Administrative discretion

U Francuskoj se, kao i u brojnim europskim zemljama, razlikuje vezanu nadležnost od diskrecijske ovlasti uprave, koja joj daje više ili manje široku ovlast procjene činjenica. Sudac može, odnosno ne može, nadzirati tu procjenu činjenica i modulirati širinu svog nadzora. Prije točno jednog stoljeća francuski je upravni sudac uključio činjenična pitanja u svoj nadzora nad zakonitošću, i to tako što je kontrolirao pravnu kvalifikaciju činjenica koje motiviraju pojedinu odluku. Ta kontrola motiva ostaje bitnom, ali je ona tijekom vremena upotpunjena s kontrolom njezine prilagođenosti, odgovarajućeg značenja i razmjernosti s činjeničnom stvarnosti.

This research was conducted with the aim of an overview of the references published in the field of politicization. For this reason, we used a scoping review along with bibliometric analysis. After presenting the most important and influential authors and sources in this field (co-citation and co-occurrence), the scientific productions of authors and different countries examined, and finally the existing trends in politicization, and 4 types of thematic mapping (motor, niche, emerging or declining, and basic themes) presented. Recent trends have included issues related to administrative traditions, patronage models, administrative turnover, and most recently the Covid-19 and populist governments.

This research was conducted with the aim of an overview of the references published in the field of politicization. For this reason, we used a scoping review along with bibliometric analysis. After presenting the most important and influential authors and sources in this field (co-citation and co-occurrence), the scientific productions of authors and different countries examined, and finally the existing trends in politicization, and 4 types of thematic mapping (motor, niche, emerging or declining, and basic themes) presented. Recent trends have included issues related to administrative traditions, patronage models, administrative turnover, and most recently the Covid-19 and populist governments.

Negli ultimi anni stiamo assistendo a progressive spinte verso l'introduzione dell'intelligenza artificiale nella P.A. In questo caso non parliamo di IA generativa ma di un insieme di processi compiuti da un sistema algoritmico, in grado andare oltre il lavoro di un algoritmo "tradizionale". Quello basato sull'I.A. si fonda su un sistema di apprendimento automatico (c.d. machine learning), che gli consente di analizzare dati, maturare scelte e prendere decisioni in piena autonomia, anche senza l'intervento umano. Nel corso degli anni, il Consiglio di Stato ha ampliato il novero delle ipotesi in cui la P.A. può avvalersi di procedure decisionali automatizzate; infatti, mentre in un primo momento si riteneva che il ricorso all'algoritmo fosse consentito solo in presenza di attività vincolate, col passare del tempo i giudici hanno assunto un atteggiamento più "aperto" arrivando a statuire che : «se il ricorso agli strumenti informatici può apparire di più semplice utilizzo in relazione alla cosiddetta attività vincolata, nulla vieta che i [fini stabiliti dalla legge], perseguiti con il ricorso all'algoritmo informatico, possano perseguirsi anche in relazione ad attività connotata da ambiti di discrezionalità. Piuttosto, se nel caso dell'attività vincolata ben più rilevante, sia in termini quantitativi che qualitativi, potrà essere il ricorso a strumenti di automazione della raccolta e valutazione dei dati, anche l'esercizio di attività discrezionale, in specie tecnica, può in astratto beneficiare delle efficienze e, più in generale, dei vantaggi offerti dagli strumenti stessi» (Consiglio di Stato, Sez. VI, 13 dicembre 2019, n. 84723) e che: «non vi sono ragioni di principio, ovvero concrete, per limitare l'utilizzo all'attività amministrativa vincolata piuttosto che discrezionale, entrambe espressione di attività autoritativa svolta nel perseguimento del pubblico interesse» (Consiglio di Stato, Sez. VI, 4 febbraio 2020, n. 881). È stato rilevato che l'estensione della decisione amministrativa automatizzata alle attività discrezionali impone al giudice di valutare la correttezza e la trasparenza del procedimento in tutte le sue componenti, rendendo sbiadita la distinzione tra legittimità-sindacabile-e merito-insindacabile-dell'azione amministrativa; in questo modo, la decisione automatizzata determina il ribaltamento dei rapporti tra amministrazione e https://www.salvisjuribus.it/ia-e-sindacato-giurisdizionale-sulla-discrezionalita-tecnica/ DICEMBRE 2024 Salvis Juribus-Rivista di informazione giuridica Listed in ROAD, con patrocinio UNESCO-ISSN 2464-9775 https://www.salvisjuribus.it/ia-e-sindacato-giurisdizionale-sulla-discrezionalita-tecnica/ DICEMBRE 2024 Salvis Juribus-Rivista di informazione giuridica Listed in ROAD, con patrocinio UNESCO

The police are among the principal public services provided by the State, tasked with maintaining peace and internal order. In a democratic State governed by the rule of law, these objectives are closely linked to the protection of individuals' fundamental rights and freedoms. To carry out this crucial mission, the police are granted powers and prerogatives unmatched by any other public institution. The police possess powers that allow them to identify individuals, intrude into private life, restrict freedom of movement, association, or expression, detain persons, and use force against those who resist their orders. This concentration of authority gives rise to a paradox: the very institution entrusted with safeguarding fundamental rights and freedoms can become their primary threat. The police represent both a potential threat to individual rights and a means of protecting them. For this reason, the oversight of police activity is essential to the rule of law and serves as a key indicator of the democratic quality of a country’s political and civil institutions. This research report explores the relationship between policing, democracy, and rights, with a particular focus on the strengths and weaknesses of the Italian system of police accountability.

Attraverso l’analisi di alcune recenti sentenze del giudice amministrativo su specifiche controversie ambientali, si propone una riflessione sulle modalità del sindacato delle decisioni che richiedano l’applicazione di criteri scientifici e valutazioni tecniche. La diversa prospettiva assunta dalla Corte di giustizia e dalle Corti statunitensi nel contenzioso climatico evidenzia, infatti, come differenti e agli antipodi possono essere le soluzioni. La scelta del giudice nazionale di non instaurare uno stretto dialogo con la scienza, ma di condurre, invece, un sindacato puntuale e analitico sul rispetto dei principi che devono improntare l’azione amministrativa è simile a quella della Corte di Giustizia e legata all’indipendenza dei giudici in entrambi i sistemi. Se il legislatore intende affidare un ruolo decisivo e centrale alla scienza e alla tecnica nell’ordine giuridico di una situazione, allora, forse, piuttosto che chiedere al giudice di mettersi nei panni dello scienziato per comprendere quale tra le diverse soluzioni è la migliore per la cura dell’interesse pubblico, sembra preferibile costruire ed utilizzare un sistema di ADR e di ciò potrebbe esser utile tener conto nella revisione in corso del codice ambientale.

This special issue represents the first attempt of applying the canons of quality of legislation studies in the fields of migration and citizenship studies. Work, both scholarly and broadly speaking activist, on better law-making and quality of legislation has boomed in recent years. It is often cast as a gateway to law that better lives up to its very nature of rule-making in a normatively valuable sense, where societal challenges can be meaningfully tackled and goals achieved. This view of quality of legislation makes it interesting for legal and political theorists involved in determining qualitative thresholds of law in a variety of ways. It is also clearly of interest for the many normatively oriented policy-field specific efforts made in contemporary legal studies. However, despite the fact that there is a growing literature on the quality of legislative practices in relation to an ever-expanding array of policy fieldsfrom cybersecurity to linguistic policies, from inter-parliamentarian dialogue to accountable algorithmsscholars have been embarrassingly silent when the issue is raised in relation to regulating citizenship and migration. Why is it that we seem to care about enhancing the rule of law of all other policy areas? How come we are willing to read into the core sovereignty area of citizenship and migration policy perhaps more than we do in other areas of law? Whether the silence on citizenship and migration law is due to a mere inobservance of yet another fascinating field of application of the research agenda developed by quality of legislation studies or to the perception that the field is politically too charged, or to other reasons as it may be, the silence is still a fact. This special issue attempts to fill the void by letting migration and citizenship scholars come into dialogue with scholars working with quality of legislation. Better law-making and quality of legislation have become buzzwords in the legislation-interested community over the last decade or so. The Better Lawmaking Agenda became something of the darling child of Jean-Claude Junker, the former President of the European Commission; and the European Union is indeed our particular focus here because all EU legislation is required to live

SUMMARYOne important but often understudied area of research in public administration is the effect of e‐government on administrative discretion. This article examines e‐government factors that influence administrative discretion through a survey of local governments. The focus of this study is on Egyptian local governments, which are using e‐government to modernise public service delivery. Through a survey of administrative officials in these governments, this study found evidence that e‐government factors of collaboration and organisational change influenced administrative discretion. Other common factors noted in the literature such as size of the local government and demand by citizens for e‐government did not register an effect on administrative discretion. The results of this study imply that local governments should do more to enhance e‐government to reduce administrative discretion, especially in the area of increasing collaboration. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

SUMARIO: I. LA IMPORTANCIA DE LA POTESTAD SANCIONADORA LOCAL EN ESPAÑA.—II. LA AMPLÍSIMA EXTENSIÓN DEL DERECHO ADMINISTRATIVO SANCIONADOR EN NUESTRO ORDENAMIENTO.—III. EL DERECHO ADMINISTRATIVO SANCIONADOR ESTÁ CONSTRUIDO SOBRE LAS GARANTÍAS ESENCIALES DEL DERECHO PENAL Y DEL PROCESO PENAL.—IV. EL CONCEPTO DE SANCIÓN ADMINISTRATIVA COMO CASTIGO IMPUESTO POR LA ADMINISTRACIÓN PÚBLICA.—V. LA CLÁSICA DISTINCIÓN ENTRE LAS SANCIONES ADMINISTRATIVAS GENERALES Y LAS SANCIONES ADMINISTRATIVAS DISCIPLINARIAS.—VI. REGULACIÓN CONSTITUCIONAL Y LEGAL.—VII. EL PRINCIPIO DE LEGALIDAD EN EL DERECHO ADMINISTRATIVO SANCIONADOR.—1. La reserva de ley.—1.1. La reserva de ley y la posibilidad de que las ordenanzas locales tipifiquen nuevas infracciones y sanciones
administrativas.—2. El principio de tipicidad de infracciones y sanciones.—3. El principio de irretroactividad de las normas sancionadoras desfavorables—VIII. EL PRINCIPIO DE CULPABILIDAD Y LOS SUJETOS RESPONSABLES.—1. El principio de culpabilidad.—2. Los sujetos responsables.—IX. EL PRINCIPIO DE PROPORCIONALIDAD.—X. EL CONCEPTO DE INFRACCIÓN ADMINISTRATIVA.—XI. LAS CLASES DE SANCIONES ADMINISTRATIVAS.—XII. LA GARANTÍA NON BIS IN IDEM.—XIII. LA EXTINCIÓN DE LA RESPONSABILIDAD ADMINISTRATIVA SANCIONADORA. EN ESPECIAL, LA PRESCRIPCIÓN.—XIV. LAS GARANTÍAS APLICABLES AL PROCEDIMIENTO SANCIONADOR.—1. Su carácter indispensable.—2. Los derechos fundamentales del acusado en el procedimiento sancionador.—2.1. El derecho a ser informado de la acusación.—2.2. El derecho a utilizar los medios de prueba pertinentes para la defensa.—2.3. El derecho a no declarar contra sí mismo y a no confesarse culpable.—2.4. El derecho a la presunción de inocencia.—3. La especial relevancia invalidante de los vicios del procedimiento sancionador.—XV. LA REGULACIÓN
DE LOS PROCEDIMIENTOS SANCIONADORES, EN ESPECIAL LOS DE ÁMBITO LOCAL.—1. Bajo la vigencia de la derogada Ley 30/1992.—2. En la actual LPAC.—XVI. REFERENCIA A LAS FASES Y LOS TRÁMITES MÁS RELEVANTES DEL PROCEDIMIENTO SANCIONADOR.—XVII. EL PLAZO MÁXIMO DE DURACIÓN Y LA CADUCIDAD DEL PROCEDIMIENTO SANCIONADOR.—XVIII. LA EJECUTIVIDAD DE LAS SANCIONES

El objetivo de este artículo es establecer la existencia de desigualdad entre empleados públicos y trabajadores oficiales en Colombia frente a los términos para acceder a la administración de justicia en materia laboral, puesto que existen tiempos diferenciados para acudir a reclamar derechos laborales ante las autoridades judiciales y administrativas: El método de investigación a partir del cual se desarrolló el trabajo es de carácter cualitativo, mediante el uso de técnicas como el análisis documental, de normatividad, jurisprudencia y doctrina, así como de la técnica de estudio de caso, que permite ejemplificar y visualizar eventos puntuales de desequilibrio en el acceso a la administración de justicia. Entre las conclusiones o hallazgos de la investigación encontramos la existencia de la vulneración del derecho a la igualdad en empleados públicos, trabajadores oficiales y trabajadores del régimen ordinario, principalmente debido a que en eventos de reclamación laboral se han establecido términos distintos para acudir y buscar la reparación, lo cual se constituye como un obstáculo para acceder a la garantía del acceso a la administración de justicia en Colombia. P a l a b r a s c l a v e Sector público, trabajador, administración de Justicia, derecho laboral, igualdad de derechos.

Vega, Arturo and Chiasson, Michael and Brown, David H (2010) How much the role of the other? Universities as policy-makers in the enterprise innovation arena. In: The VIII Triple Helix Conference (Madrid, Spain) - 2010. unknown, N/A. ... Full text not available from this ...

W okresie międzywojennym toczono wiele polemik na temat kwestii porządku prawnego. Część z nich wzbudziły projekty Władysława Leopolda Jaworskiego, który znając klasyczną i nowożytną tradycję prawnonaturalną, normatywizm i pozytywizm prawniczy, przekonywał o potrzebie wprowadzenia do porządku prawnego "zasad moralności Chrystusowej" jako negatywnych kryteriów zasadności propozycji parlamentarnych (miał je uwzględniać naczelnik państwa, sankcjonując normy proponowane przez parlament). Debaty wokół tych projektów sprzyjały poszukiwaniu granic swobody prawodawcy innych niż stawiane przez prawników XIX w., wykraczających poza system prawny lub go wieńczących.In the interwar Poland, there took place many disputes over legal order. Some were aroused by the projects of Władysław Leopold Jaworski - familiar with the classical and modern natural law theories, normativism and legal positivism - who argued for implementing "the principles of Christ’s morality" into law as t...

Rodzaje testów judicial review a zasada proporcjonalności 2 1. Wprowadzenie Orzeczniczo i doktrynalnie kształtowana amerykańska kultura prawna, oparta na zdekoncentrowanej kontroli konstytucyjności prawa (judicial review), sformułowała, specyficzne w stosunku do systemów prawnych opartych jedynie na prawie stanowionym, kryteria oceny możliwego wkraczania aktów legislatywy w konstytucyjnie chronione prawa i wolności jednostki. W kulturze prawa stanowionego expressis verbis wyrażona klauzula limitacyjna (ograniczająca) 3 , wyraża zasadę proporcjonalności, której treść określająca wymogi formalne i materialne oceny zachowania proporcji, jest rozbudowywana i konceptualizowana orzeczniczo 4 poprzez doktryny rozumienia zasad przydatności, konieczności i sensu stricto proporcjonalności wkroczenia w prawo czy wolność jednostki przez akt legislatywy. Jest to zasadniczo inna perspektywa niż ta kształtowana w amerykańskiej kulturze prawnej. Ta ostatnia kształtuje testy proporcji orzeczniczo, nie mając ku temu podstaw literalnie rozumianego tekstu konstytucji 5 i kształtuje je nie w postaci generalizującej klauzuli, ale w postaci kryteriów subsydiarnie budowanych w stosunku do materialnie uznawanej za istotną wartości chronionej przez konstytucję. Ranga stopnia istotności postanowień materialnych konstytucji (mających swoje literalne uzasadnienie lub go nieposiadających) jest punktem wyjścia dla właściwości jednego z trzech różnych testów proporcji. Istotne jest przy tym, że waga konstytucyjnej ochrony treści materialnych determinowana jest również orzeczniczo i ma charakter ewolucyjny. Zależność między postanowieniem materialnym a kryteriami właściwego testu proporcji można jednak uznać za względnie stabilną, ale przede wszystkim, przez zdecydowanie większe doprecyzowanie orzecznicze i konieczność stosowania

The essays collected in this volume deal with the new Public Contracts Code (legislative decree no. 36/2023) from the perspective of transparency and anti-corruption rules. The essays reconstruct the system of principles defined by the Code and the relationships between them, they examine in particular the principle of trust and how it affects the transparency and accountability of administrations, the impact of the new Code on transparency in public contracts and its rationalisation, the evolution of the conflict of interest regulation, and the improvement of administrative efficiency and capacity as a tool to fight corruption.

PEINE-exécution-peine privative de liberté-fouille au corps systématiqueconstitutionnalité Une fouille au corps peut, dans certaines circonstances, s'avérer nécessaire ain de maintenir l'ordre et la sécurité en prison et de prévenir les infractions, à savoir lorsque le comportement du détenu l'impose. Toutefois, en prévoyant une fouille au corps systématique, chaque fois qu'un détenu entre en prison, chaque fois qu'un détenu est placé dans une cellule sécurisée ou enfermé dans une cellule de punition et chaque fois qu'un détenu a reçu de la visite, l'article 108, § 2, alinéa 1 er , de la loi de principes du 12 janvier 2005 concernant l'administration pénitentiaire ainsi que le statut juridique des détenus, remplacé par l'article 5 de la loi du 1 er juillet 2013, va au-delà de ce qui est strictement nécessaire pour réaliser le but poursuivi. En e et, il ne peut être considéré que chacune des situations prévues par cette disposition, dans le chef de chaque détenu, donne lieu à un risque accru pour la sécurité ou l'ordre dans la prison.

Ideally, sovereign immunity provisions should (1) protect public officials from undue interference with discharge of their duties and (2) hold accountable public officials who act unlawfully. Analytical frameworks and statutes at both the federal and state levels often fail to fulfill these objectives. Federal courts are guided by statutes and objectives that are indirectly relevant to state courts. As a result, states are left to address independently how to address clams of sovereign immunity when plaintiffs file suits alleging torts by public entities and employees. In California, when plaintiffs sue public employees or entities in civil court, the California Government Claims Act (GCA) determines whether defenses of sovereign immunity may preclude liability. However, the statutory language of the GCA mirrors the common law language in force at the time the GCA was enacted. This language has led to inconsistent interpretations of California’s sovereign immunity statutes. This Comment argues (1) that the GCA's use of common law language can frustrate the ability of courts to establish a consistent understanding of which tortious actions may be protected by immunity from charges of either intentional or negligent misconduct; and (2) that a lack of legislative guidance frustrates the ability of courts to determine whether certain state actions are either discretionary acts protected by absolute immunity or mandatory duties protected by qualified immunity. Further, modernizing language throughout the GCA would ensure more consistent enforcement of statutory sovereign immunity. Part I of this Comment outlines the history of the doctrine of sovereign immunity and summarizes the public policy arguments for and against its continuation. Part II provides an overview of the GCA's architecture and how judicial interpretations have shaped its implementation. Part III analyzes statutory language and recommends amendments.

Motivos para seguir bregando por el control judicial de la arbitrariedad de los poderes públicos.-III. La sanción de la Constitución española de 1978.-IV. La división de poderes.-V. Supremacía constitucional y control de constitucionalidad.-VI. La interdicción de la arbitrariedad de los poderes públicos en la Constitución española.-VII. Concepto de arbitrariedad.-VIII. La arbitrariedad y los particulares.-IX. Herramientas para el control de la arbitrariedad en el derecho argentino: a) La noción del poder de policía; b) La razonabilidad como límite del poder de policía; c) Las tres dimensiones de la razonabilidad: 1. El subprincipio de adecuación; 2. El subprincipio de necesidad; 3. El subprincipio de proporcionalidad en sentido estricto; d) La razonabilidad a través de las etapas evolutivas de la Corte Suprema; e) La acción de amparo. El art. 43 de la Constitución Nacional y la prohibición de arbitrariedad; f) El control de la actividad discrecional.-X. La discrecionalidad administrativa en la provincia de Buenos Aires: a) Diversas formas de relacionamiento de la administración con el ordenamiento jurídico de acuerdo con Luis V. Varela; b) Las normas del Código Varela y el tipo de vinculación; c) Jurisprudencia de la Corte Suprema de Bs. As. Doctrina de la vinculación negativa: 1. Empleo público: A) Empleo público. Potestad disciplinaria; B) Empleo público. Facultad de limitar en sus funciones a los empleados sin estabilidad; C) Empleo público. Libertad de reincorporar agentes sancionados; D) Empleo público. Facultad de correlacionar o equiparar cargos de la estructura organizacional; E) Empleo público. Actividad genérica de organización administrativa; 2. Contratos administrativos; 3. Facultades impositivas; d) Doctrina de la vinculación impositiva "Todo el arte del gobierno representativo está reducido a establecer un cierto número de reglas que tienen por objeto garantizar al pueblo contra los abusos de sus mandatarios en el ejercicio de la soberanía que delega en ellos". Juan Bautista Alberdi I. INTRODUCCIÓN En este trabajo estudiaremos por qué motivo-a nuestro entender-es necesario, aun en un estado de derecho, seguir bregando por el control de la arbitrariedad de los poderes públicos. Esa lucha contra la arbitrariedad de la actuación del poder se está dando actualmente en la provincia de Buenos Aires, donde las autoridades públicas, con el objeto de continuar exentas del control judicial de sus actos, se empeñan-a pesar de numerosos reclamos institucionales y doctrinarios-en no poner en marcha el nuevo Fuero Contencioso Administrativo (en adelante FCA.) y la entrada en vigencia juntamente con el nuevo Código Contencioso Administrativo Bonaerense (en adelante CCA.) (1). Analizaremos la recepción de ese principio por la Constitución española de 1978 (en adelante CE.) y repasaremos, en particular, caracterizada jurisprudencia que lo interpretó en ese país. Además, nuestra intención es descubrir qué herramientas se encuentran disponibles en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico nacional y bonaerense para que los jueces puedan controlar eficazmente y corregir la actuación arbitraria de los poderes públicos, a pesar de no estar expresamente incorporada esa regla a nuestra Constitución Nacional como en aquel país (2). II. MOTIVOS PARA SEGUIR BREGANDO POR EL CONTROL JUDICIAL DE LA ARBITRARIEDAD DE LOS PODERES PÚBLICOS En este punto, intentaremos fundamentar porqué razón, aún en un estado de derecho, es necesario continuar bregando por el control de la arbitrariedad de los poderes públicos. Queremos señalar, ante todo, nuestra gran preocupación por la aguda crisis de credibilidad que sufren nuestros gobernantes. Palpamos en nuestra sociedad que la fe en las autoridades (tanto civiles como religiosas) ha experimentado un abrupto retroceso, debido a que actualmente los ciudadanos ya no creen en nada ni en nadie. La falta de confianza en la clase dirigente es la expresión de que la ciudadanía se siente alienada por un poder extraño, cuya actuación-salvo honradas excepciones-es en beneficio propio. Este distanciamiento entre gobernantes y gobernados derivó inexorablemente en el desgaste de su legitimidad política y en el paulatino deterioro del sistema democrático (3). Nuestra sociedad padece (además de la crisis ya señalada) dos fenómenos que van erosionando el Documento © Thomson Reuters Información Legal 1 funcionamiento del sistema representativo: el estado de partidos (4) y la corrupción (5). Téngase presente la grave crisis desatada recientemente en nuestro país en el Senado de la Nación por el presunto cobro de sobornos por parte de algunos senadores, para votar favorablemente la ley laboral. La gente exige, para revertir este proceso social y recobrar la creencia en las instituciones, que las decisiones de sus gobernantes, además de transparentes y formalmente legales, deben ser plenamente justificadas (motivadas). Adviértase que el solo hecho de ejercer el poder con legitimidad de origen en un estado de derecho, no garantiza por sí solo que los órganos que toman las decisiones lo hagan en forma razonable (6). El actuar irracional no se neutraliza con un simple cambio del titular del poder de turno (7), sino que se mitiga definitivamente con el control judicial e institucional de su ejercicio. Como acertadamente afirmó Kelsen, la democracia debe perfeccionarse ampliando el control judicial a todas las esferas donde el poder se manifiesta. Dijo textualmente: "el destino de la democracia moderna depende en una gran medida de una organización sistemática de todas estas instituciones de control. La democracia sin control no puede durar. Si excluye esta autolimitación que representa el principio de legalidad, la democracia se disolverá en sí misma" (8). Desde el plano institucional, la división de poderes (9) es, por antonomasia, la técnica más eficaz de control que se encuentra disponible en los países civilizados, idea originada-cabe aludir-en los pensadores prerrevolucionarios (10) que a fines del siglo XVIII buscaron racionalizar el gobierno y limitar las facultades absolutas del monarca (11). Fue el derecho constitucional, en su devenir histórico, quien tuvo la misión de instrumentar los medios para hacer efectivo ese control del poder (12), utilizando a tal fin diversas técnicas jurídicas (13). Por otro lado, la idea de que el Poder Legislativo es "soberano" (expuesta inicialmente por los jueces para autoexcluirse de ejercer el control sobre las leyes), es tremendamente nociva (14). A esta "teoría de la soberanía incontrolada", Karl Popper le opuso la doctrina "del control y el equilibrio" (15). A nuestro entender, pensar que los representantes directos o indirectos del "pueblo soberano" puedan actuar en forma libre, es decir, sin necesidad de someter sus decisiones a un control de racionalidad y no arbitrariedad, implicaría sepultar la teoría de frenos y contrapesos (checkc and balances) expuesta por Russeau al explicar su teoría de división de poderes. Creemos que la decisión de los representantes de la mayoría no debe entenderse como una expresión autoritaria de lo que es justo, por el solo hecho de ser producto de la voluntad del pueblo traducida en ley (16). El más peligroso de los poderes arbitrarios-dijo García de Enterría-es precisamente el Legislativo. Es posible-aseveró-que la ley se convierta en una técnica de la organización burocrática, sin conexión con la justicia, y aún más, en un instrumento de opresión y de perversión de los ordenamientos jurídicos. En el plano de la técnica jurídica no disponemos de otra arma que el control judicial de las normas, operante más para salvaguardar un orden de valores materiales contenidos en la parte dogmática de las Constituciones, que para defender el sistema de jerarquía puramente formal (17). Si determinados actos (de cualquiera de los tres Poderes) estuvieran exentos de control judicial, podrían caer muy fácilmente en la insensatez e irracionalidad, en donde priman las emociones y pasiones más que el discernimiento, el juicio y la reflexión (18). No obstante todos los esfuerzos para que no prevalezca la irracionalidad, los funcionarios, a pesar de su buena fe siguen cometiendo errores, se apasionan, tienen intereses propios, en fin, comparten las mismas características del género humano (19). Pensamos que el actuar de los poderes públicos debe ser racional, y su control permitirá otorgarle mayor eficacia a la actividad de gobierno. En conclusión: el ordenamiento jurídico vigente en cada sociedad es el resultado de los acontecimientos sucedidos en su proceso histórico, político, económico y social. La historia vivida por una nación (vgr. España y, obviamente, la Argentina), donde la arbitrariedad fue institucionalizada por los gobiernos de facto y el sistema representativo se vio jaqueado por el estado de partidos y la corrupción, dio origen a denodados esfuerzos (de determinados juristas, ciertos políticos y algunos funcionarios) por intentar neutralizar esas prácticas (a nuestro criterio, aún sin obtener todavía resultados óptimos), jerarquizando el valor "justicia" y generando-a través del proceso educativo y la experiencia democrática-hábitos de control de gestión para prohibir las conductas irracionales de nuestros gobernantes.

07/ 08/ 2004. Género: Doctrina. Título: Herramientas para el control de la arbitrariedad de los poderes públicos en el orden nacional y bonaerense. Su antecedente español. Autor: Cabral, Pablo O. - Maljar, Daniel E. Fuente: JA 2002-III-1524. ...

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

The use of artificial intelligence (AI) by "street-level bureaucrats"-a term coined by Micheal Lipsky to explain the public servants who distribute public benefits and sanctions using professional discretion in interactions with the public-has been expanding. By adopting the structure set forth in Lipsky's 2010 book, Street Level Bureaucracy, we analyze the effects of AI on the characteristic facets of their work: discretion, working conditions, and patterns of practice. According to more than 70 works gathered from across the fields of justice, policing, education, and social work, we cover how each of these has been or will likely be affected by AI and draw out the ethical implications associated with these changes. We find that AI has mixed effects on frontline discretion-at times supporting and at times limiting it. The literature suggests changes in working conditions, specifically in the form of a shift in resource constraints (from lack of time to inadequate training), technologization of performance measures (which yield few discernible advantages over traditional assessment methods and lead to privacy concerns), and client interactions influenced by their perceptions of AI (resulting from personal and contextual factors). While there is limited literature on how most patterns

the regulatory effects of the CIT system, and its political significance. Second, the impact of the CIT system on corporate behavior, corporate governance, and its relationship with related regulatory fields. This, in turn, forcefully demands the adoption of an imerdisciplinary approach ro tax research whereby these elemems are brought imo the corporate tax policy p rocess (1'1).

Este trabajo ofrece una aproximación general al tema de la discrecionalidad en el Derecho, tomando como caso paradigmático el de los poderes discrecionales de la administración. En primer lugar, se plantea cómo entender la caracterización clásica de la discrecionalidad como margen de libertad para hacerla compatible con los presupuestos de un Estado constitucional de Derecho. En segundo lugar, se aborda la cuestión de en qué ocasiones existe discrecionalidad, o cuál es su origen normativo (que se vincula a la regulación de la conducta a través de las normas de fin). En tercer lugar, se plantea la cuestión acerca de cómo debe ejercerse la discrecionalidad, analizando para ello las peculiaridades de los deberes vinculados a responsabilidades. En cuarto lugar, se propone una distinción entre dos tipos de discrecionalidad (la técnica y la política). Y, por último, se analiza la posibilidad de establecer controles sobre el ejercicio de la discrecionalidad. Es en este último apartado en el que surge la cuestión de la deferencia, que en opinión de la autora ha de ser entendida como un principio regulativo del ejercicio de dicho control.

Artykuł dotyczy przyszłości sądownictwa konstytucyjnego po kryzysie konstytucyjnym w Polsce. Autor wskazuje na proces podwójnej delegitymizacji Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w ostatnich latach: prawnej oraz społecznej. Zdaniem Autora punktem wyjścia w debacie nad przyszłością Trybunału Konstytucyjnego powinno być zrozumienie doświadczenia kryzysu konstytucyjnego. Nie tylko jego bezpośrednich, politycznych przyczyn, ale także strukturalnych uwarunkowań tkwiących w dotychczasowej praktyce konstytucyjnej. Autor argumentuje, że obecne regulacje konstytucyjne, powielające kelsenowski model sądownictwa konstytucyjnego, są zbyt wąskie by uczynić zadość postulatom uczynienia sądu konstytucyjnego instytucją refleksyjnego konstytucjonalizmu zorientowanego na ochronę praw i wolności człowieka w demokratycznym społeczeństwie. Dlatego odrodzenie sądownictwa konstytucyjnego wymaga zmiany konstytucyjnych podstaw działania Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w kierunku pogłębienia jego społecznej legitymizacji.

O resultado desta dissertação carrega um pouco de todos que me instigaram ao direito público, à vida acadêmica e à consultoria jurídica. Em primeiro lugar, à Delegações de Prefeituras Municipais, que me abrindo as portas, me mostrou uma República Federativa Brasileira muito diferente daquela que conheci nos bancos acadêmicos. Obrigada, além disso, pelo crédito e apoio às minhas ideias. À Professora Doutora Marta Marques Ávila, amiga e colega de profissão, e, por intermédio dela, ao Professor Doutor Cezar Saldanha Souza Junior, que fazem do ensino um contentamento para quem aprende. Foram fundamentais para este passo na vida acadêmica. Ao Professor Doutor Rafael Maffini, pelo conhecimento dividido em aulas, em livros, na orientação desta dissertação, pela paciência com o tempo de maturação do tema, pelas conversas e revisões, pelo apoio irrestrito às minhas decisões, com as precisas correções sempre oportunas. À amiga, colega na vida acadêmica e profissional, parceira de muitos projetos e agora Mestre em Direito Público, Márcia Bello de Oliveira Braga, por ter trilhado comigo mais essa jornada, por todas as contribuições e auxílios no desenvolvimento do tema, na pesquisa, na revisão e na formatação da dissertação. À minha família, em especial ao Cleber, que durante todo o tempo teve a paciência que eu precisava para com a pesquisa, os livros e a escrita, e ao Vicente, cujo sorriso se tornou a minha razão de viver, pelas muitas horas roubadas de nós dois.

Liberałowie wobec sporów o konstytucję w latach 90. XX wieku w Polsce Streszczenie CEL NAUKOWY: Celem naukowym poniższej analizy jest zaprezentowanie liberalnych stanowisk i poglądów prezentowanych podczas procesu tworzenia konstytucji z 1997 r. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Problem badawczy dotyczy przede wszystkim wskazania różnorodności stanowisk liberalnych względem poszczególnych kwestii ustrojowych. W analizach zastosowano metodę analizy systemowej oraz metodę porównawczą. PROCES WYWODU: Prawa człowieka były centralną wartością w działalności demokratycznej opozycji w latach 70. i 80. XX w. w Polsce. Dlatego też konieczność ich poszerzenia i urzeczywistnienia oraz konstytucjonalizacji nie była po 1989 r. kwestionowana. Katalog praw człowieka, które miały się znaleźć w konstytucji, nie wywoływał większych sporów. Problem pojawiał się dopiero w momencie szczegółowej analizy kwestii związanych z prawami jednostki. Najwięcej emocji budziły zagadnienia dotyczące konieczności wprowadzenia, czy też pominięcia, wolności indywidualnej, a także prawnej ochrony obywatela przed państwem. Tym samym pojawiało się również pytanie, czy konstytucja ma chronić jednostkę jedynie przed państwem, czy również przed innymi obywatelami. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: W konsekwencji przeprowadzonych analiz można stwierdzić, iż w liberalnym nurcie myśli politycznej w Polsce po 1989 r. oprócz ogólnej tendencji ustanowienia konstytucji o liberalnej strukturze występowały różnice dotyczące przede wszystkim stosunku do praw człowieka w sferze ekonomicznej.

Il procedimento amministrativo sotteso alla dichiarazione di decadenza della concessione demaniale marittima presuppone un’indagine volta a verificare l’avvenuta violazione degli obblighi posti in capo al concessionario ed è caratterizzato da due momenti distinti: il primo, a monte (discrezionalità tecnica), concerne le valutazioni giuridiche sulla fonte dell’obbligazione (atto di concessione) da cui consegue la condotta che il concessionario dovrebbe tenere; il secondo, a valle (discrezionalità amministrativa), riguarda il confronto tra la condotta in concreto serbata dal concessionario e quella a cui quest’ultimo si era obbligato.

Public servants tasked with implementing rules or policies on the street-level often make discretionary decisions based on local context. Lipsky has labeled them street-level bureaucrats. During the COVID-19 pandemic, as most face-to-face interactions facilitated by local government moved online, many street-level decisions were moved to screens, representing the actions of who Bouvins and Zouridis refer to as screen-level bureaucrats. Discretionary decision-making among public servants continued, but much of it centered on the collection, analysis, and use of data. This paper reports on research conducted in 2021 with municipal employees in a large Northeastern city in the United States, and examines their changing relationship with data in determining how and to whom they deliver services. In the context of a public health crisis, public servants exercised łdata discretionž to rapidly alter services and to internally advocate for underserved populations. The speciic practices of discretionary decision making are explored through candid interviews with public servants. The discussion explores how these emergent practices might persist post crisis, how discretion is counter-intuitively used to build trust in government, and how data discretion is not limited only to the progressive values manifested in the example of a Northeastern city. CCS Concepts: • Human-centered computing → Empirical studies in HCI ; • Social and professional topics → Government technology policy; Geographic characteristics.

A reassessment of Niccolò Machiavelli's the-end-justifies-the-means approach to governance This article reassesses Niccolò Machiavelli's contribution to political governance theory and practice. At the height of the Renaissance, Machiavelli was one of the most influential intellectuals. He was also a consummate and influential senior strategist, diplomat, negotiator and public official in the "democratic" Florentine Republic from 1494 to 1512. He gained extensive governance experience before the republican government was toppled in a coup by a member of its former absolutist Medici rulers, and he was arrested as a traitor, tortured and exiled from Florence. He remained in exile until his death in 1527. Machiavelli lived and worked in turbulent times. The period was characterised by violent and brutal competition for power, status and resources among mostly still feudal city states, manipulated by an increasingly influential politically interventionist and corrupt Roman Catholic Church dominated for centuries by the powerful Medici family. Machiavelli had a cynical view of human interactions. He regarded life as a series of overlapping games that people play for different purposes in different contexts. Politics consist of a series of power games played between competing rulers, between a ruler and his subjects, and between different individuals and groups in society to promote their respective self-interests. Machiavelli completed his first book (Il Principe ["the prince"]) in 1513 for the primary purpose of winning favour from the new Medici dictator and probably also for his own survival. In it he advised Lorenzo de Medici that political history had proven that power politics requires a ruler to fluctuate between good and evil actions in order to maintain and consolidate his hold on power in the long term. He therefore recommended that Medici should not flinch from using deflection, disinformation, lies and other "unethical" means to achieve stable, sustainable good governance goals that satisfy the interests of both the ruler and his subjects. He even condoned merciless action (when necessary) against rebels who undermine and destabilise the ruler's control over society, because the masses only obey their rulers out of fear or contentedness and not necessarily out of loyalty. However, in his later publications he explained at great length how a responsive republican government, supported by a strong military capacity, can be the most stable and successful form of government, because it creates an equilibrium between citizen contentment and fear in society. Machiavelli gave ambiguous and mixed signals about the interventionist political role of the Catholic Church. He was sometimes very critical of this institution, which he regarded as a corrupt and self-serving manipulator of Renaissance politics, and yet, in other instances he put forward more sympathetic views about the potentially constructive and supportive role of religion in promoting good governance. From a modern democratic perspective, such seemingly contradictory statements afforded him the very negative reputation of being unethical, but, at the same time, have led to continuing speculation about the real motives for his enigmatic views. Over the last five centuries Machiavelli has therefore become highly controversial because of his allegedly "immoral" advice to the Medici dictators, who ended his career in Florence. The latest assessments of his work and of the rationality, cogency, coherence and logic of his arguments, however, increasingly indicate that for his time he was in essence a committed "democrat". He seems to have deliberately followed a very subtle and sometimes ambiguous writing style to survive personally in an antagonistic political climate and to regain his former job as a senior political official and counsellor in the Florentine government. For this purpose, he had to commit himself to accepting the cruel, authoritarian nature of the power politics of the prevailing Renaissance political and governance practices in order to try to effect an

The objective of the paper is a rough sketch of the process of development of cultural identity inside of the Polish administrative law. Interpretation of the public law in the country which finished process of transformation after the collapse of communist regime has a lot of difficult moments. Uncertain scopes of constitutional meanings and gaps in the set of legal principles are neutralized by the tendency among lawyers to identify with European legal culture and its values. The author of the text is deeply convinced that there is a need for legal version of the cultural identity based on European values. The paper comprises the concept of such identity in so called narrative version and descriptions of the development of the identity in the Polish judicial application of administrative law.

This paper aims to quantify the degree of managerial discretion held by business managers and hospital directors in municipal hospitals in India through the concept of managerial discretion and to clarify the factors that inhibit managerial discretion. We conducted a questionnaire survey of municipal hospital managers. First, we ascertained the amount of discretion that municipal hospital managers have concerning various areas of management efficiency. Managers have a great deal of discretion in measures to increase and secure revenues, secure and train doctors and other medical staff, and reduce and control recurring medical expenses. Second, it became clear to what extent the discretion of municipal hospital managers is limited and by which factors. Many managers opined that legal constraints and the medical fee system had a significant impact. Third, there was no significant difference in managerial discretion between the partial and full application of the Local Public Enterpris...

Case and knowledge management systems are spread at the frontline across public agencies. However, such systems are dedicated for the collaboration within the agency rather than for the face-toface interaction with the clients. If used as a collaborative resource at the frontline, case and knowledge management systems might disturb the service provision by displaying unfiltered internal information, disclosing private data of other clients, or revealing the limits of frontline employees' competence (if they cannot explain something) or their authority (if they cannot override something). Observation in the German Public Employment Agency shows that employment consultants make use of various coping strategies during face-to-face consultations to extend existing boundaries set by the case and knowledge management systems and by the rules considering their usage. The analysis of these coping strategies unveils the forces that shape the conduct of employment consultants during their contacts with clients: the consultants' own understanding of work, the actual and the perceived needs of the clients, and the political mission as well as the internal rules of the employment agency. The findings form a twofold contribution: First, they contribute to the discourse on work in employment agencies by illustrating how the complexities of social welfare apparatus demonstrate themselves in singular behavioural patterns. Second, they contribute to the discourse on screen-level bureaucracy by depicting the consultants as active and conscious mediators rather than passive interfaces between the system and the client.

This special issue represents the first attempt of applying the canons of quality of legislation studies in the fields of migration and citizenship studies. Work, both scholarly and broadly speaking activist, on better law-making and quality of legislation has boomed in recent years. It is often cast as a gateway to law that better lives up to its very nature of rule-making in a normatively valuable sense, where societal challenges can be meaningfully tackled and goals achieved. This view of quality of legislation makes it interesting for legal and political theorists involved in determining qualitative thresholds of law in a variety of ways. It is also clearly of interest for the many normatively oriented policy-field specific efforts made in contemporary legal studies. However, despite the fact that there is a growing literature on the quality of legislative practices in relation to an ever-expanding array of policy fieldsfrom cybersecurity to linguistic policies, from inter-parliamentarian dialogue to accountable algorithmsscholars have been embarrassingly silent when the issue is raised in relation to regulating citizenship and migration. Why is it that we seem to care about enhancing the rule of law of all other policy areas? How come we are willing to read into the core sovereignty area of citizenship and migration policy perhaps more than we do in other areas of law? Whether the silence on citizenship and migration law is due to a mere inobservance of yet another fascinating field of application of the research agenda developed by quality of legislation studies or to the perception that the field is politically too charged, or to other reasons as it may be, the silence is still a fact. This special issue attempts to fill the void by letting migration and citizenship scholars come into dialogue with scholars working with quality of legislation. Better law-making and quality of legislation have become buzzwords in the legislation-interested community over the last decade or so. The Better Lawmaking Agenda became something of the darling child of Jean-Claude Junker, the former President of the European Commission; and the European Union is indeed our particular focus here because all EU legislation is required to live

Filosofie aan die Universiteit van die Vrystaat, Suid-Afrika. Sy werk is interdissiplinêr en hy het artikels en boeke oor 'n breë verskeidenheid van dissiplines soos filosofie, letterkunde, psigo analise, sosiale teorie, argitektuur, kommuni kasiestudies en filmteorie gepubliseer. In 2004 is die Stalsprys vir Filosofie deur die SuidAfri kaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns aan Bert toegeken, terwyl die Nelson Mandela Metro politaanse Universiteit in 2012 'n Uitsonderlike Professorskap aan hom toegeken het. Hy is 'n NRF Bgegradeerde navorser en skryf ook gereeld op die Mail and Guardian Thought leader webwerf. Bert Olivier's principal position is that of Extraordinary Professor of Philosophy at the University of the Free State, South Africa. He has published academic articles and books across a wide variety of disciplines, including philosophy, art theory, architecture, literature, psychoanalytic theory, cinema, communication studies and social theory. Bert received the South African Stals Prize for Philosophy in 2004, and a Distinguished Professorship from Nelson Mandela Metro po litan University in 2012. He is also an NRF Brated researcher, and writes regularly on the Mail and Guardian's Thought leader-website.

Die uitgangspunt van hierdie artikel is dat geen vorige samelewing in die geskiedenis vergelykenderwys al ooit so nihilisties soos die huidige was nie - waar "nihilisme" die radikale ontkenning van alle intrinsieke waarde beteken. Gevolglik word die samelewing met die enorme uitdaging gekonfronteer om middele, soos onder meer kuns en opvoeding, te vind en te benut om die moontlikheid van 'n sinvolle bestaan oortuigend te artikuleer. Daar word aandag geskenk aan twee soorte nihilisme - reaksionêr en vindingryk - gevolg deur 'n blik op die werk van Erich Fromm oor die verlies aan die "self", asook die werk van Bernard Stiegler, om wat reeds vasgestel is, verder te nuanseer in terme van sy benutting van Donald Winnicott se psigoanalitiese ondersoek na die funksie van "oorgangsvoorwerpe". Stiegler toon aan dat Winnicott se insigte 'n mens in staat stel om die huidige obsessie met mnemo-tegniese apparate soos slimfone te evalueer betreffende hull...

The development of the administrative state and the growth of political *democracy constitute two of the most distinctive tendencies of modern government. The development of an advanced administrative apparatus carries with it claims to the values of continuity, professionalism, expertise, and effectiveness. The other development, that of political democracy, encompasses claims to the values of responsiveness, direction, and revitalization. Notwithstanding the desirability of each set of values, the means for meshing them in an optimal mix are hardly obvious. Even though it is widely accepted in democratic settings that the permanent administration must be accountable to constitutionally elected or delegated political overseers, the precise terms of this agreement are much more controversial. Almost certainly, few of us come to see the struggle between political control and administrative discretion in entirely neutral terms. Typically, depending on our particular inclination, we tend to adopt perspectives that place more weight either on "political" or on "administrative" values, regardless of the importance we attach to the need for an optimal mix. Partisans of political leadership (and these almost always include the incumbent set of leaders) are doers, not doubters. They want tools, not obstacles. To the extent that doubt exists about the willingness of career administrators to carry out faithfully the policy directions of the political leadership, career administrators are viewed by political actors as impediments rather than implements. Partisans of politics, consequently, typically look to enhance procedures for control and supervision of the permanent administrative apparatus and, when deemed necessary, to politicize it. Partisans of the career administration, on the other hand, view it as the ballast that maintains the ship of state in unsteady seas. Its resistor-like qualities to the super-charged enthusiasms of new political leaders are seen as a virtue, not a vice-a deterrent, in fact, to longer-run damage inflicted by political leaders on themselves as well as on the organizational fabric of government. Partisans of public administration thus decry efforts to reduce the independence of career officialdom or to restrict severely administrative discretion. The political leadership view in the modern democratic polity is one that we characterize as the "mandate" perspective. Underlying it is the logic that the elected political authorities have either a right, an obli

This paper aims to quantify the degree of managerial discretion held by business managers and hospital directors in municipal hospitals in India through the concept of managerial discretion and to clarify the factors that inhibit managerial discretion. We conducted a questionnaire survey of municipal hospital managers. First, we ascertained the amount of discretion that municipal hospital managers have concerning various areas of management efficiency. Managers have a great deal of discretion in measures to increase and secure revenues, secure and train doctors and other medical staff, and reduce and control recurring medical expenses. Second, it became clear to what extent the discretion of municipal hospital managers is limited and by which factors. Many managers opined that legal constraints and the medical fee system had a significant impact. Third, there was no significant difference in managerial discretion between the partial and full application of the Local Public Enterprises Law. The multiple regression analysis with other disincentive factors and the presence of total application as explanatory variables, together with the overall size of discretion as the dependent variable, indicated that total application did not affect the overall level of discretion and that negative impacts from heads of department and internal office staff may be significant.

Street-level bureaucrats implementing public policies have a certain degree of autonomyor discretionin their work. Following Lipsky, discretion has received wide attention in the policy implementation literature. However, scholars have not developed theoretical frameworks regarding the effects of discretion, which were then tested these using large samples. This study therefore develops a theoretical framework regarding two main effects of discretion: client meaningfulness and willingness to implement. The relationships are tested using a survey among 1,300 healthcare professionals implementing a new policy. The results underscore the importance of discretion. Implications of the findings and a future research agenda is shown.

We are exposed to what readers think and want on a daily basis. Journalists write about what they read, see, hear, and experience. People read newspapers, magazines, articles, books, letters, and so on. Many people provide written feedback on what they read. Metaphysical considerations, ideological convictions, religious beliefs, historical circumstances, political drivers, and all kinds of personal preferences and prejudices determine how texts are handled. Publishers decide what can and should be read and therefore published, especially based on what will sell and even what should sell. Media houses also have their own prescriptions and guidelines on what to write and read, as the newspaper of your choice expects. These prescriptions are often driven by a spirit of political correctness as an issue of the day that easily becomes normative. In line with this, expectations, policies, and prescriptions regarding writing and reading are determined by institutions such as universities, government departments, and their research initiatives. These prescriptions often lead to the abdication of ethical responsibility concerning the act of writing and reading. The diverse nature of responses to the same text is a refl ection of this. The discourse that followed after an opinion column by Hennie van Coller in May, 2022 serves as a good example. This piece of writing dealt with the subject matter currently featuring in Afrikaans language children’s books. This discourse raises questions about how to write and read, but also about how to write and read appropriately. Even though education at all levels accepts writing and reading as a given, it is likely that the instilling of these two acts receive the least attention. How to write and read appropriately simply means that good writing and reading should be done. In the wake of this discourse, the following question arises: How was the Van Coller opinion column read, and was such reading, as well as the various resultant responses to different opinions, ethical? To answer this question, I start by revealing my own position and points of departure on the matter. An overview of the discourse is provided, followed by a refl ection on the fundamental points of departure. The selected readings of the Van Coller column are then analysed using a model of interdependent reading modalities to provide a considered answer to the questions posed above. It appears from the reading of the selected responses to the column that some readings lack respect for the written text of the column. Given the sensitive issues raised about, for example, typical or “ordinary” households, or the characters portrayed in children’s literature, it would appear that the true intention of the Van Coller text is mostly ignored in favour of reading an alternative text (that which could be inferred). Consequently, few readings of the text, including responses to said readings, have succeeded in making sense of the real issues raised in the Van Coller piece within the context described by the author. Attempts to identify and expose prejudices and hidden dogmas have also been hindered using an alternative text, as well as by the readers’ own hidden dogmas, distorted communication, and ostensible misunderstandings. From a deconstructive perspective, several readings of the column raised and contextualised implied meanings in the text. Thus, connections between diverse starting points and different universes, “ours”, “theirs”, and norms from the text have been revealed. From the alternative text, the author of the column is, among other things, compared to the violent actions of an American actor, and alleged prejudices and emotions (hurt and threatened) are identified. The different ethical readings of the text succeed to some extent in finding new paths in, through, and beyond the text towards ethical realisation: being at home in Afrikaans. Arguments in response to readings are mostly conducted in an exclusive manner with unambiguous logic. The idiom and context in which the discourse, i.e. the original piece, responses to it, as well as counter responses by readers reacting to fi rst readers of the text unfolded as either differing from or supporting the original piece, were predominantly hostile, aggressive, and ethically foreign. It was diffi cult to feel at home in this discourse.

The use of information and communication technology (ICT) is rapidly changing the structure of a number of large, executive public agencies. They used to be machine bureaucracies in which street‐level officials exercised ample administrative discretion in dealing with individual clients. In some realms, the street‐level bureaucrats have vanished. Instead of street‐level bureaucracies, they have become system‐level bureaucracies. System analysts and software designers are the key actors in these executive agencies. This article explores the implications of this transformation from the perspective of the constitutional state. Thanks to ICT, the implementation of the law has virtually been perfected. However, some new issues rise: What about the discretionary power of the system‐level bureaucrats? How can we guarantee due process and fairness in difficult cases? The article ends with several institutional innovations that may help to embed these system‐level bureaucracies in the consti...

The author considers the role of symbols, narratives and myths in the
functioning of the social imaginaries on the judicial review in modern constitutionalism – on the canvas of S. Kubas’ book entitled “Guard on the Outskirts of the Constitution. Deconstruction of the founding myth of judicial review in United States of America”. The author points out that – apart from the political and legal context of Marbury v. Madison ruling – it is worth examining the universal  values of the mentioned case. In the author’s opinion, the circumstances under  which the ruling was issued, as well as the subsequent reception of the Marbury v. Madison, are an interesting study of the dispute over the question of who has the right to speak on behalf of the sovereign people by interpreting the provisions of the constitution. The history of the mentioned case is also a contribution
to considerations on the nature and complexity of constitutional crises and the role of the judiciary and legal doctrine in shaping the legal imaginary

This article considers procedural justice in the law, with specific reference to the adjudicative context of governmental officials applying legal standards to particular cases. We critically survey the three main accounts of procedural justice in the literature: utilitarian, outcome-based, and dignitarian. Utilitarian and outcome-based theories share the instrumental view that the only purpose of procedures is to lead to accurate legal outcomes. However, the former are willing to trade off the benefits of accuracy against its costs, whereas the latter hold that procedural rights are necessary to guard against the injustice caused when individuals' legal rights are mistakenly denied. Dignitarian theories maintain that process matters apart from outcomes, because procedures should show respect for individuals' dignity in the Kantian sense of rational agency. We present a new perspective, drawing on relational theory. Relational theory holds that we are social creatures whose self-identities and sense of self-respect are bound up with the quality of our relationships with other individuals, groups, and institutions. Our relational account is informed by empirical research in social psychology which has found that people's evaluation of procedures is substantially influenced by relational concerns. 1 | INTRODUCTION Questions relating to procedures are important in a number of areas of philosophy-most notably, legal philosophy, meta-ethics, and political philosophy (e.g., theories of distributive justice and democratic theory). This article

SOMMARIO: 1. Separazione dei poteri e discrezionalità amministrativa nella formazione dello Stato liberale. – 2. La discrezionalità alla prova dello Stato di diritto: separazione dei poteri e sistemi di giustizia amministrativa. – 3. La giuridicizzazione della discrezionalità nello Stato pluriclasse: il “trionfo” della legalità sulla separazione dei poteri. – 4. Gli incerti tentativi di “resistenza” della separazione dei poteri nelle concrete dinamiche dei rapporti tra amministrazione e giudice. – 4.1. La tendenziale recessività dell’atto politico e la crescente (e multiforme) rilevanza dell’atto di alta amministrazione. – 4.2. Gli ambiti di “deferenza” nel sindacato sulla discrezionalità amministrativa tra merito, politica e tecnica. – 5. Separazione dei poteri e necessaria razionalizzazione della “divisione del lavoro” tra amministrazione e giudice: quali prospettive per la discrezionalità?

Il contributo analizza il problema della collocazione del potere esecutivo nell’ambito delle teorie sulla separazione dei poteri, attraverso l’esame delle vicende teoriche in materia di discrezionalità amministrativa. Viene in particolare esaminato il peso che, ai fini dell’affermazione della nozione moderna di discrezionalità, ha avuto la questione del rapporto tra legge, amministrazione e giudice nelle diverse stagioni della storia della Stato e alla luce dei diversi compiti affidati ai pubblici poteri. Nonostante la centralità che hanno ormai assunto gli obiettivi di legalità e di effettività della tutela giurisdizionale ai fini della marginalizzazione della teoria della separazione dei poteri, viene prospettata l’esigenza di preservare un’adeguata e razionale “divisione del lavoro” tra amministrazione e giudice, anche attraverso un ripensamento della teoria della discrezionalità amministrativa.


The paper analyzes the position of government and administration within the theories on the separation of powers, through the examination of administrative discretion. In particular, taking into consideration the different tasks entrusted to the public authorities throughout history, is examined how the need to regulate the relationship between administration, judge and law has influenced the different theories on administrative discretion. Despite the present triumph of the rule of law and the need to ensure an effective judicial protection, the paper highlights the need to preserve an adequate and rational “work division” between the administration and the judge in the contemporary legal systems, also rethinking the traditional doctrine on administrative discretion.

Increased administrative discretion for human resource and financial management is commonly seen as a key component of efficient service delivery. However, the directive attitude of some central government officials in Tanzania undermines the administrative discretion of local councils to implement approved local plans and budgets. Using a case study of two local councils in Tanzania, this study investigated the influence of decentralization on administrative discretion and decision space. The findings show that local councils have little administrative discretion and decision space over human resources, financial management, and service delivery. The study calls for a comprehensive review of decentralization policies and local government legislation to address the allocation of powers and decision space of the institutional capacity of local councils to provide local services. Their roles and responsibilities should also be specified in the national constitution to safeguard them from the encroaching "directive culture" of central government officials.

The article presents models of extra-parliamentary constitutional review of law. The starting point is the methodological discussion of various concepts of the division and types of review, i.a. political vs judicial, strong vs weak, centralized vs decentralized. Most often the constitutional review of law is classifi ed into American-type review (judicial review) and European-type review (review performed by constitutional courts). This dichotomous classifi cation is often replaced with the categories of "dispersed review" and "concentrated review", which is the most often classifi cation, at the same time clearly expressing the features distinguishing the two review mechanisms. While the American model does not raise serious discussions, the European model-also referred to as Kelsenian or Austrian model-is controversial. It can be subclassifi ed into original (pure) model and its various mutations, referred to as the mixed European model of the constitutional review of law, most often applied in practice. Moreover, other types of review are also applied in Europe, hence the French and the Scandinavian models are also sometimes distinguished. Regardless of the classifi cation, all review models are now being homogenized. This means that the review is performed by the courts (concrete review is introduced), the protection of rights and freedoms of an individual is emphasized, and political consequences of constitutional review are becoming more signifi cant, as a result of which the organ performing the constitutional review becomes a political, active authority within the state.