Ancient Greek Dialects

occidental, no lejos de la antigua Segesta, tienen todos los atractivos para ser uno de los hallazgos epigráficos que hacen historia. Descubiertas por expoliadores, sacadas en secreto de Italia y ofrecidas en el mercado internacional de antig ŭedades a finales de los años setenta, han sido publicadas entre 1980 y 1982. En los pocos años transcurridos desde entonces han ocasionado ya una bibliografia copiosa, que puede verse reunida y resumida en los ŭltimos nŭmeros del SEG (30, 1980, n.°s 1117-1123; 32, 1982, n.° 914; 34, 1984, n.° 934). Aqui nos contentaremos con indicar que son ocho documentos, los cuales citaremos en el orden en que aparecen en la edición de Nenci-Asheri, ASNP 12, 1982, pp. 771-781 (sobre el séptimo recaen graves sospechas de inautenticidad: es una versión truncada del VIII, cuya editio princeps se debe a G. Daux). Todos son decretos, siete seguramente de Entela (en el IV, V, VI y VIII consta asi expresamente), destinados a otorgar honores a ciudades y a particulares que han prestado ayuda a los entelinos en circunstancias dificiles; uno, el III, recoge las medidas acordadas en otra ciudad vecina, Nacona, para asegurar la concordia entre sus habitantes. La fecha es discutida, pero lo más verosimil es que se trate de un conjunto de documentos relacionados entre si por una misma circunstancia histórica dificil (de hecho, I y II, por una parte, y

This paper presents an experimental computational approach to bridging the 500-year gap between Mycenaean Linear B script (c. 1450-1200 BCE) and Homeric Greek. While Michael Ventris's decipherment revealed Linear B as an early form of Greek, the conventional syllabary lacks the phonetic richness necessary for representing the full spectrum of Mycenaean Greek sounds.

Building on Ventris and Chadwick's foundational work, this study introduces a Neo-Mycenaean Syllabary that incorporates previously hidden syllabic series (including palatalised consonants and long vowels) and implements a technique to disambiguate these using diacritical markers. The expanded system transforms Linear B from a limited administrative script into a comprehensive grid capable of representing Mycenaean Greek as a fully articulated language.

The paper presents four computational functions that automate the transliteration process: orthographic standardisation, syllabification and conversion between Greek text and Mycenaean syllabograms. These tools are demonstrated through an analysis of Epic Cycle and Homeric fragments, including passages from Iliad 1.1-5, showing how Classical Greek texts might have appeared in Mycenaean script.

This work embraces the conventional view of Linear B as "Greek nevertheless" and through the addition of enhancements demonstrates its potential as a vehicle for literary expression, offering new possibilities for understanding the continuity between Mycenaean and later Greek linguistic traditions. The argument presented, acknowledging its speculative nature, places itself outside the conventional boundaries of Mycenaean epigraphy. It is offered not as a definitive reconstruction but as an invitation to reimagine Mycenaean as a language within a literary landscape.

Peter Keyse
Dinedor, England.
2025

The article analyzes the paleographic interaction between papyrus and lapidary writing of the Hellenistic period. In the period of the late IV – first half of the III centuries BC, elements of papyrus cursive writing were recorded in Bosporan lapidary epigraphy; the most significant in this regard is the epitaph CIRB 253. The penetration of handwritten elements into such a conservative field as lapidary epigraphy can only be explained by the intensification of the use of papyrus on the Bosporus during this period.
Key words: Greek epigraphy, paleography, hellenistic papyri, Bosporus, CIRB 253.

This chapter identifies an isogloss in the Doric dialects of the southeastern Aegean (e.g., Rhodes, Cos, Thera), characterized by the unexpected extension of the suffix -εια (contracting to -εα or -η) in feminine anthroponyms like Ξειναγορεια (from -αγόρα) or Φιλοροδη (from -ρόδα). Drawing on epigraphic evidence, it rejects explanations based on Ionic influence or analogy from sibilant-stem compounds (e.g., -κράτεια). Instead, the author argues these forms originate from the patronymic/ctetic suffix -εία (masc. -ειος), common in patrai names (e.g., Εὐωνακτίδειοι), with paroxytone accent (e.g., Ξειναγορεία) and perispomenon in contractions (e.g., Φιλοροδῆ), distinguishing them from Ionic/Koine -η (< -ᾱ).

Fifteen scholars of ancient languages address in this volume different questions on the phonology, morphology, syntax, lexicon, onomastics, and the diffusion of writing systems in the context of linguistic contacts. Their contributions explore, on the one hand, the influences of Ancient Greek on other languages and vice versa, and, on the other hand, the mechanisms that govern the relations between the various dialects of Ancient Greek. These two complementary perspectives broaden the panorama of studies on linguistic contacts in the ancient Mediterranean and open new avenues of research concerning two phenomena that are fundamentally parallel.

The 3rd pl. indicative γόον at Iliad Z 500 has always presented problems. It
means ‘bewailed’ and belongs to present γοάω but might be imperfect and might be aorist.  Neither is straightforward in form. Imperfect, the analysis of most of the ancients because it is ‘κάλλιον,’ is shown here in addition to conform to a particular pattern of Homeric narration, while aorist, following the minority ancient view, requires either an indefensible, effectively pre-Greek, ancestral form or a morphological analogy that is
unworkable. The form taken by this consequently demonstrable imperfect has most often been explained via an elaborate phonological scenario that is questionable, it is argued, in both of its key points. It has also, less usually, been morphologically accounted for as a slightly disguised version of the expected 3rd pl. imperfect of the “Aeolic” inflection of Ionic etc. γοάω. This is the correct view, it is maintained here, but can be made a much stronger hypothesis by a demonstration that there are two (but not three) additional pieces of evidence for the “Aeolic” inflection of this very verb in epic language—one of which, pres. infinitive γοήμεναι, is standardly recognized as “Aeolic,” but never evaluated and deployed in the discussion of γόον; while the other, the irregularly short iterative imperfect form γόασκε in the Hymn to Aphrodite, has never been utilized as evidence bearing on the problem of γόον at all.

The chapter gives a brief overview of the West Sacred Area of Olbia Pontica and the deities worshipped there in the Archaic and Classical periods before turning to the evidence for cultic epicleses of Apollo, specifically Ietros and Boreios, presenting some important recently discovered graffiti on architectural terracotta and challenging the reading and interpretations of some previously known ones (e.g. those considered to be references to Apollo Ietros, 'ruler of Borysthenes'). The author highlights the West Sacred Area as a space of both communal cult and personal worship, cautioning against taking singular instances of divine titles attested in graffiti as secure evidence of communal worship.

This presentation is a case study of one recurrent quotation ascribed to Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, recurrent in the Cursus Conimbricensis, a set of late 16th-century Jesuit commentaries on Aristotle. The study shows that the formula used by commentators actually is taken not from the Pseudo-Dionysius’s Divine names, but from St Thomas’s commentary on this work. The Coimbra Jesuits primarily follow Aquinas’s scholastic reception of Dionysius rather than the original Dionysian message. However, they develop creatively Aquinas’s interpretation of the passage, applying it to relations between soul and body, imagination and intellect, or between human and angelic knowledge. The article shows that while rooted rather in Thomism than in Renaissance reception of Pseudo-Dionysius, the Jesuits’ use of the citation is not a mere repetition of medieval interpretation, but its modification applied to epistemological, anthropological, and metaphysical issues.

This paper strives to achieve three goals: (1) to examine Sappho's use of the verb δῑνέω / δίν(ν)ημι to refer to sparrows in the context of comparative Indo-European poetics, (2) to reassess the morphology of the verb δῑνέω / δίν(ν)ημι, which is traditionally but, in my opinion, wrongly derived from *dīneu̯-e/o-, and to examine other related verbal and nominal forms (δινεύω, δῑνω, δίννω, δινάκω, διννάεντ'), and (3) to address the vexing question of the geminate in δίννεντες. (This is a pre-print: please feel free to email me for an offprint).
Keywords: “aeolicization”, artificial forms, Asia Minor Aeolic, the Aeolic inflection of the contract verbs, denominative verbs, -eō̆- > -iō̆-, Greek dialectology, loss of *u̯, Luwian.

This paper tries to show that the Greek poetic fragments referred to as Aeolic at the beginning of Priscian' s main work (ars 1, 20-22) may be attributed to Alcman and throw light on the 'Aeolic' interpretation of the poet by ancient grammarians

This paper discusses dialectal change in Hellenistic inscribed epigrams through the analysis of Doric features in epigrams from Doric-speaking areas, from a historical sociolinguistic perspective. Epigrams were short poems written on inscriptions for different occasions, which attested a mixture of supra-regional poetic dialectal features and regional dialectal features from everyday speech. Scholars have argued that the dialect of inscribed epigrams underwent a change 'from above' in the Hellenistic age (4th-1st century BC): regional features supposedly disappeared in favour of supra-regional varieties, because Koine Greek was replacing regional dialects as language of prestige in speech, while epigrams started to be produced for books and were written in literary dialects. I aim to gain a more nuanced understanding of this phenomenon, by examining the type of Doric features attested in the corpus of epigrams selected, their presence in poetry and/or prose inscriptions, their distribution by linguistic level, their synchronic and diachronic frequency in epigrams and their co-occurrence patterns. This analysis will show that the Doric features attested are those most resilient in contemporary prose inscriptions across the areas and that they were distributed in epigrams according to recurring patterns, and not accidentally. This reveals that, unlike previously thought, the local context and its dialects still had an influence on the dialect of inscribed epigrams. The relationship between supra-regional and regional dialectal forms can thus be interpreted as one of 'overt' and 'covert' prestige, where regional features held covert prestige and were used to allude to the local context.

Σύντομη παρουσίαση της 25ης Επιστημονικής Επετηρίδας της Ελληνικής Ονοματολογικής Εταιρείας (Πρακτικά 8ου Πανελλήνιου Ονοματολογικού Συνεδρίου - Ανδρίτσαινα 28-30/08/2023) και του άρθρου της Μαρίνας Σπ. Τσιρτσίκου για την προέλευση των κρανιδιώτικων επωνύμων.

Brief presentation of the 25th Scientific Yearbook of the Hellenic Onomatological Society (Proceedings of the 8th Panhellenic Onomatological Conference - Andritsaina 28-30/08/2023) and the article by Marina Sp. Tsirtsikou on the origin of the Kranidiot surnames (Argolide).

Brève présentation de la 25e Revue Scientifique de l' Association Onomastique Grecque Société hellénique de nomenclature (Actes du 8e Congrès Panhellénique d' Onomastique - Andritsaina 28-30/08/2023) et de l'article de Marina Sp. Tsirtsikou sur l'origine des noms de famille des habitants de Kranidi (Argolide).

Documented in two passages attributed to Herodian, the hapax φῡ λαιος can be interpreted as a personal name (Φῡ λαιος). Two hypotheses may be proposed in order to explain its origin: a) a nominalization (conversion) of the adjective φῡλαῖος 'concerning the tribe' , which is confirmed by the month names Φῡλαῖος (Lisos) and Φῡλαιών (Iasos); b) a derivation of *Φῡ λᾱς / *Φῡλᾶς (stem in-ᾱ-), an abbreviated form of a compound like Φῡ λαρχος and a flexional variant of Φῡ λᾱς (stem in-αντ-). The proparoxytonesis of Φύλαιος is consistent with that of personal names of the type Ἀθήναιος, Ἥραιος, etc., which exhibit a recessive accentuation vis-à-vis the corresponding paroxytone adjectives (Ἀθηναῖος, Ἡραῖος, etc.) and have exerted an influence on the accentuation of other abbreviated personal names (Τῑ μαιος, Φίλαιος, etc.).

In his Topics, Aristotle develops a method to be deployed in dialectical discussions. The dialectical method makes an important contribution to the examination of dialectical problems—i.e., problems of the form, Is such-and-such the case, or not? It helps discussants exhaust the full argumentative potential for either defending or attacking a given thesis. However—and this is the tension I aim to address in this paper—there seems to be another side to this method. In Book VIII of the Topics, Aristotle introduces two sets of strategies: one for the questioner and one for the answerer, each intended to help them fulfil their respective roles. Some of these role-specific stratagems do not appear to enhance the quality of the argument or debate itself. Rather than improving the argument as such, they merely assist discussants in either role—or so it seems—in getting their case through. My suggestion is that these manoeuvres help ensure are in line with the overall goal of the method of dialectic, namely, to ensure the argument takes priority over role-specific derailments; by using these manoeuvres one makes a smooth progress of argument feasible, so that the appropriate or due result of the dialectical process will be achieved. A core aspect of the dialectical method is to ensure that, as far as possible, conclusions derived from acceptable premises (and from premises more acceptable than the conclusion itself) are actually reached through the debate, rather than being obstructed by external factors—such as an opponent’s inexperience or stubbornness.

Contacts linguistiques en Gre-1 https://homerica.hypotheses.org/category/agora Contacts linguistiques en Grèce ancienne. Diachronie et synchronie, sous la direction d'Alcorac Alonso Déniz, Julián V. Méndez Dosuna, Enrique Nieto Izquierdo et Gilles van Heems, Lyon, MOM Éditions, collection Littérature & Linguistique 5, 2024 : 331 pages, y compris les index.

Este artículo presenta un proyecto de investigación en curso sobre la aplicación de aprendizaje automático a la edición de inscripciones griegas. En concreto, propone utilizar Ithaca, una arquitectura de redes neuronales profundas, para elaborar una nueva edición crítica de las consultas al oráculo de Zeus y Dione que se conservan en las laminillas de plomo descubiertas en el santuario de Dodona, en el norte de Grecia. El objetivo del proyecto es doble: en primer lugar, busca integrar una herramienta tecnológica innovadora en la edición crítica epigráfica, mediante el uso de aprendizaje automático avanzado; en segundo lugar, permite evaluar la eficacia del aprendizaje profundo en la edición de un corpus de inscripciones griegas que presenta un alto nivel de complejidad.

El  nuevo  corpus  de  inscripciones  oraculares  de  Dodona  ha  suscitado  un  interés  renovado  en  el  santuario.  En  este  marco, son varios los estudiosos que han llamado la atención sobre  la  necesidad  de  revisar  la  creencia  establecida  sobre  la  importancia  del  agua  en  Dodona,  si  bien  hasta  el  momento  no  se  ha  realizado  un  análisis  completo  de  todos los testimonios, tanto literarios como epigráficos y arqueológicos, que es precisamente el objetivo del presente trabajo.  Como  demuestra  el  estudio  contrastado  de  la  información aportada por los distintos tipos de fuentes, y en especial los nuevos datos sobre el oráculo que han revelado las laminillas oraculares, no hay pruebas concluyentes que permitan confirmar que el agua tuviera un papel relevante en el culto o en la práctica oracular.

Computing Greek alphabets; on some recent work Two recent volumes treat in some, or great, detail the record of writing in Greece before 500 BC by using new techniques. I assess here how they stand up against the publishers' blurb regarding the novelty and success of these approaches.

The purpose of this study was to examine the structure and role of dialogical discourse in Augustine's earlier dialogues viz., De Magistro and Soliloquies. The two dialogues connote empirical and metaphysical relationships that serve as practical and speculative pathways to discovering one's true self in a democratic society. Furthermore, the pedagogical value of examining one's mindsets is a precedent for exploring alternative ways of imagining and expressing democracy. For this reason, dialogue was the dominant genre in Augustine's corpus and played an important role in liberating his mind. Moreover, Augustine structured his dialogues threefold: (1) self-refutation, (2) Socratic questioning, and (3) metaphysical intervention. By actively critiquing himself, Augustine also structures the whole human reality and its dependence on divine grace. The results of this study indicate the importance of dialogue in the development of sustainable democratic societies. In developing a hypothesis, the study also drew from contemporary scholarship on dialogue as a discourse.

This proposal aims to investigate the relationship between language choices and identity reflections within Hellenistic Pamphylian funerary epigraphy using a statistical approach. By employing Social Network Analysis (SNA), this study will focus on funerary epitaphs from the dialect-speaking community of Hellenistic Aspendos in Pamphylia. Through SNA, I will explore which language features were utilized as markers of identity and how language choices interact with other markers of identity.

Jcr Antike die Vorste llungen Ober die H e rkunft der Armenier beeinflußt hat. In de n Historien Buch V ll , 732 heißt es nämlich: 'Apµtvwl öt ... t6vtt:; Cllpuyci)v d1t0ucot "Die Armenier aber sind Abkömmlinge von Phrygern". Z u dieser Beschreibung stellt sich in weiterer Folge e in Zitat des Eudo xos, das bei Stephanos von ß y.tanz unter dem Stichwort 'ApµEvlo. mitgeteilt ist.l Dort wird berichtet: 'Apµt.vwt 6t "CO ytvo; tK Cl>puy~ Ko.\ tj'j cpovfl 1t0u.h. cppvyitoOOlv ,.Die Armenier stammen aus Phrygien wul ihre Sprache ähnelt der Phrygischen sehr ... Beide Zitate haben außer der H istoriographie auch die Sprachvergleichung beeinflußt, und so wurden von lingui stisch er Sei te A rgumente vorgetragen4, die diese Herkunft bestätigen sollten.5 Doch es hat auch nicht an kritischen S timmen gemangelt, die s ich gegen eine nähere Verbindung dieser beiden Sprache n gewendet haben. Folglich steh e n sich zwei Thesen gegenüber: (a) Phrygisch und Armenisch stehe n in einem besonderen nahen Verhältnis zucinander6, und kh danke den Herren G.

Η μεταπτυχιακή εργασία με τίτλο «Τα χρηστήρια ελάσματα της Δωδώνης με ερωτήματα περί γάμου» ασχολείται με την παρουσίαση ιδιωτικών ερωτημάτων που αφορούν στο θέμα του γάμου. Τα ερωτήματα αυτά σώζονται επί μολύβδινων ελασμάτων, τα οποία ευρέθησαν στη Δωδώνη κατά τη διάρκεια της ανασκαφικής δραστηριότητας του Δ. Ευαγγελίδη. Η μελέτη επικεντρώνεται στη γλωσσική, κυρίως, ανάλυση μιας κατηγορίας επιγραφών, με τη φιλοδοξία να προσφέρει νέα στοιχεία στην αρχαία ελληνική διαλεκτολογία και παραλλήλως να επισημάνει κοινωνιογλωσσολογικές και ιστορικές πτυχές των επιγραφών αυτών.

In the first book of De Libero Arbitrio, Augustine concludes that the origin of evil is "its own will and free decision" (propria uoluntas et liberum arbitrium) (1. 11. 21). Despite its importance for the development of Augustine's theory of will, researchers have largely ignored this statement and failed to provide a detailed analysis of it. This paper will, by contrast, take this claim seriously, aiming to reveal its full philosophical significance by focusing on the function of the concept of will. In the first section, I begin by exploring the meaning of propria uoluntas et liberum arbitrium by analyzing it word by word and situating it in its proper context. I show that this expression is composed of words with legal nuances and that, taken as a whole, it expresses the view that nothing other than the mind itself subjugates the mind to desire. In the second section, I focus on Augustine's formulation of philosophical inquiry in his earliest treatises before De Libero Arbitrio, showing that it consists of three steps: the purification of desire, the exercise of reason, and the contemplation of the Truth. In the final section, I demonstrate that propria uoluntas et liberum arbitrium forced Augustine to reorganize the model of the soul and of philosophical inquiry that he had forged since his earliest days. A new program of philosophical inquiry, which was formulated later in De Doctrina Christiana, places the purification at the final stage, suggesting that the concept of will was the driving force in transforming how Augustine engages in philosophy.

Latein und Griechisch werden in diesem Sammelband unter dem Aspekt des Sprachkontakts untersucht, ein Thema, das in unserer globalen und multiethnischen Gesellschaft besonders aktuell ist. Spezialist:innen verschiedener Universitäten und Länder nehmen in Ihren Beiträgen unter anderem die linguistische Variation der griechischen Dialekte, den griechisch-lateinischen Bilinguismus, den Sprachkontakt im alten Italien, Mittleren Osten und Mittelmeer sowie Übersetzungen und Glossen in den Blick. Landkarten und Bilder alter Inschriften und Manuskripte bereichern die Diskussion. Aus interdisziplinärer Perspektive wird außerdem die Linguistik des Lateinischen und des Griechischen in ihrem Zusammenhang mit Epigraphik, Philologie, Textkritik und grammatischer Theorie untersucht. Neben Latein und Griechisch werden Daten zahlreicher alter und moderner Sprachen mit einbezogen.

128 p. -- This practical, fun workbook has been specially designed for beginners in Ancient Greek. It's a fun way to learn the basics of the language. ---- More than 150 exercises, presented in the form of games and with a carefully thought-out progression, are accompanied by their answers.  ---- You can also self-assess your language level at the end of each chapter. No aspect of the language has been forgotten: grammar, writing, vocabulary and even pronunciation!

This  chapter  considers  the  nature  of  sexual  humor  in  ancient  Greek  literature, with particular attention to Athenian Old Comedy and the pioneering work of Jeffrey Henderson in The Maculate Muse. Henderson argues that comedy describes sexual activities and sexual organs with a wide variety of primarily al-lusive terms. His work depends on close readings of thousands of individual pas-sages,  supported  by  a  complex  implicit  theory  as  to  how  figurative  language  is  established and deployed on the comic stage to shock and amuse. Through a series of case studies, I argue that Henderson’s treatment of specific obscenities (or alleged obscenities) is often inadequate, confused, or unclear, and that the humour of many individual passages in Athenian Old Comedy is not what he takes it to be. A larger concern is with how riddling, allusive language of this sort is created and employed,  and — much more important — with how it can be detected,  and the risks of misidentifying or misreading it.

Is Network Analysis useful for understanding cultural and linguistic contact in border areas like Pamphylia? This research applies computer-based Social Network Analysis to funerary inscriptions from Hellenistic Aspendos, detailing how to carry out SNA on a corpus of ancient artifacts and discussing results and future perspectives of Network Analysis in epigraphy.

M. Debidour, "De l'exclusion à l'exil dans le monde grec et d'un exilé célèbre en particulier", Les exclus dans l'Antiquité. Actes du colloque organisé à Lyon les 23-24 septembre 2004, Lyon, 2007, pp. 27-36. Ed. C. Wolff. 30 Libanio. "Que enriquecerse de modo injusto es una desgracia mayor que ser pobre" en Discursos, vol. II. BCG. 2001. Trad. A. Glez. Gálvez.

This dissertation explores the history and the epigraphic culture of the dialect-speaking communities of Aspendos, Perge and Sillyon in Pamphylia (5th-2nd cent. BCE ca.), bringing together linguistics, epigraphy, history, archaeology and computational analysis. The dissertation is structured in four chapters: 1- State of the art; 2- History and contacts with the Greek-speaking world; 3- Origins and development of the Pamphylian alphabet; 4- Funerary and epigraphic culture.
Supervisor: Prof. Marco Bettalli; Reviewers: Prof. Alfredo Rizza; Prof. Lorenzo d'Alfonso; Final reviewers: Prof. Giovanni Salmeri; Prof. Recai Tekoglu; Dr. Andrea Angius.
[Please write an email to eleonoraselvi.siena@gmail.com if you wish to read the dissertation or parts of it].

This paper focusses on Boeotian forms in comedy and their reception in the ancient scholarly tradition. It shows that ancient scholars were more inclined to look for parallels in other dialects than to delve into the features of a literally marginal dialect such as Boeotian. Therefore, modern scholars should be careful when editing glosses devoted to Boeotian comic words containing unexpected references to other dialects: it is likely that they are not corruptions, but rather (scanty) remnants of ancient commentaries.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the choice of dialect as a literary device in the series of epigrams on Myron’s Cow. The epigram series in the Greek Anthology consists of 36 epigrams with one preserved in P. Mil. Vogl. VIII 309. The epigrams are composed in Attic-Ionic, Doric, and also mixed dialects. I attempt to explain the probable purpose of using these dialectal forms and the intended poetic effect. Firstly, I analyze and compare probably the oldest epigrams in the series (AB 66 by Posidippus in Attic-Ionic and HE 88 by Leonidas in Doric), which already differ in their dialect usage. There is no easy explanation for the choice of Doric in the epigram by Leonidas. However, an analysis and comparison of the successive imitations of these epigrams may offer some answers. Perhaps the ekphrastic and bucolic nature of these epigrams plays a role here. Secondly, I present and try to explain interesting dialect choices in the five epigrams by Antipater of Sidon on Myron’s Cow. The last part of the article is devoted to the later epigrams in this series, focusing on the choice of Doric forms and their position in the poems.

La necessite de remplacer les DIALECTORUM GRAECARUM EXEMPLA EPIGRAPHICA POTIORA d&#39;E. Schwyzer (parus en 1923) par un recueil dialectologique moderne prenant en compte les dernieres avancees scientifiques etait devenue pressante. L’entreprise actuelle repose sur les principes suivants : — renouveler l’approche des dialectes grecs anciens en actualisant les donnees et en les mettant a la disposition non seulement des dialectologues, mais aussi des archeologues, historiens, litteraires, hellenistes ou non ; — presenter chaque dialecte dans son environnement historique, geographique, linguistique. En effet les dialectes ne sont des entites ni atemporelles, ni definies une fois pour toutes : il convient de chercher a comprendre quelles circonstances ont permis a chacun de prendre corps et de se maintenir, le cas echeant, ou de ceder sa place et disparaitre.

Animal sacrifice fundamentally informed how the ancient Greeks defined themselves, their relation to the divine, and the structure of their society. Adopting an explicitly cross-disciplinary perspective, the present volume explores the practical execution and complex meaning of animal sacrifice within ancient Greek religion (c. 1000 BC-AD 200). The objective is twofold. First, to clarify in detail the use and meaning of body parts of the animal within sacrificial ritual. This involves a comprehensive study of ancient Greek terminology in texts and inscriptions, representations on pottery and reliefs, and animal bones found in sanctuaries. Second, to encourage the use and integration of the full spectrum of ancient evidence in the exploration of Greek sacrificial rituals, which is a prerequisite for understanding the complex use and meaning of Greek animal sacrifice. Twelve contributions by experts on the literary, epigraphical, iconographical, archaeological and zooarchaeological evidence for Greek animal sacrifice explore the treatment of legs, including feet and hoofs, tails, horns; heads, including tongues, brains, ears and snouts; internal organs; blood; as well as the handling of the entire body by burning it whole. Three further contributions address Hittite, Israelite and Etruscan animal sacrifice respectively, providing important contextualization for Greek ritual practices.

This volume collects eleven studies that investigate different aspects of the teaching and learning of Greek in early modern northern Europe (c. 1500–1750), from France in the west to Lithuania in the east. They give important insights that advance our understanding of the homogeneity despite diversity in the complex developments of classical reception, the study of Greek, its significance, and the practice of Greek in the various religious, cultural, and socio-political environments of the complicated spatio-temporal and geopolitical realities of Europe.

The surviving Greco-Latin correspondence between François Rabelais and Guillaume Budé provides us with information about the situation of Greek studies in Renaissance France, and can be analyzed also with regard to Rabelais' and Budé's use of Greek. In this contribution, the author presents a short overview on Greek studies in fifteenth-and early sixteenth-century France. After that, a deep study of the content and the Greek sections of these letters is provided: in particular, the author focuses on the grammatical aspects, the style, and the models of these Greek parts. A comparison between Rabelais' and Budé's letters shows their different approaches to the so-called New Ancient Greek.

Of all the diverse writing forms that Augustine used in his extant corpus, literary dialogues1 can only be found in his eight early works (Contra Academicos, De Beata Vita, De Ordine, Soliloquia, De Quantitate Animae, De Libero Arbitrio, De Musica, De Magistro, in the order of appearance in Retractationes). In other words, Augustine stopped writing literary dialogues after De Magistro. Researchers seem to be largely in agreement that this is because Augustine’s early attempt at literary dialogues ended up a failure. Indeed, the dialogues at Cassiciacum were often disrupted and distracted (cf. Stock, 2010, p. 139f); the dialogues after Cassiciacum became a mere “artifice d’exposition” (Marrou, 1983, p. 309); Augustine’s position as a bishop could have prevented him from educational elitism entailed in dialogue (Clark, 2008, p. 125). This paper does not aim to deny these views. It would be more moderate to see a complex entanglement of background causes and contexts than to assume a single reason for it. This paper rather attempts to present another possibility: there could be an experience of a successful dialogue, not the experience of failure, behind Augustine’s abandonment of literary dialogues. To explore this possibility, this paper analyzes De Magistro and the so-called “experience at Ostia” in the Book IX of Confessiones.
My intention is not to commit an error in seeing Confessiones as an exact historical account of his experience2. The parallelism that I’m going to elicit is not historical but philosophical and structural. Also, the long-debated parallelism between the “experience at Ostia” (hereafter «Ostia») and Plotinus’ Enneads falls out of the scope of this paper. «Ostia» is, as James O’Donnell calls it an “audition” rather than “vision3”, a collective experience of language between Augustine and Monica, his mother, at the culmination of their dialogue. «Ostia» can thus be seen as an ultimate success in dialogue. On the other hand, De Magistro, written approximately three years after «Ostia»4, argues the limit of outward language in a “self-referential” way (Cary, 2008, p. 107) that applies to the dialogue itself in De Magistro. Such a view on language is in sharp contrast with that in Cassiciacum dialogues and is rather in line with the description of «Ostia».
From this point of view, this paper attempts to observe a connection between «Ostia» and De Magistro and to consider the relevance between the form of writing and philosophical ideas. This paper proceeds as follows.
In the first section, I present «Ostia» as an experience of language in two senses by focusing on the details of the expressions, thereby suggesting that the conversation between Augustine and Monica should be called a “dialogue”. In the second section, I argue that a certain link should be observed between «Ostia» and De Magistro. They altogether represent a certain relationship between our language and divine language, which was a new perspective on language that Augustine didn’t even realize in his early writings. In the third section, I propose my hypothesis on the “end of dialogue in Augustine” that it was both the loss of the privileged status of dialogical language and Augustine’s habitual process of writing that led to Augustine’s abandonment of literary dialogue.

The purpose of this study is to reassess an oracular enquiry preserved on the front of a leaden plate and to reinterpret the last line of the text. The lamella was found during excavations conducted by Demetrios Evangelides at Dodona, and was first published by him in 1935. Since then, the epigraphic text and its dialectal features have been given relatively little attention, and the problematic last line has not yet received a satisfactory reinterpretation.