Agrarian Studies

Poverty is rooted in the accumulation of wealth, a process that plays out through the dispossession of the many so as to secure excess for the few. While this insight is commonly assigned to Marx and particularly his understanding of primitive accumulation,  Proudhon had worked out the contradictory underpinning of capitalism several decades earlier when he declared “property is theft!” Indeed, the very possibility of poverty, and its expression as famine, is rooted in the institution of property itself. This paper argues that we need to turn to anarchism, to refuse the expropriation of our means to survive under the tenets of property, and to cast off the chains of slavery that we euphemize as wage labour. Only by returning to the principle of mutual aid can famine ever be averted, whereby reciprocity becomes the compass of our collective morality.

Dualism, dialectics and the problem of value
Nature, geopower and capitalogenic appropriation
Unpaid work/energy and the accumulation of capital
Historical natures: value, world-praxis and abstract social nature
Value as project and process
Abstract social nature and the rise of capitalism
From Anthropocene to Capitalocene
Capital, nature and work/energy in the twenty-first century
References
Full Article  Figures & data  References  Citations  Metrics  Reprints & Permissions  PDF
Abstract

This essay – Part II – reconceptualizes the past five centuries as the Capitalocene, the ‘age of capital’. The essay advances two interconnected arguments. First, the exploitation of labor-power depends on a more expansive process: the appropriation of unpaid work/energy delivered by ‘women, nature, and colonies’ (Mies). Second, accumulation by appropriation turns on the capacity of state–capital–science complexes to make nature legible. If the substance of abstract social labor is time, the substance of abstract social nature is space. While managerial procedures within commodity production aim to maximize productivity per quantum of labor-time, the geo-managerial capacities of states and empires identify and seek to maximize unpaid work/energy per ‘unit’ of abstract nature. Historically, successive state–capital–science complexes co-produce Cheap Natures that are located, or reproduce themselves, largely outside the cash nexus. Geo-managerialism’s preliminary forms emerged rapidly during the rise of capitalism. Its chief historical expressions comprise those processes through which capitalists and state-machineries map, identify, quantify and otherwise make natures legible to capital. A radical politics of sustainability must recognize – and seek to mobilize through – a tripartite division of work under capitalism: labor-power, unpaid human work and the work of nature as a whole.

En este capítulo, pasaré revista a los principales paradigmas empleados por científicos y agentes sociales para analizar los procesos de desarrollo rural en América Latina desde el final de la II Guerra Mundial hasta la actualidad. En este contexto, el vocablo paradigma se utiliza en un sentido muy general que se refiere a enfoques o perspectivas sobre el desarrollo rural. Estas amplias visiones se nutren de teorías de las ciencias sociales que no se han desarrollado necesariamente de forma específica para el sector rural, sino que se ocupan de procesos de cambio más generales, procesos a nivel local, nacional o internacional, pero no confinados a un análisis sectorial exclusivo. Distingo cinco paradigmas de desarrollo rural principales: estructuralismo, modernización, dependencia, neoliberalismo y neoestructuralismo. Existe una cierta secuenciación de estos paradigmas, ya que el estructuralismo y el paradigma de la modernización tuvieron influencia sobre todo desde los cincuenta hasta mediados los sesenta, el paradigma de la dependencia durante el final de los sesenta y a lo largo de los setenta, el neoliberalismo durante los ochenta y noventa, y el neoestructuralismo a partir de esos mismos noventa. Algunos de ellos se solapan durante períodos considerables. Así, por poner un ejemplo, el enfoque neoliberal continúa modelando muchos análisis actuales, pero cada vez se ve más cuestionado por el neoestructuralismo y por otras interpretaciones alternativas. Perspectivas "alternativas" tales como los estudios de género, la ecología, el conocimiento indígena, el post o el antidesarrollo, así como otros estudios "post" que han surgido en su mayoría durante las dos últimas décadas. Sólo mencionaré muy brevemente algunas de estos enfoques alternativos, ya que un tratamiento apropiado al respecto requeriría un ensayo aparte. Algunos de ellos bien podría desarrollarse hasta constituir paradigmas distintos por derecho propio, tal como ya los considera más de un autor.

Violent Neoliberalism explores the relationship between neoliberalism and violence through a critical poststructuralist perspective. Springer exposes the supposed humanitarianism of what has become the world's most dominant political economic model as a process of transformation that is shot through with a significant degree of cruelty. Employing a series of theoretical dialogues informed by the empirical experiences of development, discourse, and dispossession in contemporary Cambodia, Violent Neoliberalism engages as a diagnostic rupturing of commonsense to reveal the manifold ways in which ongoing patterns of neoliberalization have become engrossed with violence.

Naskah ini merupakan kumpulan hasil penelitian para dosen dan peneliti Sekolah Tinggi Pertanahan Nasional yang dihasilkan pada tahun 2014. Terdapat delapan (8) laporan yang keseluruhannya dibingkai dalam tiga tema besar, yakni (1) kelembagaan agraria; (2) ilmu agraria lintas disiplin; (3) hubungan keagrariaan. Kedelapan laporan tersebut pernah terbit pada tahun 2014 dalam bentuk pdf online yang kami publikasi di web resmi lembaga. Kami menerbitkannya kembali dalam bentuk buku cetak untuk kesemua judul.

Sebelum perdagangan maritim dengan melalui rute rempah-rempah (spice route) berkembang semenjak awal abad masehi, rempah-rempah dari kepulauan Indonesia belum menjadi komoditi perdagangan global. Rempah-rempah yang dikonsumsi oleh bangsa Mesir, Yunani, dan Romawi awal tentu tidak berasal dari kepulauan Indonesia tetapi berasal dari daerah lain seperti lada dari Gujarat (India) dan kayu manis dari Srilangka.
Seiring berjalannya waktu permintaan terhadap berbagai komoditi dagang dari negeri-negeri sebrang kian bertambah. Hal ini membuat india tidak mampu lagi menopang permintaan tersebut disamping persediaan rempah-rempah yang tak lengkap, berbeda dengan indonesia yang dapat menghasilkan pelbagai jenis rempah-rempah membuat terjadinya revolusi transportasi yang asalnya terfokus dengan jalur darat yaitu di jalur sutera, kini mulai merambah ke jalur laut.
Perubahan rute perdagangan global ini di samping dipicu oleh ketidakamanan jalan darat melalui Asia Tengah juga permintaan produk rempah-rempah yang semakin meningkat yang mampu dihasilkan juga daerah daerah kepulauan di Nusantara. Sejak saat itu geliat perdagangan rempah-rempah menjadi sangat spektakuler. Perdagangan rempah-rempah ini menjadi driving force bagi kegiatan perdagangan dan pelayaran secara umum selama berabad abad. Perdagangan maritim telah memberikan dampak bagi lahirnya berbagai kerajaan di Nusantara seperti Sriwijaya, Majapahit, Demak, Ternate, Tidore, Tuban, dan sebagainya.

Copyleft@Diperkenankan untuk melakukan modifikasi, penggandaan mau pun penyebarluasan buku ini untuk kepentingan pendidikan dan bu kan untuk kepentingan komersial dengan tetap mencantumkan atribut penulis dan ke terangan dokumen ini secara lengkap.

The paper examines the biowaste management issues across rural areas of Romania in the context of
poor waste management infrastructure in the last decade (2003-2012). Biowaste is the main fraction of
municipal waste, thus a proper management is a key challenge in order to sustain a bioeconomy in the
near future. The amount of biowaste generated and uncollected by waste operators is generally uncontrolled
disposed if not recovered through home composting. The paper points out the role of home composting in diverting the biowaste from wild dumps and landfills for the regions covered or not by waste collection services. Home composting and the biowaste losses are further assessed based on several scenarios (worse-case, pessimistic, realistic, optimistic) where the net loads of greenhouse gasses (GHG) are calculated at national and regional levels. The transition of home composting techniques, from open piles to plastic bins with respect to standard guidelines will improve the home composting performance in terms of compost quality and net GHG's savings, supporting a bio-based economy which will lead towards a sustainable rural development. Regional disparities are revealed across Romanian
counties and the paper opens new research perspectives regarding which options should be adopted by
counties and rural municipalities in the biowaste management process.

Following recent debates between Vivek Chibber and leading postcolonial theorists, I probe into what is missing in these exchanges. I focus on the figure of the 'tribal' in modern India in Ranajit Guha's Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India and Alpa Shah's In the Shadows of the State, both of which claim to offer emic perspectives on subaltern politics and history.

We live at a crossroads in the history of our species—and of planetary life. What comes next is unknowable with any certainty. But it is not looking good. Environmentalist theory and research tells us, today, just how bad it is. Mass extinction. Climate change. Ocean acidification. To these planetary shifts, one can add countless regional stories—runaway toxic disasters on land and at sea; cancer clusters; frequent and severe droughts. Our collective sense of " environmental consequences " has never been greater. But consequences of what? Of humanity as a whole? Of population? Of industrial civilization? Of the West? Of capitalism? How we answer the question today will shape the conditions of life on Earth—for millennia to come. Once we begin to ask this question—What drives today's disastrous state of affairs?—we move from the consequences of environment-making to its conditions and causes. And once we begin to ask questions about human-initiated environment-making, a new set of connections appears. These are the connections between environment-making and relations of inequality, power, wealth, and work. We begin to ask new questions about the relationship between environmental change and whose work is valued—and whose lives matter. Class, race, gender, sexuality, nation— and much, much more—can be understood in terms of their relationship within the whole of nature, and how that nature has been radically remade over the past ive centuries. Such questions unsettle the idea of Nature and Humanity in the uppercase: ecologies without humans, and human relations without ecologies.

"The Anarchist Roots of Geography: Towards Spatial Emancipation" sets the stage for a radical politics of possibility and freedom through a discussion of the insurrectionary geographies that suffuse our daily experiences. By embracing anarchist geographies as kaleidoscopic spatialities that allow for non-hierarchical connections between autonomous entities, wherein solidarities are voluntarily assembled in opposition to sovereign violence, predetermined norms, and assigned categories of belonging, we configure a political imagination that is capable of demanding the impossible. Experimentation in and through space is the story of humanity’s place on the planet, and the stasis and control that now supersedes ongoing organizing experiments is an affront to our very survival. Singular ontological modes that favor one particular way of doing things disavow geography by failing to understand the spatial as an ongoing mutable assemblage that is intimately bound to temporality. Even worse, such stagnant ideas often align to the parochial interests of an elite minority and thereby threaten to be our collective undoing. What is needed is the development of new relationships with our world, and crucially, with each other. By infusing our geographies with anarchism we unleash a spirit of rebellion that foregoes a politics of waiting for change to come at the behest of elected leaders, and instead engages new possibilities of mutual aid through direct action in the here and now. Anarchism is accordingly framed as a perpetually evolving process of geographical prefiguration that seeks to refashion entrenched modes of understanding and being in the world vis-à-vis the authoritarian institutions, proprietary relations, and pugnacious geopolitics that dominate contemporary political relations and their associated configurations of space. We can no longer accept the decaying, archaic geographies of hierarchy that chain us to statism, capitalism, gender domination, racial oppression, and imperialism. Instead, geography must become beautiful, wherein the entirety of its embrace is aligned to emancipation.

"Duduk perkara" masalah agraria seperti apa yang hendak dijawab oleh reforma agraria perlu diketahui terlebih dulu secara mendalam. Untuk itu, penelitian agraria yang cermat, sistematis dan mendalam amat diperlukan. Buku ini merupakan endapan pemikiran Gunawan Wiradi dalam menggulati masalah agraria, penelitian agraria dan kebijakan reforma agraria di tanah air sepanjang sekitar setengah abad kehidupan intelektualnya. Pergulatan panjang ini membawanya pada satu penegasan bahwa peliknya masalah agraria dan beragamnya tantangan global saat ini justru telah "membuat Reforma Agraria sekaligus menjadi lebih sulit dilakukan, dan semakin harus dilakukan!"

"Opposing the neoliberal rhetoric of a shining middle-class India, the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has, since 2004, called for a New Democratic Revolution. Indian Maoists dismiss parliamentary democracy as a sham insofar as it fails to address the concerns and aspirations of the majority of its citizens, nearly four-fifths of whom live below two dollars a day. In their party programme, Maoists characterize the postcolonial Indian state as ‘reactionary’ and ‘autocratic’ and seek a ‘worker-peasant alliance’ to overthrow ‘imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism’ via an armed revolutionary struggle. The CPI (Maoist) politburo, which constitutes its ideological leadership, is thus supported by an underground People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The party’s long-term objective is to establish a ‘people’s democratic state under the leadership of the proletariat’ that will ‘guarantee real democracy for the vast majority of people while exercising dictatorship over a tiny minority of exploiters’.

The CPI (Maoist) is active mostly in eastern and central India, where human development levels rank among the lowest in the world, forest cover and rugged terrain facilitate guerrilla tactics and protracted low-intensity insurgency, and tribal and lower caste groups are preponderant. According to the Indian prime minister, Maoist rebels pose the greatest internal security threat to India since independence. In reality, however, Maoist cadres are estimated to be anywhere between 10,000 and 40,000 in a country of nearly 1.2 billion people, though this number does not include sympathizers and non-combatants. These thinly-spread cadres are concentrated chiefly in what journalists, policymakers, and scholars call the Red Corridor, running from the Nepalese border through the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, and Andhra Pradesh. In these areas, regular elections are held, state and non-governmental organizations routinely participate in rural development, and state police and forest officials coexist with armed rebels and their rural supporters. Since 2005-06, the state has deployed paramilitaries to supplement state police forces in combating Maoist guerillas, which has intensified state-sponsored violence and led to widespread human rights abuses, yet it has been incapable of establishing anything akin to a monopoly of legitimate violence. Shared sovereignty is thus the norm, not the exception, as in other insurgent zones in India such as Kashmir and the northeastern frontier. This state of affairs also suggests that the everyday realities of Indian Maoism are somewhat different from its ideological self-image as a vanguardist revolutionary movement."

Hasil Penelitian Sistematis 2016

JALAN PENYELESAIAN PERSOALAN AGRARIA:
(Tanah Bekas Hak, Pengakuan Hukum Tanah Adat, Penataan Tanah Batam, Percepatan Pendaftaran Tanah,  dan Integrasi Tata Ruang)

1. Problematika Pemberian Hak atas Tanah Bekas HGU  di Sumatera Utara,  Ahmad Nashih Luthfi, Dwi Wulan T.A., Dian Aries M.

2. Pengakuan Hukum Terhadap Penguasaan Tanah  Masyarakat Adat di Kawasan Hutan Kalimantan Tengah, I Gusti Nyoman Guntur, Arief Syaifullah, Anna Mariana

3. Menata Tanah Kota Batam:  Jalan Penyelesaian Penguasaan Tanah Kampung Tua
4. Tjahjo Arianto, Asih Retno Dewi, Harvini Wulansari

5. Evaluasi Proses Pendaftaran Tanah dalam Rangka  Percepatan Pendaftaran Tanah, Muh Arif Suhattanto, Suharno, Haryo Budhiawan,

6. Integrasi Perencanaan Tata Ruang dan Pertanahan  di Jakarta Barat, Sri Kistiyah, Rochmat Martanto, A.H Farid

Existing theoretical perspectives, whether Marx's primitive accumulation or Harvey's accumulation by dispossession, are not adequate for understanding the political economy of land dispossession under capitalism-in India or elsewhere. This paper advances the concept of "regimes of dispossession" as a better way of understanding how dispossession is politically organised in different socio-historical contexts to serve different class interests with variable economic effects and political "success." The land-grabs of the neo-liberal period in India represent the emergence of a new regime of redistributing landed wealth upwards, one that is demonstrably less "developmental" than its Nehruvian predecessor-and certainly more politically tenuous. The paper shows how the concept of regimes of dispossession aids in a better understanding of (i) the relationship between land-grabs and specific historical phases of capitalism, and (ii) India's contemporary land question.

This article aims to analyze dualism case of the agrarian legal in Yogyakarta. The dualism has been manifested in two forms; the implementation of the national agrarian law and the royal agrarian law. The existence of such dualism has caused ambiguity and ambivalence in the regulation of land in Yogyakarta. The ambiguity manifested in dilemma between public land and royal land. Ambivalence came from the provincial government's attitude is trapped in status as representatives of the central government or kingdom. The implication caused the land status of the conflict have not been completed to date as well as the commercialization of the palace ground. Then this article will seek further lies the ambiguity and ambivalence of the agrarian law.

Sleman adalah salah satu Kabupaten di DI Yogyakarta. Daerah yang dikenal dengan kota budaya ini, lambat laun telah berubah menjadi kota metropolitan. Pembangunan apartemen dimana-mana. Tak ayal pembangunan apartemen ini mendapatkan banyak tentangan dari masyarakat lokal dan para pelajar.

Employing a poststructuralist-meets-anarchist stance that advances conceptual insight into the nature of sovereign power, this article examines the dialectics of capitalism/primitive accumulation, civilization/savagery, and law/violence, which are argued to exist in a mutually reinforcing 'trilateral of logics'. In deciphering this triadic system, this article offers a radical (re)appraisal of capitalism, its legal process, and its civilizing effects, which together serve to mask the originary and ongoing violences of primitive accumulation and the property system. Such obfuscation suggests that wherever the trilateral of logics is enacted, so too is the state of exception called into being, exposing us all as potential homo sacer (life that does not count). Proceeding as a diagnostic assessment of sovereign power, where although signposted by Cambodia's contemporary experiences of violent land conflict, this article is not intended as a fine-grained empirical analysis. Instead, it forwards a theoretical dialogue where Cambodia's neoliberalizing processes offer a window on how sovereign power configures itself around the three discursive-institutional constellations (i.e., capitalism, civilization, and law) that form the trilateral of logics. Rather than formulating prescriptive solutions, the intention here is critique, where in particular it is argued that the preoccupation with strengthening Cambodia's legal system should not be read as a panacea for contemporary social ills, but as an imposition that serves to legitimize the violences of property.

Karakteristik daerah Bali sangat tampak dari kehidupan Agama Hindu, adat, dan budaya yang menyatu padu dalam suasana harmonis dengan tidaklah terlepas dari peran serta seluruh komponen serta warisan suatu prinsip kesatuan masyarakat yang ada jauh sebelum Indonesia merdeka, yaitu Desa Adat. Maka sesuai dengan aspek sosiologis Hukum Tanah Nasional Negara Indonesia yang mengharuskan Hukum Tanah yang sesuai dengan nilai-nilai yang ada dalam masyarakat, dan secara tidak langsung UUPA telah mengakui keberadaan Hukum Tanah Adat di Desa Adat utamanya Bali.
Lalu bagaimanakah Eksistensi dan Pelaksanaan Hukum Tanah Adat Bali di Lingkungan Desa Adat di Bali?

Undang-undang Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa (UU Desa)-terlepas dari terobosan politiknya dalam menggulirkan demokratisasi relasi negara-desa-memiliki keterbatasan mendasar terkait isu sumber daya alam di desa mengingat krisis agraria dan krisis ekologi yang terjadi di pedesaan. Selain tidak banyak mengelaborasi aspek-aspek penting dari isu sumber daya alam, UU Desa juga hanya memberikan kewenangan yang minim terhadap swakelola sumber daya alam desa oleh pemerintah desa serta tidak menyentuh ketimpangan akses warga desa terhadap sumber daya alam setempat. Dihadapkan pada tantangan struktural demikian, perjuangan "otonomi desa" akan sulit mendorong transformasi sosial yang berarti tanpa melibatkan upaya penataan sumber daya alam yang berkeadilan dan berkelanjutan. Pada saat yang sama, perjuangan "keadilan sosial-ekologis" akan sulit tampil sebagai agenda kolektif desa tanpa mengupayakan demokratisasi yang lebih dalam di internal desa sendiri. Tulisan ini menawarkan kerangka perjuangan "demokratisasi tata kelola sumber daya alam desa" sebagai konvergensi strategis dari dua perjuangan sebelumnya: "otonomi desa" dan "keadilan sosial-ekologis". Hal ini diupayakan melalui tiga agenda konkret yang saling terkait: penguatan kewenangan desa atas sumber daya alam setempat, demokratisasi relasi-relasi sosio-agraria di desa, dan pembalikan krisis pedesaan untuk merevitalisasi basis-basis produksi desa.

Law Number 6 of 2014 on Village-apart from its political contribution in democratizing state-village relation-has a fundamental limitation on natural resource issues in the village in the light of agrarian and ecological crises. This Law offers a minor elaboration on natural resource issues and provides limited authority to the village on this field, while no reference is made to the problem of inequality in community's access to local natural resources. Confronted with such structural challenges, it is argued that "struggle for village autonomy" will hardly lead to significant social transformation without involving attempts to establish just and sustainable natural resource regime. At the same time, "the struggle for social-ecological justice" will never emerge as village's collective agenda without attempts to deepen democracy within the village. Accordingly, this article offers "democratization of rural natural resource governance" as a strategic convergence between two previous struggles: "village autonomy" and "social-ecological justice". It is pursued through three inter-related agenda: strengthening village's authority concerning natural resource issues, democratizing socio-agrarian relations in the village, and addressing rural crises in order to revitalize productive forces in the village.

Keywords: village; rural natural resources; agrarian perspective; democratic governance

This article challenges the applicability of gentrification theory in post-socialist and postcolonial contexts with enduring legacies of large-scale public land ownership, common property, mixed tenure or informality–in other words, much of the world. It does so by highlighting the significance of tenure diversity in such settings and identifying why this diversity requires a different, and more rigorous, set of analytics than that offered by gentrification theory. It contends that if critical urban studies is to reach beyond its post-industrial, Western confines, it has much to learn from agrarian studies and (non-urban) political ecology, especially regarding how customary land use and intermediate forms of tenure can sustain relatively equitable forms of social reproduction—especially when compared to those possible under conditions of outright ownership.

The purpose of this special issue is to advance heterodox
reconstructions of agrarian Marxism on the occasion of Marx’s
200th birth anniversary. Scholarship on the origins of agrarian
capitalism and the contrasts between agrarian and industrial
capitalism have been a vital part of debates over and within
Marxism for more than a century and have been central to the
social scientific and historical understandings of the modern world
system. At the same time, since the seminal debates associated
with the ‘classical agrarian question,’ agrarian studies is marked by
durable tensions and polarities in theoretical approach. While
Marxists have long criticized ‘populists’ for ignoring capitalism and
class, populists have charged Marxists with historical determinism.
It is the premise of this special issue that much of this debate has
reached something of an impasse. This is in part because new
empirical work addressing the complex contemporary patterns
and conjunctures of global agrarian capitalism, and because new
and generative theoretical reconstructions of Marxism itself, offer
exciting new horizons. Contributions to this special issue help
point the way beyond this impasse, and illustrate that agrarian
Marxism remains a dynamic theoretical program that offers
powerful insights into agrarian change and politics in the twentyfirst
century.

This paper examines the politics of possibility for rural activism in reform era China. By periodizing rural reforms from 1990, we explore the political-economic changes that have coalesced in the reform era, and how these changes condition forms and possibilities of activism. We argue that the current modernization–urbanization drive that emerged around 2008 is foreclosing opportunities for the pro-peasant cooperative forms that New Rural Reconstruction activists imagined earlier in the decade. Instead, as the process of capitalist agrarian change deepens in the countryside, food- and farming-related activism now resembles the state’s focus on markets and consumption, to the detriment of addressing social relations of production. Without a focus on distributional politics and power, this shift has the potential to further entrench existing inequalities within and across rural and urban spaces. The contextual work undertaken in this paper is currently absent from the emerging literature on China’s agrifood transformations.

Buku ini membuka mata saya pada cara lain untuk berilmu, yang kini tidak biasa lagi. Biografi Sajogyo dan Gunawan Wiradi ini menghadapkan pembaca dengan dua ilmuwan yang menjadi besar tanpa mengorbankan kemanusiaannya. Lain dengan teknokrat yang sekarang ini, yang meneliti atas dasar pesanan dari atas, penelitian mereka berakar dalam rakyat. Ia bergerak dari keterlibatan pribadi dalam upaya utopis pembebasan. Sudah waktunya sejarah penelitian landreform dan kemiskinan mereka di Bogor tahun 1950-an sampai dengan 1970-an dibuka bagi publik yang lebih besar. Siapa tahu, "pemikiran agraria" akan mengilhami pemuda-pemudi idealis yang ingin membangun karir seperti mereka di dunia penelitian.

While struggles over land dispossession have recently proliferated across the developing world and become particularly significant in India, this paper argues that existing theories of political agency do not capture the specificity of the politics of dispossession. Based on two years of ethnographic research on anti-dispossession movements across rural India, the paper argues that the dispossession of land creates a specific kind of politics, distinct not just from labor politics, but also from various other forms of peasant politics that have been theorized in the social sciences. It illustrates how the process of land dispossession itself shapes the targets, strategy and tactics, organization, social composition, goals, and ideologies of anti-dispossession struggles. It concludes with reflections on why land conflicts are less easily institutionalized than labor conflicts and may therefore constitute a significantly disruptive force in the emerging centers of global capitalism for the foreseeable future.

Tanah diatur di dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 1996 tentang Peraturan Dasar Pokok-Pokok Agraria (selanjutnya disebut dengan UUPA) dimana Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 yaitu Pasal 33 ayat (3) yang berbunyi bahwa, "Bumi, air, dan kekayaan alam yang terkandung di dalamnya dikuasai oleh negara dan dipergunakan untuk sebesar-besarnya demi kemakmuran rakyat", merupakan dasar dari politik agraria nasional. Berbicara mengenai tanah tidak terlepas dari hak-hak atas tanah diantaranya adalah hak milik, hak guna bangunan, hak guna usaha, hak pakai, hak sewa, dan hak-hak lainnya yang diatur dalam Pasal 16 ayat (1) UUPA. Undang Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 1960 atau sering disebut dengan UUPA pada Pasal 6, menyatakan bahwa "Semua hak atas tanah mempunyai fungsi sosial". Rumusan Pasal tersebut mendapat penjelasan dalam Penjelasan Umum, Angka Romawi II Angka 4 UUPA, yaitu hak atas tanah apapun yang ada pada seseorang tidaklah dapat dibenarkan, bahwa tanahnya akan dipergunakan atau tidak dipergunakan semata-mata untuk kepentingan pribadinya, apalagi kalau hal itu menimbulkan kerugian bagi masyarakat. Penggunaan tanah harus disesuaikan dengan keadaannya dan sifat dari pada haknya, hingga bermanfaat bagi baik kesejahteraan dan kebahagiaan yang mempunyainya maupun bermanfaat pula bagi masyarakat dan Negara. Kemudian jika dikaitkan antara ketentuan Pasal 6 dengan Pasal 15 UUPA, maka semua hak atas tanah harus dipelihara baik-baik, agar bertambah kesuburannya serta dicegah kerusakannya. Kewajiban memelihara tanah tidak hanya menjadi beban pemilik atau pemegang hak semata, melainkan menjadi beban pula dari setiap orang, badan hukum atau instansi yang mempunyai suatu hubungan hukum dengan tanah. Tanah merupakan komponen yang sangat vital bagi kelangsungan social, khususnya tanah publik kaitannya dengan fungsi sosial tanah yang dimilikinya. Dalam hal ini, tak jarang fungsi sosial tersebut memiliki

Capitalism, understood as a world-ecology that joins accumulation, power, and nature in dialectical unity, has been adept at evading so-called Malthusian dynamics through an astonishing historical capacity to produce, locate, and occupy cheap natures external to the system. In recent decades, the last frontiers have closed, and this astonishing historical capacity has withered. This “withering” is perhaps most evident in capitalism’s failure to offer a new, actually productive, agricultural model – as agro-biotechnology failed to deliver on its promissory notes. Moving from bad to worse, a second set of contradictions is now mediated through climate change. Climate change, one amongst many ongoing biospheric shifts, is interwoven with the totality of neoliberal agriculture’s contradictions to produce new contradictions: negative-value. This signals the emergence of forms of nature that are increasingly hostile to capital accumulation, and which can be temporarily fixed (if at all) only through increasingly costly, toxic, and dangerous strategies. The rise of negative-value – whose accumulation has been latent for much of capitalist history – therefore suggests a significant and rapid erosion of opportunities for the appropriation of new streams of unpaid work/energy. As such, these new limits are qualitatively different from the nutrient- and resource-depletion of earlier, developmental crises of the longue durée Cheap Food model. These contradictions, within capital, arising from negative-value, are today encouraging an unprecedented shift towards a radical onto-logical politics, within capitalism as a whole, that destabilizes crucial points of agreement in the modern world-system: What is Food? What is Nature? What is Valuable?

An attempt was made to ascertain the environmental effects of animal wastes pollution on agricultural soil and water quality at the oldest teaching and research farm, Federal University of Technology, Akure, Nigeria. Physical, chemical , and bacteriological analyses of water (shallow well) and soil samples were carried out to determine the present quality status. Fifteen soil samples collected at the centre of the animal wastes dump and at a distance of 5 and 10 m, and three different samplings done on the water source were analyzed. The parameters determined using APHA standard procedures included: turbidity, temperature, pH, alkalinity, sulphide, phosphate, dissolved oxygen, total dissolved solids, total hardness, biochemical oxygen demand, total iron, nitrate, chloride, calcium, and heavy metals like copper, zinc, and lead. Most of the parameters indicated pollution including heavy metals presence with the exception of Pb, Zn, Mn, Cu, and Cr that were not detected in water samples. Concentrations of nitrate, biochemical oxygen demand, SO 4 2– , PO 4 3– , and Cl – were 0.20, 3.20, 10.50, 3.5, and 20.4 mg/l respectively, while those of detected heavy metals such as Mg and Ni were 1.98 and 10.03 mg/l, respectively. Soil water holding capacity, porosity, pH, organic matter, organic carbon, and organic nitrogen ranged from 33.34 ± 3.73 to 59.06 ± 5.69, 34.6 ± 3.28 to 52.43 ± 5.5, 6.56 ± 0.03 to 7.54 ± 0.03, 2.32 ± 0.03 to 5.35 ± 0.03, 1.33 ± 0.01 to 3.11 ± 0.01, and 0.58 ± 0.07 to 1.13 ± 0.03%, respectively. The results showed that the well is strongly polluted with bacteria and pathogens and requires considerable treatment before use while the soil is suitable for crop production.

The most telling symbol of the modern era isn’t the automobile or the smartphone. It’s the chicken nugget. Chicken is already the most popular meat in the US, and is projected to be the planet’s favourite flesh by 2020. Future civilisations will find traces of humankind’s 50 billion bird-a-year habit in the fossil record, a marker for what we now call the Anthropocene. And yet responsibility for the dramatic change in our consumption lies not so much in general human activity, but capitalism. Although we’re taught to understand it as an economic system, capitalism doesn’t just organise hierarchies of human work. Capitalism is what happens when power and money combine to turn the natural world into a profit-making machine. Indeed, the way we understand nature owes a great deal to capitalism.

Every civilisation has had some rendering of the difference between “us” and “them”, but only under capitalism is there a boundary between “society” and “nature” – a violent and tightly policed border with deep roots in colonialism.

First taking shape in the era of Chistopher Columbus, capitalism created a peculiar binary order. “Nature” became the antonym of “society” in the minds of philosophers, in the policies of European empires, and the calculations of global financial centres. “Nature” was a place of profit, a vast frontier of free gifts waiting to be accepted by conquerors and capitalists.

Kata Pengantar
APAKAH hubungannya Hak Guna Usaha dengan Hak Asasi Manusia? Hak guna usaha adalah suatu hak pengelolaan yang diberikan oleh negara kepada perusahaan di atas tanah negara selama 30 tahun sedangkan hak azasi manusia adalah hak-hak dasar sebagai manusia yang wajib dipenuhi dan diusahakan oleh negara. Yang satu diberikan oleh negara kepada perusahaan dan yang satu diwajibkan agar dipenuhi oleh negara. Di dalam buku yang berjudul ‘HGU dan HAM’ inilah ke dua hak tersebut diperbincangkan dan didiskusikan. Terdapat dua skenario berkenaan hubungan dua hak tersebut, pertama, ke dua hak tersebut saling menguatkan (sinergis) dan hal inilah yang diharapkan oleh Komnas Ham. Kedua, dua hak tersebut saling berkompetisi untuk saling mengalahkan. Saya melihat di dalam praktek-praktek pemberian HGU oleh negara telah mengabaikan bahkan kurang mempertimbangkan aspek HAM, buku inilah sebagai bukti awal terhadap tesa di depan.
Di dalam buku ini, hal yang paling menarik adalah lewat pemberianhak bernama HGU oleh negara (baca pemerintah) maka beberapahak ekosos dan hak adat masyarakat dilindih dan dikalahkan. Hal ini terbaca didalam kesimpulan-kesimpulan yang didapatkan oleh tim penulis buku tersebut. kesimpulan tersebut antara lain:
1. Kebijakan nasionalisasi dan konversi hak-hak barat di awal kemerdekaan tidak mempertimbangkan perjanjian pemakaian
tanah antara masayarakat adat dengan pengusaha perkebunan Belanda yang kemudian mendapatkan hak erfpach dari pemerintah kolonial Belanda.
2. Konfersi hak Erfpach menjadi HGU, menyebabkan diambil alihnya tanah-tanah masyarakat adat oleh negara.
3. Pengambilalihan tanah-tanah adat di zaman kemerdekaan juga dengan tidak menghargai hukum adat, sehingga menimbulkan konflik-konflik hukum dan sosial.
4. Proses pelepasan hak atas tanah-tanah adat menunjukkan indikasi kuat terjadinya pelanggaran-pelanggaran hak hukum masyarakat adat, maka HGU-HGU yang lahir di atas situasi demikian membawa serta merta cacat hukum.
5. Hampir tidak ada langkah-langkah penyelesaian hukum terhadap kasus-kasus HGU ini menyebabkan hak-hak masyarakat adat dilanggar, baik hak konstitusional maupun hak azazi mereka.
Saya secara pribadi ataupun Komisioner Komnas HAM menyambut gembira atas terbitnya buku ini. Draft buku ini sudah begitu lama dikarenakan kegiatan penelitian ini dilakukan sewaktu kepengurusan Komnas Ham era Bapak Hakim Garuda Nusantara. Saya berterima kasih terhadap berbagai pihak yang telah membantu penelitian dan terbitnya buku ini antara lain Perkumpulan Sawit Watch, BPRPI, Walhi Kalbar, Walhi Sulsel, berbagai komunitas masyarakat adat, dan beberapa pihak yang tidak dapat saya sebutkan. Terakhir, semoga lewat kerja kecil ini dapat menambah darah perjuangan bagi komunitaskomunitas penguatan masyarakat adat yang Hak Azasi Manusia-nya terus menerus dimarjinalkan.