom to stand in solidarity with racialized and racially minoritized students by embracing humanizing and epistemically liberating practices that open up possibilities for authentic dialogue and action. This dialogue should seek to resist the barriers which have resulted in the marginalization, and often systemic discrimination of racially minoritized students within higher education. We seek to illuminate the revolutionary leadership of university students, who have initiated the movement toward racial representation, multiple truths, and a more equitable curriculum that subverts the violence of Western cognitive imperialism. Black feminist thought informs our standpoint in this paper and we reflect upon our experience of the Childhood studies curriculum as both students and staff. We offer recommendations for university leaders to stimulate meaningful, equitable, and socially just change.

If it claims to designate a specific type of action, the category of police violence is problematic because the practices of the police  are inherently violent. In fact, we should be saying that there is no such thing as police violence - police means violence - or that there is only police violence.  But then, what do we mean when we talk about police violence? To what specific acts does this category refer?

Resumen: La Universidad Católica Andrés Bello como parte de su política institucional ha optado por implementar dos programas: ayudas económicas y curso de iniciación universitaria (CIU), que brindan en el primer caso, posibilidad de acceso a la educación superior y en el segundo, herramientas para una mejor y mayor probabilidad de éxito académico. Mediante la metodología de medición de impacto, se analizaron ambos programas, evaluando las variables de desempeño académico como: deserción, prosecución y egreso, bajo la hipótesis de que ambos programas mejoran ese desempeño. Se abordó en primer lugar el CIU, empleando el diseño de regresiones discontinuas agudas, cuyos resultados permiten concluir la existencia de la discontinuidad para la deserción (escuela e institucional), indicando que para la metodología paramétrica y no paramétrica al menos localmente, el CIU reduce la deserción de escuela y la de la institución entre un 9% y un 11% respectivamente, aunque no así la prosecución, sobre la cual no existe evidencia empírica que indique un mejor desempeño para los estudiantes tratados. Por su parte, en el análisis del programa de ayudas económicas se incluyeron las variables resultado de: deserción de programa y de institución en los dos horizontes temporales, tardía y temprana, y la prosecución, a las cuales se adicionó el egreso como otra variable de desempeño. La medición de impacto del programa se realizó utilizando tanto la metodología del diseño de regresiones discontinuas, como el emparejamiento. Específicamente, dado que el programa de ayudas económicas presenta diferentes niveles de exoneración, se empleó el diseño de regresiones discontinuas difusas para tratamientos múltiples con cuatro puntos de corte en la variable de asignación (índice de ayuda). Los resultados obtenidos muestran que los efectos marginales sobre los distintos tipos de deserción son significativos y presentan los signos esperados (negativo). Un aumento de 1% en el descuento de la matricula reduce la deserción temprana de programa y de institución aproximadamente en 1% y la tardía en 0,5%. En términos del egreso, los resultados parecieran mostrar que el efecto causal del programa por cada incremento en un 1% de la exoneración podría elevar la probabilidad de egreso en 0,6%, Este análisis del impacto sobre las variables de desempeño académico del programa de ayudas económicas se complementó con la inclusión de variables asociadas al mercado laboral: remuneración percibida durante la carrera, al egresar y en la actualidad, además de la probabilidad de emplearse al momento de la titulación, no obteniendo resultados concluyentes sobre un posible impacto en estas variables. Palabras clave: evaluación de impacto, políticas educativas, programas de acción afirmativa, diseño regresiones discontinuas, método emparejamiento, deserción, prosecución

In "How to Be an Antiracist," Ibram X. Kendi falls into self-contradiction when he asserts that one must be a cultural relativist to be an antiracist. Kendi asserts, implausibly, that all cultures are morally equal, contradicting his own clear implication that many cultures are in fact racist. To be consistent, Kendi must grant that no culture should be considered immune to moral critique.

Architecture is no longer about buildings, nor is it about people. Now architecture’s focus is life itself and how life is enacted as a transition across scales. Transscalar entities are formed by the interaction between what happens in the microscopic realm of hormones, and at the territorial dimension of energy mobilisation and geopolitical violence.

Perang sipil Suriah yang terjadi telah menarik sorotan dunia kepada negara tersebut, hal ini dikarenakan dalam perang sipil yang terjadi tidak hanya antara pihak pemerintah dan pemberontak, akan tetapi juga terdapat kehadiran pihak lain seperti Rusia, Amerika bahkan ISIS. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa dan mempelajari bagaimana strategi aliansi antara Rusia dengan Suriah dalam menghadapi kelompok pemberontak dan Teroris pada tahun 2015-2017. Pendekatan ini bersifat kualitatif. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah terapan dan deskriptif. Adapun sumber data yang digunakan adalah data-data primer dan sekunder yang dilakukan melalui studi pustaka. Data akan dianalisa dengan menggunakan teori kepentingan nasional, teori aliansi dan konsep strategi, adapun untuk memperjelas juga terdapat konsep teroris dan pemberontak. Berdasarkan analisa data yang dilakukan, diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa strategi yang dilakukan oleh aliansi Rusia dengan Suriah berupa pengiriman bantuan armada laut, darat maupun udara. Serta Rusia turut berperan aktif dalam memerangi kelompok pemberontak dan teroris.