Political Science

This study attempts to look behind the democratic deficit in the Philippines' extremely protracted political development by examining the recent condition of the country's representation through the lens of the constituent-public-school teachers' political ideas and consciousness on representative process. Employing phenomenology design, this study utilized depth interviewing techniques and purposive sampling involving 10 participants whose collected responses revealed fundamental data-based political beliefs and human consciousness on representation. With its bottom-up directional orientation, it is deemed indispensable for a more sophisticated citizens' participation and better democratization process in the country. The study revealed that the participants' concept of representative process mirrored persistent grassroots' failed expectations based on their experiential understanding of the essence of representation common to Filipino basic educators. Furth...

on behalf of the GWTG Steering Committee and Hospitals Los Angeles and San Francisco, CA; Boston and Waltham, MA; and Chapel Hill and Durham, NC Background Lipid levels among contemporary patients hospitalized with coronary artery disease (CAD) have not been well studied. This study aimed to analyze admission lipid levels in a broad contemporary population of patients hospitalized with CAD. Methods The Get With The Guidelines database was analyzed for CAD hospitalizations from 2000 to 2006 with documented lipid levels in the first 24 hours of admission. Patients were divided into low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL), high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL), and triglyceride categories. Factors associated with LDL and HDL levels were assessed along with temporal trends. Results Of 231,986 hospitalizations from 541 hospitals, admission lipid levels were documented in 136,905 (59.0%).

on behalf of the GWTG Steering Committee and Hospitals Los Angeles and San Francisco, CA; Boston and Waltham, MA; and Chapel Hill and Durham, NC Background Lipid levels among contemporary patients hospitalized with coronary artery disease (CAD) have not been well studied. This study aimed to analyze admission lipid levels in a broad contemporary population of patients hospitalized with CAD. Methods The Get With The Guidelines database was analyzed for CAD hospitalizations from 2000 to 2006 with documented lipid levels in the first 24 hours of admission. Patients were divided into low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL), high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL), and triglyceride categories. Factors associated with LDL and HDL levels were assessed along with temporal trends. Results Of 231,986 hospitalizations from 541 hospitals, admission lipid levels were documented in 136,905 (59.0%).

on behalf of the GWTG Steering Committee and Hospitals Los Angeles and San Francisco, CA; Boston and Waltham, MA; and Chapel Hill and Durham, NC Background Lipid levels among contemporary patients hospitalized with coronary artery disease (CAD) have not been well studied. This study aimed to analyze admission lipid levels in a broad contemporary population of patients hospitalized with CAD. Methods The Get With The Guidelines database was analyzed for CAD hospitalizations from 2000 to 2006 with documented lipid levels in the first 24 hours of admission. Patients were divided into low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL), high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL), and triglyceride categories. Factors associated with LDL and HDL levels were assessed along with temporal trends. Results Of 231,986 hospitalizations from 541 hospitals, admission lipid levels were documented in 136,905 (59.0%).

on behalf of the GWTG Steering Committee and Hospitals Los Angeles and San Francisco, CA; Boston and Waltham, MA; and Chapel Hill and Durham, NC Background Lipid levels among contemporary patients hospitalized with coronary artery disease (CAD) have not been well studied. This study aimed to analyze admission lipid levels in a broad contemporary population of patients hospitalized with CAD. Methods The Get With The Guidelines database was analyzed for CAD hospitalizations from 2000 to 2006 with documented lipid levels in the first 24 hours of admission. Patients were divided into low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL), high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL), and triglyceride categories. Factors associated with LDL and HDL levels were assessed along with temporal trends. Results Of 231,986 hospitalizations from 541 hospitals, admission lipid levels were documented in 136,905 (59.0%).

There are various ways in which policies are made. Every country has a unique legislative system where each differ in the process by which a public policy is made. In the process of policy making, it is usually guided by one end which is the common good.

Newspapers are arguably the "rough draft" of history. The same aphorism holds true for the Varsitarian, the official student publication of the University of Santo Tomas. This paper discusses how the Varsitarian, the official student paper of the University of Santo Tomas, viewed and understood the events attended the Marcos years from 1970 to 1981. Using phenomenological hermeneutics, the paper examines how the Varsitarian as one of the eminent school papers in the country navigated through the dark years of the Marcos regime, from the First Quarter Storm to the end of Martial Law. The paper utilized phenomenological hermeneutics to determine the historically lived experience of the Varsitarian through the textual and contextual interpretation of its staff members' writings, in effect preserving to the present its relevance in the past in what Hans-Georg Gadamer calls as a "fusion of horizons." This fusion can be gleaned from the melding of UST affairs with relevant national events during the Martial Law years. Selected Varsitarian articles served as narrative lenses to facilitate this fusion of horizons. By also utilizing the descriptiveanalytic approach, this paper examined the circumstances behind the Varsitarian student writers' works, which also looked at how students at the University of Santo Tomas coped with the key national and university events that shaped the Martial Law years.

The aim of this paper, which is divided into four parts, is to discuss how the ASEAN Way serves as a barrier to the integration efforts taking place in ASEAN particularly in fields of  the economy and security. The first part briefly discusses major aspects of the integration theory which would serve as the framework for analyzing ASEAN integration for this paper. The second part would describe the ASEAN Way of conducting foreign relations. The third part delves into the dynamics of the ASEAN Way in the realm of economic cooperation and how it could affect the proposed  ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). The fourth part analyzes the ASEAN Way vis-à-vis security cooperation and its effect on the envisioned ASEAN Security Community (ASC). The paper concludes by  arguing that since integration is premised upon gradual relinquishment of sovereignty from the  state to regional or global bodies, the ASEAN Way, as a norm of guiding interstate relations, must be modified in order to have a much more meaningful integration.

The aim of this article is to discuss how the Philippines enhanced its national security by forging a more pragmatic foreign policy vis-à-vis its ties with Malaysia. The two countries have a long-standing dispute over the territory of Sabah. This article argues that with the advent of secessionist movements in Mindanao, the Philippines maintained a dormant claim to Sabah in order to gain Malaysian support for a peaceful solution to the Mindanao problem.

The aim of this paper is to discuss how the dynamics of great power politics in the East China Sea (ECS) dispute affects Philippine Defense Policy vis-à-vis the territorial row in the South China Sea. Specifically, this paper aims to answer the following questions: 1.) What are the relative capabilities of the countries involved in the East China Sea dispute? 2.) What are the actions taken or being undertaken by Japan and China in asserting their claims in the disputed territory? 3.) How will the US-Japan alliance influence the escalating tensions in the region? 4.) What lessons would the dispute among the Great Powers offer the Philippines in managing the dispute in the West Philippine Sea?

http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/8%20Galang%20The%20Dynamics%20of%20Great%20Power%20Politicsversion2%20(1).pdf

The aim of this two-part policy brief is to discuss how the rise of ISIS may impact Philippine national security. Specifically, these two articles seek to discuss the following: first, the capabilities of ISIS; second, the potential security challenges to the country posed by ISIS; and third, some policy considerations in Philippine counter-terrorism efforts vis-à-vis the ascendance of ISIS as an international terrorist threat.

http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/The%20Islamic%20State%20of%20Iraq%20and%20Syria%20Part%201.pdf

This is the second installment of the two-part series on the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and its security implications for the Philippines. With a comprehensive analysis of the capabilities of ISIS, the first installment concluded that while ISIS was able to capture huge swathes of territory, its operations are likely to be confined in certain areas in the Middle East and North Africa. Due to its ideology and its relatively successful operations, ISIS has attracted supporters from groups in various countries, including the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the Philippines. Using the Dynamic Terrorist Threat Model  outlined in the first article, this second part policy brief discusses two objectives: (1) the potential security challenges posed by ISIS; and (2) some policy considerations in Philippine counter-terrorism efforts vis-à-vis the ascendance of ISIS as an international terrorist threat.

http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/The%20Islamic%20State%20of%20Iraq%20and%20Syria%20Part%202.pdf

The aim of this paper is to provide an exploratory study of the politico-strategic aspects of China’s major foreign economic initiatives. In particular, this article seeks: (1) to discuss the objectives of the economic initiatives; (2) to examine the major Chinese projects vis-à-vis the current economic architecture; and (3) to discuss how other countries responded to the PRC initiatives. Using the Power Transition Theory, this paper argues that China, with its rapid growth and development and its increasing dissatisfaction with the current order, is attempting to challenge the US-led international architecture through, among others, its major foreign economic initiatives. In response, the US and some of its allies have introduced measures in an attempt to maintain their pre-eminence in the system. NOTE: Since the original publication of this article (30 October 2015), the Philippines has joined the AIIB.

http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/International%20Order%20in%20Transition%20Examining%20the.pdf

This policy brief argues that the ADMM and ADMM-Plus, as defense diplomacy platforms, have severe limitations with respect to the promotion of defense and security. Specifically, the platforms are faced with strategic challenges, including the emerging power shifts in the Asia Pacific and the seeming deficit of functional cooperation initiatives to spillover into traditional security concerns. Operationally, the two platforms are confronted with the need to delineate their specific roles vis-à-vis other regional platforms of cooperation, and the deficit of review mechanisms for evaluating their progress. Recognizing these constraints, this article concludes by identifying policy considerations, which may serve as inputs to the planning process of the Philippines as it hosts the ADMM and ADMM-Plus in 2017.

http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/3.%20EPB%20re%20Defense%20Diplomacy%20(version%204).pdf

7 October 2016 marked President Rodrigo Duterte’s first 100 days in office. In his brief stint, Duterte has undoubtedly stirred controversy over the country’s foreign relations because of his tirades and use of expletives. With his cabinet members clarifying the President’s pronouncements, the government has to flip-flop on certain issues, such as threatening to withdraw membership from the United Nations.

Nevertheless, Duterte appears to have a coherent foreign policy in one key issue: Philippine-China relations. Although wide-ranging, ties between the two countries have been consumed by the South China Sea (SCS) issue. Days after Duterte’s inauguration, a decision in the Philippines v China case went largely in Manila’s favor. But in stark departure from his predecessor’s approach, the new government’s policy towards Beijing has been largely clear: to repair—and eventually promote a stable—relationship with China through strategic engagement. Thus far, it appears that this policy has three key components.

http://philippinesintheworld.org/?q=node/3298

Capturing worldwide attention, the ruling on the Philippine v. China case about the South China Sea (SCS) dispute was released on 12 July 2016. The decision went largely to Manila’s favor. Against the backdrop of the Sino-American rivalry, the SCS dispute has placed at the forefront the viability of international law, specifically the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), in promoting guidelines on maritime issues and the pacific settlement of disputes. As an exploratory study, this paper aims to discuss the implications of the SCS dispute, as the operational theater of the emerging power shifts in the APR, for the UNCLOS. Specifically, this article seeks to address the following questions: (1) How do power shifts affect the development and efficacy of international law? (2) What does control of the SCS mean for regional power shifts; (3) How does the Philippines use UNCLOS to resolve portions of the dispute to clarify maritime entitlements and sovereign rights, and how does China respond to the legal challenge posed by the Philippines?; and (4) What are the possible implications of the geopolitical dynamics of the SCS for UNCLOS as a legal framework for maritime issues including pacific settlement of maritime disputes?

http://www.ndcp.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/publications/3.%20EPB%20re%20Power%20Shifts%20and%20International%20Law_v2.pdf