Anarchist Economics

Instead of the linearity, we need a broad, flexible, totally dynamic multiversum, a continuous and frequently linked counterpoint with historical voices. In this way, and to do justice to the gigantic extra-European material, it is no longer possible to work linearly, without sinuosity, in series (order), without a complex and new variety of time (...) Thus, we need a framework of a philosophy of the history of non-European cultures. Bloch E (1970/1955) 'Differentiations in the concept of progress', in Bloch E. A philosophy for the future, New York: Herder and Herder, 143. The Centre for Decolonising Knowledge in Teaching, Research and Practice (DECkNO) at the University of Bath is an interdisciplinary collaborative research hub challenging Eurocentrism in the social sciences, arts and humanities and considering its theoretical, socioeconomic, pedagogical, political and policy implications for a radical praxis. We hope to reflect a multiversum of knowledge, time, spaces, experiences, interactions, critiques, social practices and struggles in these papers.

The Covid-19 pandemic crisis has confirmed neoliberal capitalism’s inability to meet critical social needs. In the United Kingdom, mutual aid initiatives based on ‘solidarity not charity’ blossomed in a context of state incompetence and private sector negligence – including Scrub Hub, a network of groups that autonomously produced personal protective equipment and provided it directly to health workers. Using a convergence of autonomist and anarchist perspectives, this article examines Scrub Hub as an example of emergent autonomous political economies and considers the challenges of resisting co-optation into volunteerist hierarchies and suppression by the neoliberal state.

Durante los dos últimos años, el mundo se ha enfrentado a una crisis de seguridad alimentaria sin precedentes. Los efectos económicos de la COVID-19 se han combinado con los conflictos, el cambio climático,
la subida de los precios de los alimentos y, más recientemente, con el impacto global de la guerra en Ucrania, lo que ha desencadenado
una tormenta perfecta de hambre.
El sufrimiento humano es inmenso, puesto que 349 millones de personas de 79 países avanzan hacia la inanición, incluidos 153 millones de
niños y jóvenes. Inevitablemente, esta lucha diaria por la supervivencia está perjudicando gravemente a su educación. La crisis alimentaria
mundial podría dar al traste con una década de progresos en la escolarización de los niños más pobres del mundo, cuando sabemos que la educación les ofrece la mejor vía para salir de la pobreza y la malnutrición.
El hambre amenaza con robarles el futuro. Por fortuna, existe una solución eficaz.
Los programas de alimentación escolar desempeñan un papel  fundamental a la hora de fomentar que las familias más pobres envíen
a sus hijos —y especialmente a sus hijas— a la escuela. Una vez en el aula, las comidas escolares garantizan que los niños estén bien
alimentados y en condiciones de aprender.
El Estado de la Alimentación Escolar a Nivel Mundial 2022 evalúa el impacto que la COVID-19 y otros acontecimientos globales han tenido en los programas de alimentación y nutrición en las escuelas desde el último
informe, que data de 2020.
Destaca lo que se ha hecho para superar los retos sin precedentes asociados a la pandemia y, sobre todo, identifica los principios clave
que sustentan el éxito de los programas de alimentación escolar en tanto en cuanto los gobiernos refuerzan sus sistemas educativos de cara al futuro.
El informe también muestra el trabajo de la Coalición por la Alimentación Escolar por la contribución del Programa Mundial de Alimentos a esta
iniciativa pionera lanzada en 2021 como una asociación mundial entre gobiernos, organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONG) y expertos en educación. Hasta la fecha, 76 países se han unido a la Coalición y todos se han comprometido a invertir en ambiciosos programas nacionales de alimentación escolar que puedan llegar a todos los niños en situación de vulnerabilidad.
Aunque es evidente que un plato de comida es vital para los niños más
pobres, ya que lo que comen en la escuela suele ser el único alimento
nutritivo que ingieren en todo el día, estos programas van mucho más
allá. Cuando se ejecutan correctamente, los programas de alimentación escolar mejoran la salud y la educación de los niños, hacen que las comunidades sean más resilientes, promueven la igualdad de género y contribuyen a las economías nacionales y a la estabilidad social.
Sin duda, es la mejor inversión que cualquier gobierno puede hacer.
La Coalición por la Alimentación Escolar ofrece una visión inspiradora del futuro y el WFP está plenamente comprometido a trabajar con nuestros socios de todo el mundo para hacerla realidad. Juntos, conseguiremos ofrecerles a todos los niños, vivan donde vivan, la oportunidad de disfrutar de una comida escolar nutritiva y de la posibilidad de aprender, crecer y desarrollarse.

The text offers a very critical and in-depth view of the world of cryptocurrencies. It highlights how many operators in the sector have gained easily and have focused on the bright future of crypto, without truly involving citizens in fundamental decisions, such as who can create money or how to protect savings.

It warns about macroeconomic risks and the possibility that cryptocurrencies could destabilize the traditional financial architecture, as they are often considered simple digital records lacking legal value and scarcity features, unless regulated by specific laws. Additionally, it emphasizes that cryptocurrencies, used as currency or investment, lack real guarantees and could lead to crises similar to that of 2008.

The text also questions the illusion of security and liquidity that many investors have, fueled by democratic legitimacy and the hope of easy profits. With the spread of large-scale cryptocurrencies, it becomes more difficult to contain potential crises, and it suggests that drastic measures like banning them might be necessary, even though banks and financial intermediaries tend to ignore the risks for their own interests.

Finally, it reflects on the limits of Bitcoin and cryptocurrencies as investment tools and stores of value, highlighting the risk of a bubble that could burst, damaging not only holders but also public and private savings systems. It concludes with an open question about society’s ability to curb this "horde of insipid humans" and avoid a future of crises and economic injustices.

I would like to convey my sincere thanks to Prof. K. K. Ahuja, who always gave me the valuable suggestions and guidance during the project. I feel proud to present my compiled project report on the topic 'Evaluating Ethical Perspectives -Anthropocentrism vs. Ecocentrism in Environmental Decision-Making'. This research would not have been possible without the kind support and guidance of our teacher. The blessings, support and guidance given by him from time to time shall carry me a long way in the journey of life on which I am about to embark. I would also like to thank our institute for accepting my research project in the desired field. Lastly, I would like to thank the Almighty, my parents, my friends for their constant encouragement without which this project would not have been possible.

This paper explores the evolving relationship between humans and wildlife, highlighting the detrimental impacts of human expansion, industrialization, and habitat destruction on biodiversity. As human activities continue to destabilize ecosystems and drive species toward extinction, an ethical crisis has emerged regarding the treatment and preservation of wildlife. While current conservation efforts are critical, this paper argues that they are insufficient without a corresponding ethical shift in how humans perceive their role in relation to the natural world. Advocating for a move beyond the traditional anthropocentric view, the paper contends that wildlife, irrespective of their categorization as endangered, possesses intrinsic value across the board, deserving of moral consideration independent of their utility to humans. It proposes a wildlife ethic that balances human needs with the rights and well-being of other species by emphasizing on the necessity of adopting an outlook that promotes coexistence and aims at preserving biodiversity, i.e. an eco-centric attitude. This ethical framework is essential for addressing current environmental crises and developing a more sustainable, respectful relationship between humans and wildlife.

El objetivo de este artículo es identificar qué mecanismos existen en los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea (UE) para limitar, o vulnerar, el derecho a la educación de la infancia inmigrante. Para ello, se realizará un metaanálisis desde el Enfoque Basado en los Derechos Humanos de estudios relacionados con la integración socioeducativa y los derechos de la infancia en estos países. Se identificaron tres dimensiones (legal, política y socioeducativa) que producen discriminación educativa hacia esta población en los países de acogida. La legal se compone dos mecanismos discriminatorios: la edad y la condición legal del menor en el país de acogida. La política consta de cuatro categorías: las políticas de austeridad; el discurso de la nueva extrema derecha europea; las políticas neoliberales en la escuela; y la existencia de campos de refugiados. En cuanto a la socioeducativa, los Estados desarrollan a menudo un modelo asimilacionista en las escuelas, algo que sumado a la escasa pa...

n una sociedad individualizada y carente de grandes discursos articuladores tras la anunciada disolución del lenguaje, una serie de nuevos movimientos sociales reaccionan tratando de modelar sus formas de lucha a esta nueva realidad. En un mundo donde el lenguaje es puro simulacro, se celebra su disolución y se aventura una nueva lingüística general de la subversión. Un ejemplo es el movimiento feminista Mujeres Creando (Bolivia). Diseminan sus mensajes y deconstruyen la lógica del orden simbólico dominante con una lectura disidente del ofi cial que remite a la experiencia de lo cotidiano como una nueva forma de subversión. Esta adopta nuevas formas, se apropia del copyright del mensaje canónico y extiende este artístico sabotaje de los códigos a través de performances y happenings polémicos y escandalosos. Interfi eren en los códigos imperantes, abriendo nuevas posibilidades de signifi cación, las grafi teadas, "una mezcla de grafi ti y pintada", implican esta práctica ocupacional de los espacios urbanos. Se le concede, de este modo, un nuevo sentido a los lugares públicos, haciendo de la calle una prolongación del ámbito privado. Feminismo Guerrilla de la comunicación Sobre grafitis, pucheros y tablas de planchar 1

This special issue brings together a series of commentaries, intervention, and projects in various stages of completion, all centred on the theme of workers inquiry 1 . Workers' inquiry is an approach to and practice of knowledge production that seeks to understand the changing composition of labour and its potential for revolutionary social transformation. It is the practice of turning the tools of the social sciences into weapons of class struggle. Workers' inquiry seeks to map the continuing imposition of the class relation, not as a disinterested investigation, but rather to deepen and intensify social and political antagonisms.

Fue el menor y único varón de su familia, reconocido desde joven por su carácter conciliador y sentido del humor. Estudió en el seminario de Oviedo y posteriormente Sociología en la Universidad de Deusto, donde forjó amistades que mantuvo durante toda su vida. Dio sus primeros pasos profesionales en el urbanismo en Madrid, de la mano de Eduardo Leira, quien le formó con intensidad pese a su inexperiencia. Posteriormente trabajó en la empresa pública asturiana SADEI (Sociedad Asturiana de Estudios Económicos e Industriales), donde rechazó un alto cargo con la ironía que le caracterizaba.

the face of all the earth, and every tree that bears fruit with seed. It will be for your food. To every wild animal, to every bird of the sky, to everything that creeps along the ground, to everything that has the breath of life, I give every green plant for food." So it was. God saw all that he had made, and it was very good.

When thinking of food poverty, Sweden may not be the first country that comes to the forefront of your mind. Indeed it appears as a somewhat neglected field of study in a country that while maintaining a presentation as a social democratic welfare state, is experiencing a growth in the number of those not able to feed themselves. In examining this topic through a recognition framework, this study systematically reviews the available research on the subject that focuses on Sweden itself, revealing a dearth of available studies and data. The study then critically analyses the methods used to measure the levels of food poverty in Sweden, to try to establish if there is a consensus on the figure or a uniform way of comparing this internationally. There is not. It finally discusses the issue with a purposive sample of eleven social workers and charity workers who are engaged with supporting those in food poverty in some way. Their divergent experiences and roles were thematically analyse...

En réponse à la crise énergétique de 2007-2008, de nombreux pays africains qui ne produisent pas d’hydrocarbures ont cherché à réduire leur facture d’importation de pétrole en s’orientant vers la production de biocarburants. Ces pays ont surtout misé sur le Jatropha curcas Linnaeus2, une plante oléa- gineuse non comestible, promue comme une alternative durable aux hydro- carbures, en raison de sa résistance supposée et de sa capacité présumée à pousser dans des terres marginales. Les mérites de ce nouvel « or vert du désert » ont été largement vantés par plusieurs gouvernements africains ainsi que par les organisations internationales et régionales. Ainsi, plusieurs pays d’Afrique subsaharienne ont élaboré des politiques nationales visant à développer et à promouvoir des modèles de production et d’utilisation de cette plante oléagineuse comme biocarburant. À partir de 2008, le jatropha a bénéficié d’investissements massifs, entraînant une rapide expansion des surfaces cultivées à l’échelle globale, notamment en Afrique subsaharienne. Ce chapitre vise à démontrer comment l’engagement des institutions financières internationales et des agences onusiennes dans la mise en place du cadre politique visant à promouvoir et à produire du jatropha au Mali révèle le déploiement d’un dispositif de gouvernance internationale de l’environnement, dont les effets sont observables tant à l’échelle nationale que locale.

Ce texte présente les caractéristiques principales et le choix de base du néolibéralisme et s'intéresse à ses implications, en lien notamment avec la crise économique actuelle. L'auteur conclut qu'il est urgent d'abandonner cette approche et défend l'idée du nécessaire retour vers un régime mixte combinant de façon plus harmonieuse le public et le privé. Mots-clés libéralisme, néolibéralisme, crise économique, interventionnisme

This article evaluates critically the meta-narrative that capitalism is becoming totalizing and hegemonic. Recently, an emerging corpus of postdevelopment thought has begun to deconstruct this discourse, but only in relation to Western economies and the majority (third) world. To further contribute to this emerging critique, the aim is to analyze the degree to which capitalist economic practices have permeated postsocialist societies through a case study of Moscow. Based on face-to-face interviews with 313 households during 2005/06 concerning their work practices, a relatively shallow penetration of capitalism in this city is identified, with only a minority of households relying on the capitalist economy in particular, and the formal economy more generally, to secure their livelihood. The vast majority of the population is found to depend heavily on an array of noncapitalist economic practices; and capitalist and noncapitalist practices are identified as operating in tandem with, rather than in opposition to, each other. The outcome is a call to refute the universality of capitalist hegemony and to rethink the nature of economic development from a perspective that recognizes the persistence of economic pluralism. I

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is a premier law enforcement agency tasked with protecting national security and maintaining public safety. This paper examines two critical specialized units within the FBI: the Serial Crime Unit (SCU) and the Counterterrorism Division. The SCU focuses on analyzing and apprehending serial offenders, utilizing advanced investigative techniques such as behavioral profiling, geographic analysis, and crime scene evaluation. The Counterterrorism Division is dedicated to preventing terrorist activities through intelligence gathering, undercover operations, and cybersecurity initiatives. By exploring the structure, responsibilities, and significant contributions of these units, this paper highlights their indispensable role in modern law enforcement. Understanding their functions provides insight into the evolving strategies used to combat crime and terrorism, ensuring the continued effectiveness of the FBI in addressing these complex threats.

This is a dissertation about acting on inspiration. The Chicago-based Autonomous University of Social Movements (AUSM) coordinates one of the most long-standing, intensive engagements with the Zapatistas of Chiapas, Mexico, through its study abroad programs fomenting such inspiration among university students from across North America. Yet my research into the ensuing political activity of alumni of this program exposes a dilemma: despite the Zapatistas' success in building autonomy on the land they reclaimed during their 1994 uprising, the great majority of alumni do not invoke them or replicate their organizing structures within their organizations back home. Rather than exposing a break in the chain of inspiration between the Zapatistas, AUSM, and its alumni, the continuity between the three lies in their common organizing activity.

This thesis would not have been possible without all of the people who have come into my life in big ways and small to make me the person I am today. To my professors who gave me the pivotal guidance I needed for me to get to cross the finish line, my deepest gratitude. To all of my family and ancestors who I am indebted to for giving to and adding to this gift called life. To my mother Robin Edwards and grandmother Lola Bloyer who have always been my pillars of strength and care. To my comrades in the struggle whose names no one may know but who have moved mountains with their tireless work for the liberation of humanity and a living planet. And of course, to the youth who will inherit a world they do not deserve yet have the power to transform if they believe another world is possible and commit themselves to realizing it. I love you all.

La sociedad colombiana es pobre, presenta una distribución desigual del ingreso y crece poco. Catorce millones de colombianos sobreviven con menos de dos dólares diarios. En total, 64 de cada 100 colombianos están en el «umbral» de pobreza. Si Colombia quiere tener prosperidad y justicia social, requiere atender la equidad entre sus zonas rurales y urbanas, entre sus regiones, entre grupos étnicos y entre hombres y mujeres en aspectos como el acceso a la educación, la propiedad de la tierra y la distribución del ingreso. El crecimiento económico requiere no sólo individuos sanos, sino también educación y otras inversiones complementarias, una adecuada división del trabajo entre los sectores públicos y privados, un buen funcionamiento de los mercados, una gestión pública adecuada y acuerdos institucionales que impulsen los avances tecnológicos. Nuevos estudios sugieren que el estrés de ser pobre tiene una peligrosa influencia en la salud. Las personas de estrato socio-económico bajo tienen dramáticamente más riesgo de enfermar y expectativa de vida más corta. Hay una fuerte asociación entre inequidad en los ingresos, pobre salud y bajo capital social. Un alto grado de inequidad en los ingresos lleva a un bajo nivel de confianza y soporte, lo cual incrementa el estrés y peligros para la salud. Existe una inmensa responsabilidad de los países ricos en el cumplimiento de las metas de reducción de la pobreza y mejora de las condiciones de vida en el mundo. La mayoría de las muertes son evitables y hay que abordar las causas estructurales de la pobreza y la desigualdad. Hay capacidad y recursos suficientes en el mundo para erradicar el hambre y la pobreza y promover el desarrollo económico sustentable con justicia social.

Malgré la croissance du mécontentement face à la détérioration des conditions de vie et la gabegie des dirigeants, la résistance demeure faible
et fragmentée à Madagascar. Les initiatives citoyennes ne manquent pas, mais leur ancrage populaire fait défaut, tandis que l’indépendance
de la société civile vis-à-vis du politique est dangereusement entamée.

Resumen: Este artículo contrapone La Enciclopedia que editaron D'Alambert y Diderot con nuestra actual Wikipedia a fin de mostrar que la Globalización nada tiene que ver con el sueño de una ciudadanía cosmopolita. De hecho, la Globalización supone olvidarse de la ciudad, de la polís, de la política que se hace entre quienes viven en la ciudad y resulta, simplemente, la vida en un lugar donde se acepta vivir en un mundo que, es bien cierto, para sí quisieran los ilustrados que aplaudieron en su día La Enciclopedia.

This paper looks at how different electoral competition dynamics can result in differentiated party positioning on childcare and family policy. Italy and Spain are compared using a most similar case design. The presence of women in politics, the socioeconomic profiles of the voters of the two main left-wing and right-wing Italian and Spanish parties, and opinions on traditional norms of motherhood explain different policy trajectories and higher incentives for the conservative party in Spain to converge towards the social-democratic party in more progressive views of family policy.

Objetivo: Analizar los programas de alimentación escolar (PAE) de Brasil, Chile y la provincia de Córdoba, considerando su perspectiva de derecho a la alimentación (DA) y su vinculación con la agricultura familiar (AF). Metodología: Análisis documental basado en análisis crítico de fragmentos de discurso propuesto por Jäger de los marcos normativos de los PAE Brasil, Chile, Córdoba y una triangulación de investigadores. Resultados: Sólo el PAE de Brasil incorpora de manera clara y explícita la AF y el DA. El PAE de Chile al igual que el de la provincia de Córdoba no las mencionan de manera explícita a la AF ni el DA. Conclusiones: Los PAE analizados muestran una coherencia con los marcos regulatorios directos e indirectos. Es necesario para generar un PAE nacional en nuestro país marcos legales fuertes que integren el DA y puedan articularse con la AF como proveedores. Palabras claves: Alimentación escolar, políticas públicas, derecho a la alimentación.

Celem artykułu było zdiagnozowanie i charakterystyka głównych uwarunkowań politycznej kontestacji w dobie kryzysu demokracji liberalnej. Na potrzeby realizacji przyjętego celu zaproponowano badawczą perspektywę w ramach studiów nad kryzysem demokracji. Główne jej założenia dotyczyły krytycznego stosunku do paradygmatu demoliberalnego i uznanie, że: (a) kryzys demokracji jest naturalnym procesem; (b) kontestacja, a także populizm nie są przyczynami kryzysu liberalnych demokracji, tylko konsekwencjami demoliberalnych dysfunkcji; (c) sprzeciw wobec demokracji liberalnej nie musi oznaczać negacji samej demokracji. Odpowiadając na pytanie badawcze, na gruncie przyjętej perspektywy za uwarunkowania kontestacji uznać należy pochodne procesów, jakie w obrębie demokracji liberalnej rozgrywały się w ciągu ostatnich dekad, takich jak: zmiany technologiczne w obszarze komunikacji społecznej, ograniczenie wzrostu gospodarczego, zmiany demograficzne oraz hegemonia neoliberalizmu zarówno w wymiarz...

Å anmelde en Žižek-bok er litt som å «danse om arkitektur», for å låne et Frank Zappa-sitat. En anmeldelse skal, ideelt sett, gi et saklig overblikk over et verks innhold og form. Men Žižek har utviklet en såpass uvanlig prosastil, som skiller lag med den konvensjonelle moderne filosofien, at bøkene hans motsetter seg enkle oppsummeringer.1 De er, om ikke formløse, så i hvert fall formelt sett idiosynkratiske, lappetepper av løst sammenvevde fragmenter, tekstbiter som er blitt rekombinert, gjenbrukt og (innimellom subtilt) omskrevet på tvers av de mange bokutgivelsene. Dette forklarer kanskje også hvordan han greide å utgi tre bøker bare i 2023 og et par bøker året før. Tekstene hans påminner tidvis om William Burroughs’ «cut-up»-metode, av og til den fritt assosierende analysanden på divanen som lar tankerekkene få fritt spillerom: Det ene innfallet avløser det andre, der hvert ledd i den assosiative rekken har tilknytning til det forrige, men der summen av det hele naturlig nok blir ganske fragmentarisk.

The relationship between Chilean narrative and labor has been primarily investigated within the context of the mid-twentieth century (Generation of '38). During the rise of neoliberalism and in the post-dictatorial scenario, literary representations have explored the increased visibility of new minorities that have emerged within the world of work, where migration is one of the topics timidly appearing in a literary landscape affected by the decline of the proletariat as a class. This article aims to characterize the representation of work and migration, exploring their subjective characteristics, the precarization of labor, and the deterritorialization of the job market, where workers are assimilated as mere production inputs. Illegal border crossings give rise to new imaginaries, where vulnerability, animalization, and bodily and sexual subjugation become central themes in the aesthetics of migrant workers, countering the successful neoliberal narrative.

This article evaluates critically the meta-narrative that capitalism is becoming totalizing and hegemonic. Recently, an emerging corpus of postdevelopment thought has begun to deconstruct this discourse, but only in relation to Western economies and the majority (third) world. To further contribute to this emerging critique, the aim is to analyze the degree to which capitalist economic practices have permeated postsocialist societies through a case study of Moscow. Based on face-to-face interviews with 313 households during 2005/06 concerning their work practices, a relatively shallow penetration of capitalism in this city is identified, with only a minority of households relying on the capitalist economy in particular, and the formal economy more generally, to secure their livelihood. The vast majority of the population is found to depend heavily on an array of noncapitalist economic practices; and capitalist and noncapitalist practices are identified as operating in tandem with, rather than in opposition to, each other. The outcome is a call to refute the universality of capitalist hegemony and to rethink the nature of economic development from a perspective that recognizes the persistence of economic pluralism. I

El hambre es un problema real que afecta a millones de habitantes de nuestro pais y tiene graves consecuencias sobre los ninos y adolescentes. Sin embargo, segun la Organizacion para la Agricultura y la Alimentacion de la ONU, Argentina produce comida suficiente para alimentar a 442 millones de personas. Es evidente que no se trata de un problema de disponibilidad de alimentos, sino de falta de acceso a estos por parte de los sectores mas pobres de la poblacion, con lo cual se pone en evidencia el trabajo pendiente en materia de reduccion de hambre y malnutricion en el pais. En este proyecto, se propone la vinculacion de estudiantes y docentes de la carrera Tecnologia de los Alimentos con la Fundacion Banco de Alimentos de la ciudad de Cordoba, para contribuir desde la informacion, la capacitacion y la intervencion con el objetivo de mitigar el problema del hambre y la desnutricion. La reduccion al minimo del descarte de productos alimenticios que son aptos para consumo humano, la i...

This special issue of the International Journal of Community Currency Research (IJCCR) in-cludes 15 papers that their authors presented in their earlier versions at the 2nd International Conference on Complementary and Community Currency Systems, 'Multiple moneys and devel-opment: making payments in diverse economies'. It was held at the International Institute of Social Studies (ISS) of Erasmus University Rotterdam in The Hague between 19th and 23rd June, 2013. It was organised as an event of the Civic Innovation Research Initiative in collabora-tion with the Qoin Foundation (Amsterdam), the think--tank New Economics Foundation (Lon-don), and the Palmas Institute (Brazil and Europe) 1 . The event was attended by almost 450 participants from 31 countries, including academics, practitioners, consultants, policy makers and representatives of grassroots organisations. This special issue seeks to reYlect that diversity and includes articles on Complementary and Community Currency Systems from most corners of the world.

In this paper, I study the relation between the economic thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and his claimed heir Silvio Gesell. I argue that their socialism can be described as a « Monetary Analysis Socialism »: both authors place the monetary institution at the very heart of their economic analysis and consider a profound transformation of the rules that govern that institution as a necessary preliminary to the advent of socialism. Their efforts to conceive non-capitalist monetary systems aren't, I argue, a fortuitous trait of libertarian thought : the will to think a coordination for individual action that does not involve central coordination makes the monetary system a central object for libertarian political thought, and the design of this institution a crucial political issue.

Créée en 1934, la Banque WIR tentait d'apporter une réponse monétaire aux désordres économiques de son époque: son fondateur, Werner Zimmermann, comme son inspirateur Silvio Gesell, regardaient la transformation de l'institution monétaire tant comme un recours face à la crise, que comme le champ de lutte politique décisif face au capitalisme. Ils suivent en celà P.-J. Proudhon, dont la Banque du Peuple poursuivait les mêmes objectifs. Ces deux projets reposent sur la condamnation du dévoiement de la monnaie pour l'accumulation privée : Proudhon, Gesell et Zimmermann dessinent ainsi l'image d'une monnaie remise au service des échanges et de la société.

"Efectivamente, cuando se trata de llegar a un mañana, cuando se considera un movimiento como inscrito en la Historia, como progresando hacia algo, se condena a no hacer más que lo que hacen los que mandan, es decir, lo que ya está hecho. Contribuye a crear la ilusión, y a fortalecerla, de que hay un camino, de que hay un mañana hacia el que se va. Y esto, cuando se realiza bien, simplemente quiere decir eso: hacer una y otra vez lo que ya está hecho, puesto que está planeado de antemano" (Agustín García Calvo El último patriarca. Conferencia en Donosti, 19-03-1989).

Né en 1818 dans une famille pauvre de Trèves, en Allemagne, Karl Marx (1818-1883) est l'un des auteurs les plus cités et les moins lus. Il n'est pas rare d'entendre que Karl Marx était un bourgeois qui écrivait sur le prolétariat. Cette idée fausse n'est pas la seule qui affecte Marx. Parfois, cela vient des personnes apparemment bien instruites. Le film Young Karl Marx (2017), réalisé par Raoul Peck, raconte l'histoire de Karl Marx avant qu'il ne devienne le Marx que nous connaissons. Karl Marx a eu une vie très difficile à Londres. Il était constamment menacé d'expulsion parce qu'il avait du mal à payer son loyer. Il risquait à tout moment de se retrouver, lui et sa famille, à la rue. Il a vécu une situation financière très difficile. Deux de ses enfants sont morts de froid. Il n'y avait pas de chauffage. Il a sacrifié sa vie pour la libération de l'humanité. L'un de ses biographes les plus célèbres, Franz Mehring (2010), écrit :

Author(s): Carlos, Alfredo | Advisor(s): Lynch, Cecelia; Torres, Rodolfo D | Abstract: Economic Democracy and worker cooperatives are part of a growing movement for economic change. In the dissertation I explore the ideas of Economic Democracy, what they can teach the academy, their history and theoretical underpinnings. I am specifically interested in understanding whether worker cooperatives offer a solution to the problems of capitalism and whether they fundamentally change the nature and process of work as well as the quality of life for ordinary workers, especially those workers who traditionally have been relegated to the bottom of the labor market, workers of color. Through the use of the Marxist theory and the Gramscian concepts of hegemony and war of position I analyze the complicated and difficult structural, administrative, ideological/cultural and racial struggles that these types of enterprises face in enacting their visions. Through a comparative case study based on in...

The "technical" interpretation of Marx's theory of value, which asserted that the concept of use-value played no role in his economics, has in recent years been shown to be ill-founded. In particular, Rosdolsky 1977 and Groll 1980 have established the importance that Marx attached to the concept of use-value in his theory of value, while I have shown that the use-value is an essential component of his analysis of the commodity, and that when properly applied, that analysis invalidates the labor theory of value (Keen 1993). This modern re-evaluation of Marx raises the puzzle of how the traditional view developed in the first place. Hilferding aside, the answer does not paint a complimentary picture of the scholarship of either friend or foe of Marx in the debate over his theory of value. 2 Wagner Though the main proponents of the "technical" interpretation of Marx were the professedly Marxian scholars Sweezy, Meek and Dobb, this school in fact had its genesis in critiques of Marx by conservative opponents. The first of these was the "professorial socialist" Adolph Wagner, who argued in his 1879 Grundlegung that Marx had eliminated use-value from his analysis. Marx was aware of this interpretation of Capital, and his Marginal Notes on A. Wagner (Marx, 1879-hereafter referred to as Wagner) constitute a polemic against it. After dismissing Wagner's conclusion that value is only use-value as "`driveling'", he presented his dialectical vision of the commodity as a union of use-value and exchange-value, and then forcefully observed that only an obscurantist, who has not understood a word of Capital, can conclude: Because Marx, in a note to the first edition of Capital, overthrows all the German professorial twaddle on `use-value' in general,…-therefore, use-value does not play any role in his work.… (ibid, p. 198-99) Marx provided an important clue to understanding the statement he referred to above in The Contribution (Marx 1859, p. 28) that use-value, while outside economic analysis in general, belongs to the sphere of political economy only when it is itself a determinate form. He explained that "Whoever satisfies his own need through his product, does create a use-value, but not a commodity. In order to produce a commodity, he must not only produce a use-value, but use-value for others, social use-value. So use-value itself-as the use-value of the `commodity'-possesses an historically specific character." (Wagner, p. 199). At the end of that same paragraph he provided a commentary on the method by which he derived the

By KAREN I. VAUGHN* I first met Larry Moss in 1964, when we were both 19 years old and undergraduates at Queens College in New York City. Someone observing the circumstances of our meeting would not have been likely to predict that a 40-plus-year friendship would ensue. Having recently become entranced with the writings of Ayn Rand, I was searching for like-minded students when I saw a notice about an upcoming lecture on the topic, "Ayn Rand's Theory of Sex," sponsored by a group calling themselves "Students for a Free Society." I had never heard of the group but the topic was irresistible, so off I went at the prescribed time to find other fans of "Miss Rand." The talk was given by a young man named David Glauberman, who it appeared to me had very little regard for either Ayn Rand or her theory of sex. After listening for about 10 minutes, I got up in a huff, turned on my heel, and marched out of the room so as not to give "moral sanction" to such a disrespectful discussion. I didn't get far, however, before I was stopped by the president of the group, one Laurence S. Moss, who attempted to prevail upon me to return. I shouldn't take the talk too seriously, he explained, because they just chose that topic to try to entice students to come and be exposed to libertarian ideas. After all, what undergraduate wouldn't want to hear someone talk about sex? I had never heard the word "libertarian" before, and though I thought their means of spreading their message was somewhat underhanded, I was intrigued enough to attend future meetings to learn more about this alien political philosophy. *The author is Professor Emeritus of George Mason University. A graduate of Queens College, NYC, she received her Ph.D. from Duke University in 1971. She was a member of the Economics Department at George Mason for 26 years where she served as chairperson from 1982-1989. The author of books and articles on 17 th-century economic thought and on the Austrian School, she is a past president of the Southern Economic Association, the History of Economics Society, and the Society for the Development of Austrian Economics. She is currently enjoying retirement and pursuing her avocation of classical and operatic singing.

Matthew Lipman, une philosophie au service de l'éducation.

Cet ouvrage est la seconde des deux publications consécutives relatives aux écrits majeurs du philosophe et pédagogue américain Matthew Lipman (1923-2010). D'une part, son autobiographie intitulée A Life Teaching Thinking (2008) et traduite précédemment sous le titre de Une vie à enseigner la pensée ; d'autre part, la seconde édition de son ouvrage Thinking in Education (2003), publiée ici sous le titre À l'école de la pensée.

Feminism[1] still represents dynamic and controversial phenomenon, manifested at interdisciplinary level, from the political area to the socioeconomic and juridical area, where woman has successfully created her own identity, overcoming obstacles of all kinds, in order to identify a balance between career and family. Legal regulations have been the main instrument in outlining today woman’s status and planning the equality policy, the law being characterised by its dynamics in its continuous re-dimensioning depending on the social, historical, cultural, political and economic context, while still keeping its moral values based on which it has been substantiated and still developed, heading, in its evolution towards a “moral ideal”. Equality between men and women has become a fundamental right, a common value and a prerequisite for the achievement of economic growth, employment and social cohesion objectives, and the democratic society has successfully created full and equal citizen’...