Ancient Greek Rhetoric

Plato’s The Republic is arguably the most important work in Western philosophy and political theory. The book explores justice, political and social structures, and the characteristics that an ideal city-state should adopt. In the work, Plato famously argues that the most desirable, just form of the city-state should be a Kallipolis, where there is a clearly hierarchical structure, according to which the wisest people—the guardians or the “philosophical kings”—rule; the auxiliaries (such as the police force) come next, who enforce the law and the order; and producers or workers, who are the ordinary majority in society come as the last. Given Plato’s envisioning of Kallipolis as being hierarchical, a question immediately emerges: Does this mean that Plato was fundamentally anti-egalitarian?

This paper aims to examine the extent of Plato’s spirit of egalitarianism, and I argue that Plato was fundamentally an egalitarian. The first section considers three aspects that clearly manifest Plato’s egalitarian spirit: the first is Kallipolis’s society, particularly its selection of guardians, being largely meritocratic. The second is gender equality in Kallipolis: women are welcomed as much as men to engage in activities and serve the public welfare that fit their aptitude or nature; the third is the state’s equal concern for the well-being of the people across the three social classes

The second section examines two anti-egalitarian aspects in Kallipolis—one being that people have unequal access to knowledge, and the other being that the people of the three social classes have unequal political power—and considers an objection based on which Plato was not an egalitarian. I will respond to defend Plato being an egalitarian by demonstrating that the reason why Plato thinks that people’s access to knowledge should be unequal and rejects democracy in Kallipolis is not that he thinks that people of a lower social class are of less moral worth, but is rather a pragmatic one that serves an egalitarian purpose: he considers that such arrangements perform institutionally better in serving the state’s interests and all citizens’ flourishing.

A relação entre tempo e verdade é um assunto constantemente revisitado pelas historiografias. Desde registros antigos, é possível identificar reflexões de consciência da aporia engendrada pelo transcorrer do tempo e pelas concepções que se possam (e não possam) ter daquilo que é verdade. Uma das formas de investigá-la é a historiografia, ora entendida como pesquisa pertinentemente demonstrável da experiência temporal humana. Assim podemos nos aproximar das Histórias de Políbio (c. 200 – c. 117 A.E.C.), político proveniente da elite do koinón aqueu que se torna historiador quando da sua captura pela nobilitas romana. Tal como Políbio teria vivido a desagregação de uma hegemonia transrregional, a Macedônia Antigônida, Demétrio de Falero (c. 350 – c. 280), político ateniense considerado polímata, teria vivido a desagregação da Pérsia Aquemênida: expressiva correlação nos é transmitida pelo fragmento historiográfico mais extenso que temos do segundo, mediado pelo primeiro. Parte de pesquisa em andamento, esta apresentação propõe uma hermenêutica histórica capaz de compreender temporalizações nas Histórias de Políbio (c. 200 – c. 117 A.E.C.) ao sugerir um diálogo entre a teoria da historicidade da memória de Jan Assmann e a História Conceptual de Reinhart Koselleck a partir da História Antiga. Desse modo, analisamos o trecho XXIX, 21, em que as palavras de Demétrio são lembradas (mnēmoneúō) na medida em que elas fariam ver o que Políbio entende como a verdade (alḗtheia) trazida pelo tempo: a desagregação de grandes poderios, não obstante sabida, é inesperada e de vivência provocadora de radical mudança na relação humana com a própria história. Ao fim, trabalhamos duas hipóteses: (a) a de que o tempo é reconhecido por Políbio como elemento de transformação qualitativa da experiência humana, e; (b) a de que o conceito de desagregação (katálysis) temporaliza o de história neste autor, porquanto indica temporalizações do meio político em que se encontrava e de sua obra. Nesse movimento, problematizamos projeções de modelos temporais como historia magistra uitae ou de tempo cíclico aos antigos e, precipuamente, às historiografias gregas e do mundo helenístico, ao passo que defendemos o uso de categorias apreendedoras do tempo na construção de uma hermenêutica compreensiva dedicada a esse tipo de fonte.

Bibliography Numbers in bold refer to U. HAGEDORN -D. HAGEDORN -L.C. YOUTIE -H.C. YOUTIE (edd.), Das Archiv des Petaus (Pap.Colon. IV), Opladen, 1969. Description The archive of Petaus is dispersed between the library of the University of Michigan, which purchased 27 papyri through professor C. Schmidt in 1937 (inv. numbers 6869-6895), and the Institute of Papyrology at Cologne (inv. numbers 300-409). In a few cases, several pieces of the same document are kept in both collections. Between AD 184 and 187, Petaus, son of Petaus, was village scribe (komogrammateus) of Ptolemais Hormou and its surrounding villages. Little is known of his personal life. The only facts the papyri reveal is that he had a father also named Petaus and a brother Theon, and that the family came from Karanis 1 .

Safo “la décima Musa” ha sido el epíteto platónico para denominar a la más famosa de las poetisas griegas que haya existido en la Antigüedad.
Aquella muchacha de la isla de Lesbos había formado una academia en la que se enseñaba el noble arte de la lira y el canto; sus bellas discípulas eran muchas veces los nombres evocados en sus composiciones, llenas de furtivos y fugaces amores, expresiones supremas de un espíritu verdaderamente libre en una sociedad y un tiempo donde la voz poética –y en realidad toda expresión– estaba dominada por lo masculino. Safo se granjeó una inexorable reputación en el mundo literario gracias al exquisito bruñido de su verso y a la estima de sus contemporáneos, como la consabida figura de Alceo, con quien inició una corriente poética inmortal que perdura hasta nuestros días y a la que muchas voces (hoy llamadas líricas) le deben su nacimiento.
Sin embargo, no todas las poetisas de la Antigüedad griega –y en menor medida romana- corrieron con la misma suerte de Safo. La preponderancia institucional del patriarcado de aquellas sociedades y el implacable paso del tiempo condenaron a la mayoría de ellas, reduciéndolas a vestigios y fragmentos, lo que ha dado pie al irremediable olvido.
En esta obra nos hemos dado la incauta tarea de recuperar aquellas voces perdidas en el tiempo, y como quien frota un palimpsesto, tratamos de desvelar el encanto –e incluso el misterio– de los versos eruditos y míticos de Corina de Tanagra; los con-movedores de Erina de Telos; los elegíacos y natu-rales de Ánite de Tegea; los celebratorios y efímeros de Praxila de Sición; los monumentales y epigráficos de Cecilia Trebula, Julia Balbila y Damo; los místicos y teológicos de Eudocia y Kassia de Bizancio; los apasionados de Aconia Fabia Paulina; los pasionales y satíricos de las Sulpicias…    ¡Y por supuesto! Los inmortales de Safo de Lesbos.

This research aims to analyze Bobby Nasution's campaign speech using Aristotle's rhetorical proofs and Griffin's Theory of Strategic Communication. The study investigates rhetorical proofs of logos, ethos, and pathos and explores their application in political communication. This qualitative research utilized content analysis with data derived from the transcript and video of Bobby Nasution's speech, titled "Bobby Nasution Janji Prioritaskan Kesehatan dan Penanganan Hukum jika Menang Pilgub Sumut," uploaded on the YouTube channel Official iNews. The findings reveal that Bobby Nasution employed rhetorical proofs with a distribution of logos (37%), ethos (42%), and pathos (21%). Ethos was further demonstrated through practical wisdom (phronesis), moral virtue (arete), and goodwill (eunoia). Additionally, the speech balanced emotional appeals such as anger versus calmness and fear versus confidence to connect with the audience. This research contributes to the study of rhetoric by highlighting the importance of strategic communication in political campaigns and its relevance to audience engagement.

In this dissertation, I investigate the potential of the analysis of a popular biblical narrative to contribute to our understanding of historical interactions and encounters within and between different religious traditions. The subject of my research is the story of the mother and her seven sons, which circulated as different versions among Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the first millennium CE. Although the reception history of this story is exceptionally rich, no comprehensive presentation of it exists. For example, the Islamic reception history of the story is not addressed in earlier research. My choices with respect to both the selected source material and methodology enable a view of the reception history of this popular story that is inclusive not only of different religious traditions but also of the diverse ways in which the story was transmitted.
The dissertation is comprised of four research articles that have already been published and an executive summary. Each research article is a case study into the reception history of the story. In the first two articles, I analyze Greek and Latin Christian homilies from the late fourth and the early fifth centuries CE and, more specifically, homilies that present the martyrdom of the so-called Maccabees (the seven brothers, their mother, and sometimes Eleazar) as contested because they died before Christ and for the Mosaic Law. These texts have been instrumental in historical reconstructions of a conflict between Christians and Jews over the ownership and the legacy of the Maccabees in fourth-century Antioch. I emphasize how these homilies reflect the rhetorical conventions of their time, including the (often imagined) practice of engaging in dialogue with a Jew, and seek to find alternatives for the conflict-centered paradigm. My second article asks specifically whether late antique Christians would have been able to conceptualize the figure of a Jewish martyr and scrutinizes the expansion of the Christian discourse on martyrdom in the selected homilies toward including pre-Christ martyrs.
My last two articles survey previously unexplored areas of contact between Judaism, Christianity, and Islam in the reception history of the story of the mother and her seven sons. In the third article, co-authored with Joonas Maristo, we examine a story about the hairdresser of Pharaoh's daughter and her children, who were killed in Pharaoh's court. The account is found in the hadith collection compiled by the ninth-century Muslim scholar Ibn Hanbal. Among the special features of the hadith, there is a beautiful fragrance associated with the story of the hairdresser and her children, a negotiation between the hairdresser-mother and Pharaoh about the preservation of her children's bones, and a suckling boy who encourages his hesitant mother to throw him to his death. We argue that this hadith is not only an Islamic version of the story of the mother and her seven sons also known in Jewish and Christian traditions but a creative cultural product that emerges from a contact zone between Jews, Christians, and Muslims.
The concluding, fourth article has the most theoretical orientation. In it, I analyze the reception of the story in the writings of the third-century Christian scholar Origen of Alexandria and argue for the integration of the study of different forms of interaction in the more traditional, scripture-centered reception-historical analysis. I propose that Origen’s way of knowing the mother and her seven sons and transmitting their story forward is influenced by a variety of experiences and encounters. I also emphasize the ways in which our possibilities of knowing Origen are determined by intermediary others. Whereas previous studies have examined Origen mainly as a highly skilled user of (biblical) texts, I portray him as operating with living traditions that he could only partly manage.
In the executive summary, I introduce the larger frame of study of the story of the mother and her seven sons in the context of the first millennium CE to which all my individual articles contribute. I discuss the most important findings of my research and conclude with an outline of some theoretical and methodological contributions to biblical reception history that arise from this dissertation.

L'existence d'un martyrion de sainte Thècle non loin du sanctuaire d' Abu Mina est attestée par le récit d'un miracle faisant partie du dossier hagiographique d' Apa Mènas.1 Il y est question d'une femme riche, habitante de Philoxenité. Je cite d'après la traduction de S. Bacot: Elle dit: 'Je vais me disposer à aller faire mes dévotions au sanctuaire d' Apa Mèna, pour qu'il se souvienne de moi en présence de Dieu' . Elle entreprit donc d'aller faire ses dévotions au sanctuaire, disant: 'Je n'ai pas d'enfants pour hériter de moi. Or il est écrit: "Le monde passera, lui et sa convoitise". À quoi bon vivre en effet, moi qui suis une misérable, une malheureuse, même si je porte de l'or, de l'argent et des vêtements! … Je vais aller porter toutes mes parures et mes richesses, tant en or qu'en argent; j'en prendrai un peu à la fois et je les remettrai au sanctuaire du saint Apa Mèna pour le pardon de mes péchés. Peut-être trouverai-je miséricorde en présence de Dieu dans l'au-delà' . La femme entreprit donc d'emporter tous ses objets précieux, et c'est seule qu'elle se mit en route, pour que personne ne soit au courant de l'affaire. Ainsi donc, elle voyagea seule, jusqu'à ce qu'elle arrive à un mille du martyrion de sainte Thècle. Tandis qu'elle voyageait seule dans le désert, voici qu'un soldat, de ceux qui veillent à la sécurité des routes, arriva sur elle, monté sur son cheval, seul. Son regard vit la femme qui voyageait seule, Satan entra en lui, prit possession de tous ses membres. Le soldat tente de la violer, elle appelle à son secours 'le Dieu de saint Mènas' , saint Mènas arrive sur un cheval céleste, la libère et punit le soldat qui tentait de la violer. La mention du martyrion de sainte Thècle ne fait pas partie de la narration du miracle lui-même: elle ne sert 1 Le récit où est mentionnée l'existence d'un martyrion de sainte Thècle, se trouve dans les collections suivantes: texte grec: И. Помяловский [I. Pomjalovskij], Житіе преподобнаго Паисія Великаго у Тимоѳея патріарха александрійскаго повѣствованіе о чудесах Св. Беликомученика Мины (Saint Pétersbourg, 1900), miracle 3, pp. 68-70; textes coptes: S. Bacot, 'Quatre miracles de saint Ménas dans un manuscrit copte de l'Ifao (Inv. 315-322)' , bifao 111 (2011), miracle 5, pp. 58-65 (texte copte), pp. 70-71 (traduction);

The paper investigates the style of Origen’s newly discovered Homilies on the Psalms, focusing on the technique of prosopopoeia, a rhetorical tool widespread in Origen’s previously known corpus. Origen’s Homily on Psalm 74 contains many examples of prosopopoeia, where the Savior speaks in the first person, thus serving as a good case study. The analysis focuses on the literary construction of the fictional discourses and the purposes they serve within the homily. The evaluation of prosopopoeia provides an opportunity, in the conclusion, to propose some more general observations on Origen as a writer and preacher.

This review focuses on the new book by the renowned German scholar Heinz-Günter Nesselrath on Lucian of Samosata, an author whom Nesselrath has been studying for over 40 years.
The review gives a brief overview of the preface, the nine chapters and the afterword. Among the undoubted merits of this book is that Nesselrath has succeeded in presenting his view and his understanding of Lucian’s rich legacy, which have developed over many years of work- ing with the texts. This is what distinguishes Nesselrath’s book from the companions popular nowadays, where a plurality of opinions and approaches of the authors of the articles naturally arises. On the one hand, the author perfectly shows that the genre and content diversity of the works, the heterogeneity of literary masks are quite amenable to comprehensive consideration.
There is no reason to speak of “the comedy of nihilism” or “the palimpsestic evanescence of author’s voice” (T. Whitmarsh). Through Nesselrath’s book, a distinct, consistent portrait of Lucian as a writer is created. On the other hand, this book once again confirms the unfounded and biased judgements of J. Bernays, R. Helm, who regarded Lucian as a mere epigone and a mediocre writer. The book’s shortcomings may include the fact that the author speaks of the division of rhetoric and philosophy and notes that there is another opinion, but does not elab- orate on it. Equally neglected is the manuscript tradition of Lucian. Nonetheless, the unified concept, the well-thought-out structure, the lively and lucid presentation of the material allow us to say that this book is the long-awaited basic study that has been sorely lacking for Lucian.

According to an article published by David Schaps nearly 50 years ago, naming a free woman in Athenian courts was seen as a way to diminish her value, whereas omitting her name was a sign of respect. The speech Against Euboulides provides a new means of analysis: the proliferation of names in Euxitheos' speech, including those of his mother Nicarete and his father Thoukritos, reveals that the main logic behind these designations served a rhetorical purpose.

This paper analyses Euxitheus' legal arguments in the trial against Eubulides (Dem. 57) and proposes a new analysis of the ephesis procedure. Within this framework it argues that Euxitheus' forensic strategy is not only relevant to the question at issue -to prove his status as a legitimate citizen (gnesios polites), as someone born from two citizen parents -but is also characterised by a strict adherence to the laws and procedure involving his case. The relation between rhetoric and law emerging in Euxitheus' speech reveals a rhetorical strategy grounded on legal evidence and documents. This essay will especially focus on two important arguments in the speech, that is, the use of religious arguments and the theme of the plot against Euxitheus, which prove extremely enlightening in showing the how the relevant procedure shaped Euxitheus' arguments. To this aim section II compares Dem. 57 and other probable cases of ephesis in order to reassess how the ephesis procedure worked when it arose from a diapsephisis. Section III shows that the arguments used by Euxitheus are to be considered relevant to winning an ephesis case in court. The entire speech is effectively constructed to demonstrate 'what is true' against Eubulides' 'false accusations' and 'defamatory statements' (57.1), that is, to use legal arguments against 'the sykophant's game': to allege everything but prove nothing'.

This article begins with a sceptical discussion of 'progressivism', the idea that Homeric morality is, in certain respects, primitive. It then moves to the distinctions between 'competitive' and 'co-operative' virtues, and shame and guilt, and expresses some doubts about the contrasts drawn by writers such as Bernard Williams between ancient and modern morality. It concludes by showing the importance of compassion in the Homeric poems.

This article deals with the relationship between literary works and rhetorical discourses as constituents and manifestations of the art of language, which occupies an important place in society and politics. Special attention is paid to the role of readers and audiences, which are considered potentially unlimited.
Key words: art of language, literature, rhetoric, society, politics.

Este artículo trata de la relación entre las obras literarias y los discursos retóricos como constituyentes y manifestaciones del arte de lenguaje, que ocupa un importante lugar en la sociedad y en la política. Se presta especial atención al papel de los lectores y las audiencias, que son consideradas potencialmente ilimitadas.
Palabras clave: arte de lenguaje, literatura, retórica, sociedad, política.

This volume presents an explanation for the alternation of morphologically past and present forms referring to past events in the classical phase of ancient Greek. N. approaches this enigma from a standpoint within cognitive linguistics, a branch of linguistics whose adherents hold (controversially) that 'our capacity for language is not a separate module but is grounded in other cognitive systems and faculties' (p. 4). N.'s explanation of the appearance of past-referring present forms involves 'the construal of spatio-temporally distal entities as proximal' (p. 266). In other words, he assumes that present morphology is associated with conceptual scenarios in which the events denoted are current, even when in literal fact they occurred in the past. In N.'s view, the conceptual scenario that explains classical Greek past-referring presents is the representation scenario, according to which 'distal entities are immediately accessible . . . in the form of a representation' (p. 266). After laying out the general conceptual model in Chapter 1, N. devotes Chapters 2-4 to discussions of specific types of representation that are allegedly operative in different textual contexts. Chapter 2 is concerned with 'scenic narrative, that is, narrative passages where discourse time comes close to story time' (p. 66), conveying the impression that the narrator is reporting events as they occur. N. contends that 'past events are presently simulated or re-enacted' by such mimetic passages and that the 'present tense highlights this construal by designating the events as they occur in the simulation' (p. 68). Authors' rhetorical purposes also come into play, since 'the threshold for the mimetic use of the present tense is lowered when the narrated events are particularly newsworthy or important to the development of the story' (p. 145), i.e. when they have high communicative dynamism. In Chapter 3 N. turns to summary narrative, 'where short stretches of discourse time cover long stretches of story time' (p. 147). He argues that, rather than an ongoing re-enactment, the relevant representation here is the discourse, 'conceived as an object that is presently available for consideration ' (p. 154). As in mimetic narrative, the past-referring present is associated with events of high communicative dynamism, being 'used to signal to the addressees that they are to update their mental model of the discourse in the light of salient changes in its structure ' (p. 153). Chapter 4 discusses past-referring presents attested outside narrative contexts, which N. calls registering presents. He argues that 'the registering present construes the designated event as presently accessible as part of a record that is external to the discourse itself' (p. 236). The record may be of various kinds: N. discusses pictorial depictions, mythographic and chronographic accounts, records of transactions and family trees, although the argument for the cognitive salience of the last does not seem irresistible. (N. infers from the mention of indicating relationships on a tablet at Demosthenes 43.18 that 'the idea of representing family relations on a physical object was well within the grasp of the Greek audience ' [p. 261]; this is in itself quite plausible, but it does not necessarily follow from the evidence of this single passage that the idea was so widely familiar that it underlies the genealogical accounts at Demosthenes 57.37-8 and elsewhere, as N. goes on to suggest.

At first sight, Isocrates' use of the term "sophist" (σοφιστής) may appear contradictory as it is associated with both a positive and a pejorative meaning. The article contends that Isocrates was not being unintentionally vague or imprecise as he deliberately used the term to refer to two disparaging groups of professional teachers or writers who, in his opinion, had nothing in common. Isocrates tended to privilege the positive meaning of the term over the negative one, considering the latter as a contemporary deviation of the former.

Dedico este trabalho à minha amada família, à minha mãe Elcení, ao meu pai Estanislau e ao meu irmão Stanis David. Primeiramente, agradeço a Deus por tudo, pois tudo acontece com sua permissão e com seu amor. Aos meus pais, Elcení Salete Dalpra Lacowicz e Estanislau Lacowicz Filho, por todo o amor que me deram, pelo apoio financeiro e emocional quando precisei. Ao meu namorado Matheus Bogo Polidorio, por ser um companheiro tão amoroso que me deu todo apoio desde a seleção, enquanto cursava as matérias e durante todo o período da escrita. Ao meu irmão, Stanis David Lacowicz, que me auxiliou com a correção do trabalho e minha cunhada Mirielly Ferraça, pelas dicas pertinentes. À Lucia Vitorino Bogo, pelas dicas para elaboração da aula para o estágio de docência e também pelas dicas sobre a dissertação. À minha amiga Cristina Miura, por ter me incentivado e auxiliado nesse processo de conclusão do mestrado. À minha orientadora, Profa. Dra. Vania Sandeleia Vaz da Silva, por ter me aceitado como orientanda e por ter me orientado com cuidado, atenção e respeito, e também pelas aulas de "Como estudar os clássicos da teoria política", que iluminaram minha compreensão das obras desses autores. A todos os meus colegas do mestrado, com os quais pude aprender e trocar experiências sobre áreas tão diferentes. À assistente do mestrado Marilucy, por ter prestado informações de forma esclarecedora sempre que solicitado, e por me assistir atenciosamente quando precisei, em especial, na ocasião da defesa. Aos professores do mestrado, em especial à Dra. Andréia Vicente da Silva pelas aulas magníficas de Antropologia, que me despertaram para um olhar diferente sobre as culturas. Ao Dr. Geraldo Magella Neres pelas excelentes aulas de Teoria Política da América Latina, as quais foram de grande valia para meu entendimento sobre o tema, e por ter aceitado fazer parte da banca. Ao Dr. Osmir Dombrowski pelas ótimas aulas de Teoria Política, que enriqueceram muito meu conhecimento sobre a matéria. À Capes, tendo em vista que o presente trabalho foi realizado como o apoio da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior -Brasil (CAPES) -Código de Financiamento 001. LACOWICZ, Ellis Fernanda. Trabalho livre e escravidão em Atenas: O contraponto de Ellen Meiksins Wood ao viés antidemocrático dos clássicos Sócrates, Platão e Aristóteles. 2018. Dissertação (Mestrado em Ciências Sociais). Programa de pós-graduação stricto sensu em Ciências Sociais, Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, Toledo-PR, 2018. O trabalho busca analisar a perspectiva da pesquisadora e historiadora Ellen Meiksins Wood (1942-2016) sobre a democracia ateniense considerando-a um contraponto à visão antidemocrática dos filósofos clássicos Sócrates, Platão e Aristóteles. A autora apresenta sua perspectiva nas obras Democracia contra capitalismo (2011b) e Peasant-citizen and Slave: The Foundations of Athenian Democracy (1989), nas quais dá ênfase à figura do trabalhador-livre, em especial o cidadão-camponês, que possuía, segundo Wood, um status jurídico e político sem precedentes, ele estava livre de qualquer tipo de exploração por meio da coação por parte dos donos de terras e também por parte do Estado. A visão tradicional foi influenciada pelo o que Ellen Wood chama de mito da ralé ociosa, segundo o qual os cidadãos eram uma ralé ociosa que conseguia participar das decisões políticas porque os escravos trabalhariam no lugar deles e porque eram sustentados por pagamentos públicos; quem inspirou o mito foram os filósofos gregos Sócrates, Platão e Aristóteles. No primeiro capítulo, tratamos da visão tradicional sobre democracia ateniense. No segundo capítulo, abordamos a perspectiva de Ellen Meiksins Wood sobre a democracia ateniense, mais especificamente sobre o papel do cidadão-camponês e dos escravos em Atenas. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, discorremos sobre o método da autora para estudar os teóricos políticos clássicos e sua aplicação nas obras dos filósofos gregos, tendo em vista que o método que a autora utilizou teria possibilitado essa visão diferente sobre o tema. A pesquisadora afirma que esse status de cidadão do trabalhador livre e a vontade antidemocrática que essa condição inspirou estão presentes nas tradições políticas e culturais da antiguidade clássica que chegaram até nós, pois quando as classes trabalhadoras exigiram participação nas democracias nascentesna Inglaterra e nos Estados Unidos, principalmentebuscou-se argumentar que tal participação teria que ser limitada para não colocar em risco a existência da democracia. Tal argumento estava presente nos textos dos filósofos Platão, Sócrates e Aristóteles e poderiam ser mobilizadas por meio da "autoridade" que tais clássicos da política desfrutavam a partir de uma leitura "textualista". Contudo, Ellen Wood foi capaz de mostrar que se tratava de um "viés" e não da descrição da realidade política da democracia ateniense e, por meio da contextualização social dos filósofos da política, mostrou que concernia a uma posição partidáriaantidemocráticano conflito social e político da época em que tais "clássicos" elaboraram suas teorias políticas.

I dialoghi di cittadinanza rivendicano il primato della domanda, o meglio del domandare interrogante, o interrogazione radicale e si ricollegano alle pratiche filosofiche di matrice dialogica, in particolare al Dialogo Socratico (Sokratische Gespräch) di Leonard Nelson, Minna Specht e Gustav Heckmann – pionieri della pratica filosofica nell’Europa degli anni Venti e Trenta del Novecento.

The third speech of Maximus of Tyre “Whether Socrates was right not to speak in his own defence” was little researched, although it is an original text connected with the tradition of Socratic writings. In this article this speech is considered in the light of the tradition of writing Socrates’ Apologies, as well as in the literary context of the I–II centuries AD.

160 Collana diretta da Luca Grecchi Prometeo legato alla colonna con Atlante che regge il cielo, VI secolo a.C. «ıpou gàr 'scùV suzugoüsi kaì díkh, poía xunwrìV tÖnde karterwtéra;». «Infatti, dove forza e giustizia sono allo stesso giogo, quale coppia è più valorosa di questi?».

Isocrates stylizes the literary subject of his speeches and letters as a frail old man. The discourse about his persona's age frames Isocrates' reflections on style and creates a literary brand. His letters show a correspondence between the chosen medium and Isocrates' old age. In Isocrates' encounter with the Academy, old age becomes the central aim of polemic. While Plato's Phaedrus by 'praising' the νέος Isocrates creates a counter-narrative to the aged persona of Isocrates's writings and deconstructs his self-image, Speusipp's criticism of his aged rival in the letter to Philip, on the contrary, does not succeed in breaking loose from his opponent's literary framework.

The very existence of Isocrates' Busiris has given rise to some perplexity among scholars. When one considers the way Isocrates some-mes characterizes his authorial aims, the Busiris does not appear to be the sort of speech that he ought to have wriOen. In the proemium of the Encomium of Helen, for example, Isocrates fiercely opposes what he regards as useless speeches on paradoxical subjects and argues that writers of such speeches ought instead to compose useful speeches about important poli-cal maOers (X 4-5; 9; see also IV 1-10). Moreover, the Busiris itself contains an implicit cri-cism of paradoxography since it is an open leOer that takes to task the rhetorical educa-on of Polycrates, a writer of paradoxical speeches par excellence (XI 1-8). 1 However, these cri-cisms of paradoxography do not sit so comfortably alongside the sample speeches that Isocrates includes as demonstra-ons of proper encomia in both the Helen and Busiris (X 16-69; XI 10-29), both of which appear to be instances of the very genre these two works cri-cize, namely, speeches which are paradoxical because they praise subjects that are thought to be unworthy of such exalted language. 2 This problem is especially pronounced in the case of the Busiris since the mythological figure who gives this work its name is-to a much greater extent than Helen-an unambiguously notorious villain for whom praise seems en-rely inappropriate. Thus, among the few scholars who have treated this puzzling leOer, there is very liOle agreement about what Isocrates-who claims to teach and to write useful and poli-cally 1* For helpful conversa-ons about and feedback on earlier dra]s of this paper, and Isocrates' thought more generally, I would like to thank Merrick Anderson, Tom Davies, Teddy Fassberg, Marcus Gibson, and Chris-an Wildberg. I would also like to thank two anonymous readers for Classical Philology for their extremely valuable feedback and sugges-ons on an earlier dra] of this paper. LiOle is known about Polycrates apart from what we learn here in the Busiris, but tes-monies about his wrings suggest that he was most noteworthy for his paradoxography. For more on Polycrates see §1 below as well as Livingstone 2001, 28-40 and Blank 2014, 112-114. 2 Although both Helen and Busiris share this puzzling feature of adop-ng a paradoxical subject while empha-cally denying the usefulness of paradoxical literature, I have chosen to treat Busiris in isola-on because there is considerably less literature that deals with this problem in the Busiris and I think it merits an extended discussion. I will, however, occasionally refer to treatments of this problem in the Helen where they are relevant. For the most important discussions of this problem in connec-on with

Nonnus of Panopolis (floruit 430s-450s), a Christian Egyptian poet, 1 wrote the Paraphrase of the Gospel of John (an epic transposition of the Gospel of John) and the Dionysiaca in forty-eight books. The latter tells the story of the god Dionysus, from his family history to his ascension to Olympus. The structure of the poem is that of the basilikos logos or royal encomium, 2 best known from its description in the treatises of Menander Rhetor (368-377). This rhetorical connection is of particular importance, because, although Dionysus is a god and the Dionysiaca is an epic poem, the work eulogizes Dionysus using the rhetorical structures developed for late antique emperors. Menander, for instance, praises the emperor in the following terms: "he personally drew up the troops, he personally commanded them and determined the right time to engage in combat-a wondrous counselor, champion, general, and orator" (a[t˜w `t˜n kair˜n t÷w sumbol÷w e¿r'skvn, soemboulow yaumast-w, úristeoew, strathg-w, dhmhg-row, 374.23-25). 3 When Dionysus sends the Indian king Deriades a messenger calling on him to accept the rites of the immortals or face war (18.313b-322a, 21.233-239), and Deriades does not accede to his demands (21.299-302), Dionysus acts as an effective military leader: not wasting time, he reveals his immanent courage (yars}eiw, 304) and gathers his troops for war (303-304). He also plans for the long term and orders the construction of a fleet, using prior knowledge that the war will be won at sea (306-309), and, finally, he himself drives his chariot to meet the enemy (310-314). As they represent the laudandus as an army leader who makes the right strategic decisions, both the Dionysiaca and late antique imperial panegyrics deal with the literary and rhetorical need to present Dionysus and the emperor as Homeric heroes who personally take part in battle. Homeric heroes carried a toxic baggage of mismanaged passions, moral shortcomings, and bloodthirstiness which, as late antique panegyrics emphasized, was not shared by the laudandi. For instance, when Cyrus of Panopolis praises Theodosius ii, he carefully qualifies his 1

The categories idea and form, even though occurring in literal contexts of sophists and Plato, are visual and theoretical phenomena. Recently, in studies of visual culture, also ancient cultures have become objects of interest in this relatively new branch of the humanities. For example Francis mentioned that 'living icons' in antiquity have an intense emphasis on visuality in literary representation of the second to forth centuries. 1 The idea of the sophist and the work of the sophists in the time after Plato are actually completely different from the image Plato presented in his Sophist. But Plato was the first author who established a cliché of them. We must consider that even Plato was as a teacher a skilled performer of communicative strategies in dialogues and his field of teaching was not completely separated from the field of sophistry. His answer to the question 'What is a Sophist' in the Sophist was a dialectical performance with analytical techniques that produced his image of the sophist. In antiquity after the 1 st Sophistic this image became less important in the scholarly reflections about the sophists. In Western scholarship after antiquity Plato's esteem was the power behind the negative image of the sophists. Plato's argumentative strategies and techniques have been widely analyzed; Muckelbauer assumed that Plato understood that its self-evident simplicity could be deceptive and that its effects might proliferate uncontrollably. 2 From a cultural and historical perspective towards the reception of Platonic views Muckelbauer's statement is truly acceptable. From the perspective of the merits of the activity of the sophists Plato' image is simply speaking a damage for their contributions to intellectual life of antiquity that are recorded in their writings and biographies. We will now proceed to elaborate on these achievements. The infamous reputation "to make the weaker argument defeat the stronger" includes in nuce Plato's negative assumptions about sophistry. We

En el códice London, British Library, Add. 30853 se recogen las muy célebres Glosas Silenses, que, junto con las Emilianenses, constituyen el testimonio escrito más antiguo de nuestra lengua romance, el castellano. Sin embargo, no será lo único que contenga este manuscrito, sino que en él también encontramos una colección de 92 discursos, fechada en torno al siglo VII d. C., y de autor, aún desconocido. La colección de la que hablo se denomina Homiliae Toletanae. Están recogidas, fundamentalmente, en un manuscrito del siglo XII descubierto en el monasterio de Silos bajo la signatura 10 y, actualmente conservado en la British Library con la signatura Add. 30853. Éste está formado por 324 folios, que podrían dividirse en tres partes: “el cuerpo principal” (ff. 2r-231r) (Finit. Deo gratias. Amen.), dos addenda (ff. 232-276 y ff. 277-307), y el Penitencial Silense acompañado de las famosas Glosas Silenses ("Incipiunt Capitulationes Penitentiarum de diuersis criminibus").
Al analizar los discursos del cuerpo principal, organizados según el calendario litúrgico mozárabe y siendo en su mayoría homiliae (los del ciclo “de peste” son sermones), podemos ver una gran variedad de temas dependiendo del carácter que contenga: discursos de carácter sacramental y procesional, discursos dedicados a las festividades de santos y mártires, discursos de carácter coyuntural, centrados en el ciclo “de peste”, es decir, seis sermones dedicados a un “tiempo de peste”, y discursos de carácter litúrgico, entre los que se distinguen varios ciclos temáticos: el ciclo cuaresmal, el ciclo pascual, el ciclo litúrgico cotidiano y el ciclo de la Epifanía. Es precisamente en este ciclo, donde se inserta el texto objeto de mi comunicación, el Sermo in diem Apparitionis Domini.

The speech Against Conon from the corpus Demosthenicum addresses the dispute between Ariston and Conon due to physical aggression by Conon's son against Ariston, which has the contours of hybris, a term that appears in more than half of the sections. Despite the recurrence, the legal action is not a graphe hybreos, but a dike aikeias. This paper aims to analyse the role of hybris in the speech to characterize exacerbated violence, such that father and son are considered unfit for political life. The violence is physical, since Ariston is bedridden after the attack and symbolic, through the imitation of the rooster crowing over his beaten and naked body. Hybris is also associated with youth and wealth, topics presented by Aristotle in Rhetoric as a means of stirring up pathos and depicting ethos.

This paper examines the agon scene in Euripides’ Elektra (vv. 998–1146) through the lens of an emotional courtroom confrontation. I argue that the scene exhibits a processual structure, resembling a legal dispute, in which two speakers - the accused (Klytaimestra) and the accuser (Elektra) - engage in rhetorical and forensic argumentation before an implicit audience. Elements such as the clash between plaintiff and defendant, persuasive strategies aimed at winning public sympathy, visible speech structuring, and the use of legal terminology underscore its trial-like dynamics. Additionally, emotions serve as a driving force in this dramatic litigation: Elektra’s speech is fueled by frustration, Klytaimestra perceives herself as an object of hatred in the eyes of the people, and Orestes’ fear-driven return from exile leads him to avenge his father through matricide. This study highlights the interplay between legal rhetoric and emotional intensity in Euripides’ portrayal of justice and vengeance.

Abstract: In Vita 364, Josephus reports that Agrippa II had written sixty-two letters endorsing the accuracy of the Bellum Judaicum. A scholarly consensus holds that these letters were part of an ongoing collaboration by which Agrippa provided feedback on drafts during the work’s composition. This article challenges that interpretation. I argue that Agrippa’s sixty unquoted letters were addressed not to Josephus but to others, and aimed at promoting the Bellum among elite readers.

Mythological sarcophagi are doubtlessly among the most appealing and most studied artefacts of Roman funerary culture. They are also at the center of Mont Allen's new book, but instead of studying their iconography or topology, he focuses on the end of myth on Roman sarcophagi in the mid-3rd c. CE. He re-evaluates the concept of Entmythologisierungtranslated as "demythologization" -first introduced into sarcophagus studies by Friedrich Gerke in his 1940 monograph on Early Christian sarcophagi of

The indirect parallelism of P. with Socrates and Zeno aims at making the audience of the Acts realize that Christianity, reproached by its opponents as καινή δεισιδαιμονία (Greek for new superstition) and undervalued by the successors of the great Greek philosopher principally because it preached the resurrection of the flesh (a fact extraneous to the posthumous convictions  of the Greek philosophers), is the true Wisdom which gives an answer to the essential questions of the authentic philosophy postulated by the great minds of Hellenism.

h e n o t i o n that God chose the people of Israel over other nations is a millennia-old enigma that has caused no little embarrassment, not to mention danger, for many Jews. The trouble began more than 2,000 years ago, when Jews living in Hellenistic centers such as Alexandria and Antioch outraged their neighbors by shunning public festivals celebrating other gods. That the Jews refused to participate out of devotion to their own relatively unknown god, who purportedly ruled all humanity but chose only them, was considered to be especially absurd given that they buttressed their nonparticipation with scriptures that condemned their ancestors for disobedience. The Jews' claim of chosenness fueled their reputation as misanthropic elitists, a reputation that has proven unfortunately durable. It's no wonder that Jews soon grew uncomfortable with this central tenet of their theology. To solve the problem of chosenness, Jews produced scriptural inter-m a l ka z . s i m ko v i c h A 2,500-Year-Old Problem The Jews never deserved God's love.

"Prolegomena" to Rhetoric (collected and edited by Hugo Rabe in 1931) are a testimony to late antique rhetoric as it was taught in schools by sophists. Connecting the content of some of these texts to their authors for the first time allows us to explore late antique education and the role of some previously neglected individuals in late antique rhetorical teaching. "Prolegomena" were introductory lectures to rhetoric classes by sophists. They began their classes by discussing the characteristics of rhetoric and its history. They sometimes published these lectures as a prelude to treatises like those composed by Hermogenes of Tarsus. The authors of these "prolegomena" could be influential in politics, as suggested by sources concerning them and some other sophists. Reading and commenting on authors such as Hermogenes was helpful to those who wished to improve their rhetorical skills and thus further their political careers in the centres of power.

Antik Yunan’da diğer eskiçağ halklarında olduğu gibi, tanrılarının onayı olmadan hiçbir eyleme girişilmezdi. Yaşamın her alanında etkili bir şekilde varlık gösteren tanrıların, insanların en önemli uğraşlarından biri olan savaşlarda da yanlarında oldukları kabul edilirdi. Antik Yunan’da savaş ile tanrılar arasında kopmaz bir bağ bulunmaktaydı. Öte yandan ritüeller, toplumlarda evrensel bir unsur olarak karşımıza çıkar. Büyük çaplı sosyal ve politik olaylardan günlük kişisel eylemlere kadar kutsal ya da seküler birçok ritüel, geçmişten günümüze kadar tüm kültürlerde varlığını sürdürmüştür. İnsan yaşamının her yönü bir şekilde ritüelle iç içedir ve savaş da istisna değildir. Ancak, ritüellerin yaygınlığına karşın onları anlamak ve yorumlamak her zaman kolay olmayabilir. Savaş ritüellerini ve uygulamalarını incelemek toplumların öncelikleri hakkında önemli ipuçları sunar. Yunanlılar için savaş yalnızca bir strateji sorunu değil aynı zamanda tanrıları memnun etme ve eşitliğe dayalı toplumsal yapıya koruma süreciydi. İnsan yaşamının, onurunun ve refahının büyük riskler taşıdığı savaş deneyimleri ve travmaları, doğaüstü ve kutsal olana başvurularak anlamlandırılmıştır. Bu yüzden Yunanlılar tanrılarıyla iletişime geçmek ve onların desteğini kazanmak için savaş öncesinde, sırasında ve sonrasında çeşitli ritüeller gerçekleştirmiştir. Savaş yalnızca bir askeri eylem olmanın ötesinde, dinsel törenlerle iç içe geçmiş bir süreçti. Yunanlılar, savaşın kaderinin tanrılar tarafından belirlendiğine inanıyordu ve bu doğrultuda savaşa karar verdikten sonra belirli aşamalarda ritüeller uyguluyordu. Bu ritüeller, yalnızca tanrılardan destek almayı amaçlamakla kalmaz, ayrıca kutsal düzenin bir parçası olarak toplumsal yaşamın diğer alanlarına da örnek teşkil ediyordu. Bu çalışmada Yunan toplumlarının savaşlarda ilahi olanla nasıl iletişim kurduğu ve savaş ritüellerini nasıl uyguladığı ele alınacaktır. Yunanlıların savaşlarda tanrılara atfettikleri rolü kehanet, kurban, zafer anıtı ve diğer yerleşik ritüellerin savaş ve seferdeki önemini inceleyerek savaşın dinsel ve toplumsal yönlerini anlamaya çalışacağız.

This paper aims to analyse the connection that Plutarch establishes between persuasive activity and governance. To achieve this, I will examine the chapters of Praecepta gerendae reipublicae dedicated to rhetoric (801C-804A) and the passages from the Lives that are referred to there (Cimon 16; Alcibiades 10; Pericles 8 and 9; Demosthenes 5, 6, 8 and 10; Cicero 1, 4, 5 and 6; Cato the Elder 7–9; Phocion 1, 5, 14, 21 and 23; Caesar 13; Cato the Younger 5 and 31) to reach a complete understanding of the author’s thought. It is noted that in Praecepta gerendae reipublicae, the interest in rhetoric is fundamentally practical, as it prioritizes persuasive uses that are useful for the ruler in their task of governing the people. The Lives complement this perspective, as they provide a philosophical and moral foundation for the rhetoric applied to political activity, which must be considered to evaluate Plutarch’s overall opinion on the subject.

L’opera anepigrafa nota con il titolo La provvidenza, da attribuire verosimilmente all’epicureo Filodemo, è da sempre considerata un testo estremamente interessante; allo stesso tempo, la grave frammentarietà del rotolo, unita ai suoi contenuti molto tecnici e non facili da interpretare, non ne hanno favorito un’adeguata ricezione. Il trattato, qui pubblicato per la prima volta in un’edizione complessiva e secondo criteri e metodologie moderne, si rivela una fonte importante e spesso unica per la nostra conoscenza della dottrina stoica della provvidenza divina, che viene discussa in chiave polemica in quasi tutte le porzioni in cui il contenuto sia individuabile. L’autore intende soprattutto negare che la provvidenza intervenga attivamente nelle vicende umane, perché ciò induce, in caso di eventi negativi, la paura del divino. Nel solco degli insegnamenti di Epicuro, per Filodemo, invece, l’origine di tutto, compreso il male, è ricercabile nella natura, senza che ci sia bisogno di chiamare in causa un’entità superiore.

Many scholars think that anger is an unruly emotion-or worse. However, anger is more than a mere inevitability. It contributes to political life and social change. I call politics consistent with this interpretation of anger fairly angry politics. A fairly angry person raises a valid but incomplete point about the injustice of their circumstance, in an unpersuasive, incomplete, or flawed way. The fairly angry person should not be dismissed as resentful if their appraisal and communication cannot receive a full hearing. To explore this interpretation of anger, the paper briefly examines Aristotle's definition of anger in the Rhetoric and then contrasts the paradigmatic anger of the relatively privileged figure of Homer's Achilles with the non-ideal, structurally blocked anger of Sophocles' Philoctetes. The paper then offers a further analysis of fairly angry politics by considering Bryan Doerries's Theater of War project's revival of Sophocles' Philoctetes. Hearing angry speeches may help to remind hearers who occupy a dominant role of the need to sacrifice some of their own comfort, invulnerability, and epistemic privilege; indeed, as perpetrators of injustice, they have a responsibility to hear and respond to this unruly anger.

This article compares the vocabulary of invective used by Demosthenes with that used by other orators. Demosthenes had a reputation in antiquity for using very abusive language and a study of his speeches shows that he often uses words or expressions either not used by other orators or used only sparingly. Demosthenes also employs exclamations with the names of gods and aggressive addresses to opponents more frequently than other orators. The final part of the essay examines the personality of Demosthenes to explain why his invective is more harsh than other orators'.