U.S. Foreign Policy

ascenso e emerxencia de Brasil no actual contexto internacional, así como a súa vontade de configuración dunha nove orde multipolar e multilateral, son elementos que supoñen variables clave de actuación para Galicia e o seu proceso de internacionalización non só limitado ao aspecto empresarial senón igualmente cultural. Brasil concreta, por tanto, unha oportunidade de acción exterior imprescindible e estratéxica para Galicia.

This article examines the interlinked trajectories of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and the Organization of American States (OAS) during the Cold War, hypothesizing that increased disillusionment with US dominance of the OAS was one of the factors driving the growth of Latin American membership in the NAM. The article makes an initial attempt to view the histories of each organization alongside the other, while conceding the existence of other fundamental aspects of Latin American interest in non-alignment and association with the “Third World” political project. Nevertheless, the politicization of the OAS to achieve US foreign policy objectives in Latin America is put forward as one of the less studied influences shaping the development of the NAM.

This paper presents the Trump Worldview Generative Model (TWGM). This theorydriven computational framework formalizes Donald J. Trump's ontology of power as a system of three fixed priors: hierarchy, power, and transactionalism. Drawing on thinkers like Schmitt, Weber, Bourdieu, and related traditions, the model shows that Trump's seemingly unpredictable behavior reflects a coherent, low-entropy worldview where power restores natural order. Using hermeneutic coding of 450 statements and a transformer-inspired algorithmic architecture constrained by four theoretical lemmas-transitivity, hierarchy boundaries, asymmetry, and centrality-TWGM reduces predictive entropy by 23% while maintaining high accuracy (87.3%). Empirical validation confirms distinct prior activations, ranking transitivity, and boundary detection in hierarchical contexts, enabling reliable predictions of Trump's responses in new situations. Beyond the Trump case, the study emphasizes how theory-guided machine learning can embed political ontology into computational models, providing new tools for analyzing populist leaders whose reasoning extends beyond institutionalist frameworks.

Přispěvek se zaměřuje na zbrojni sankce ukladane Evropskou unii (EU). Představuje zbrojni sankce EU v kontextu soudobe sankcni praxe. Vychazi z rozdilů v ukladani zbrojnich embarg Organizace spojených narodů (OSN) a EU a bliže zkouma přiciny a důsledky odlisnosti zbrojnich sankci, ktere oba akteři vyhlasuji. Srovnani provadi v několika dimenzich, vsima si rozdilů v institucionalnim a pravnim ramci, obsahu, rozsahu a casových souvislostech. Sleduje, jak jsou cileny zbrojni sankce EU v porovnani s embargy OSN a jak jsou kombinovany s dalsimi omezujicimi opatřenimi (zmrazeni financnich aktiv a cestovni zakazy). Vysvětluje různe způsoby, jimiž EU v průběhu casu sankce OSN provaděla. Věnuje velkou pozornost autonomnim sankcim EU a poukazuje na sirsi možnosti EU při ukladani sankci.

The contribution focuses on arms sanctions imposed by the European Union. It introduces EU arms embargoes in a context of current sanctions practice. It explains differences between UN and EU arms sanctions and analyses their causes and consequences. It offers a comparison on several levels, mentions differences in institutional and legal background, in the contents, scope and temporal link. It considers the possibilities of targeting of arms sanctions, and studies how are arms sanctions combined with other restrictive measures (assets freezing and travel bans). It explains different ways of implementation of UN arms embargoes in EU practice. It devotes intensive attention to EU autonomous arms sanctions, points to wider possibilities of EU by imposing of sanctions.

In mid September an independent international commission attached to the U.N.'s Human Rights Council (UNHRC) accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza. Is the commission correct? A recent episode on the PBS News Hour presented by Nick Schifrin discussed the genocide question. On the episode he interviewed Craig Mokhiber, a human rights lawyer and former senior U.N. official, who concluded that Israel had committed genocide. Outside of the USA and Trump supporters, most other nations believe that the Gaza policies of the Netanyahu government have been excessive and created genocide.

Introduction and Scope Background and Status of the Invasion Potential Impacts Recommendations Overview Eradication/Control Containment Detection Monitoring Other Research Priorities Concluding Thoughts Sources Cited Appendices A: D. bugensis records in the Lower Colorado River system B: Priority research questions

The Russian-Ukrainian conflict (2022-) can be understood as a proxy war between the United States and Russia. Most analyses identify Russia as primarily responsible, attributing revisionist characteristics to Moscow, with notable exceptions such as John Mearsheimer. Aligned with Mearsheimer's perspective, this work aims to identify the events that led to escalating US-Russia tensions during the post-Cold War period. Furthermore, we seek to understand why such events occurred, making it essential to examine American grand strategy and characterize its evolution throughout this period. The methodology employed consists of qualitative analysis based on the National Security Strategies (NSS) of successive American administrations throughout the post-Cold War era, supplemented by other relevant documents. The findings suggest that United States’ responsibility in this process has been underestimated, given the asymmetry of relative power favoring Washington, particularly during the first two decades of the post-Cold War period, in the pursuit of a unipolar order at the expense of Russia. Consequently, Russia can be viewed as responding to policies it perceives as threatening from Washington, challenging the predominant narrative of exclusive Russian responsibility.

Rulers and their arms-merchant cronies manipulate public opinion, Einstein reflected. But "how is it possible for this small clique to bend the will of the majority, who stand to lose and suffer by a state of war, to the service of their ambitions?" Propaganda had to be part of any explanation. The government "has the schools and press, usually the Church as well, under its thumb," he wrote. "This enables it to organize and sway the emotions of the masses, and makes its tool of them." But as a rationalist, Einstein was still baffled. "How is it these devices succeed so well in rousing men to such wild enthusiasm, even to sacrifice their lives?" Is it down to human nature, he wondered? Perhaps "man has within him a lust for hatred and destruction." In his response, Freud wrote that men, like all male animals, are programmed to settle conflicts by fighting. "Violent compulsions" may sometimes be counterbalanced by "ties of sentiment," but only within narrow bounds.

This study examines the interplay between cyberspace and traditional foreign policy, addressing two key questions: (1) How does cyberspace influence foreign policy decision-making? and (2) What framework can integrate factors from real and cyber politics to guide leaders during conflicts? Using a rationalist lens, this study proposes a model centered on leadership, emphasizing two variables: perceived hostility and balance of power dynamics. The model categorizes state-led cyber actions into three levels-cyber espionage, destabilization, and conflict-based on attribution risks and geopolitical conditions. Empirical analyses of cases such as Stuxnet, Russia-Ukraine, and U.S.-China cyber activities demonstrate how leaders rationally select cyber actions to navigate complex geopolitical and cyber landscapes. This research advances our understanding of cyber-enabled statecraft and offers a structured framework for policymakers to address emerging challenges in the digital age.

In Reel to Real: Race, Class, and Sex at the Movies, a collection of profound and paradigm-shifting essays on film, Bell Hooks (1996) writes, "Whether we like it or not, cinema assumes a pedagogical role in the lives of many. It may not be the intent of a filmmaker to teach audiences anything, but that does not mean that lessons are not learned" (pp. 2-3). Hooks' compelling argument forms the theoretical backdrop of my course, Muslims in Pop Culture, which examines the ways in which the genre of film constructs an image of Muslims as an imaginary "Other" in the American public consciousness. Through multiple case studies, students explore how films often affirm pre-existing biases about Muslims embedded in the frameworks of Orientalism, Gendered Orientalism and the "Clash of Civilizations" theory. The course cultivates students' critical consciousness of films' pedagogical power to mediate viewers' understanding of the real Muslim world.

Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine droht Putin unverhohlen mit taktischen Nuklearwaffen. Sie sind Teil der russischen Militärstrategie. Führt ihr Einsatz automatisch ins nukleare Armageddon? Das Wissen können Sie auch im Webradio unter swrkultur.de und auf Mobilgeräten in der SWR Kultur App hörenoder als Podcast nachhören: https://www.swr.de/swrkultur/programm/podcast-swr-das-wissen-102.html Bitte beachten Sie: Das Manuskript ist ausschließlich zum persönlichen, privaten Gebrauch bestimmt. Jede weitere Vervielfältigung und Verbreitung bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Urhebers bzw. des SWR.

This paper suggests an approach for how the Department of Defense (DoD) might execute deep reductions in the defense budget, deep enough that stated defense strategy could not be fully resourced. The cuts examined go beyond the $487 billion announced in January 2012 by Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta. The authors do not argue for or against further reductions. They posit that the ongoing pressure to reduce the federal budget deficit may mandate further reductions in the DoD budget. In this context, they suggest starting from a strategic basis in determining the reductions, prioritizing challenges, and identifying where to accept more risk in the process. The paper demonstrates this method with three illustrative strategic directions that might guide the department in choosing which forces and programs to reduce or to protect while making explicit the risks involved. It builds on the strategic guidance of January 2012, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense. 1 It is intended to inform the debate that will likely take place over the coming months, and years, on how to cope with pressure to reduce the defense budget further while limiting risk to U.S. national security.

The article examines U.S. policy toward the Republic of Korea during the April 1960 Revolution, which brought an end to the First Republic. Although American officials were well aware of the authoritarian nature of the South Korean regime, in the mid-1950s they cared about its adherence to democratic norms primarily in terms of international legitimacy and global recognition of the Republic of Korea. The revolutionary events of spring 1960 caught the United States off guard and compelled it to abandon its longstanding policy of non-intervention in South Korea’s domestic affairs. According to the State Department, the unfolding situation in South Korea carried global significance for the entire “free world.” It is concluded that by 1959–1960, the costs of U.S. reliance on Syngman Rhee—whose consolidation of power suppressed all forms of civic organization as “communist intrigues”—had become unmistakable. The United States was forced to maneuver: on one hand, it publicly affirmed its commitment to democratic values and sought to pressure the South Korean authorities accordingly; on the other, it aimed to avoid open confrontation with the regime. This cautious approach had strategic advantages: by distancing itself from Korea’s internal political turmoil, the U.S. preserved its image as a champion of democracy while maintaining constructive relations with all parties involved. The outcome was the establishment of the Second Republic—a democratic, yet weak and unstable state.

Global politics currently resembles an impending storm. Whether in Africa or Latin America, in Arabia or the Middle East, disasters are looming everywhere. Even the West-Europe and the United States-once a bastion of stability, is ravaged by unprecedented crises. Putin meets with Trump in Alaska, and a few days later Trump sends submarines and aircraft carriers near Venezuela. Have they made a pact, since it leaves Ukraine at the mercy of Russia and Venezuela belongs to the United States? The US withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan is leaving behind shattered states hurtling toward civil wars, and Venezuela is a better fit for Trump and his technocrats, who already dominate global public opinion. The conflict over Iran's nuclear policy is dangerously escalating. Pakistan is a powder keg. The Arab world is in turmoil, with an uncertain outcome. The number of "failed states," a breeding ground for terrorism, is constantly increasing, especially in Africa. To make matters worse, Europe and the United States are lurching from one financial crisis to another and are increasingly incapable of acting internationally. Isn't it time to consider a dwindling currency that integrates itself into a network of local currencies, regionally, nationally, and then further into an international monetary system? More on this topic coming soon in a new book by Wilko von Prittwitz.

This study examines the unprecedented consolidation of federal authority during Donald Trump's second presidential term through a multi-domain analysis of concurrent policy interventions in domestic security, religious governance, and international negotiations. Using a case study approach focusing on the September 2024-2025 period, this research analyzes how Trump's administration has systematically expanded executive power across traditionally separate policy domains. The study finds evidence of a coherent strategy to centralize federal authority through direct executive intervention, bypassing traditional institutional channels and creating new precedents for presidential power. Key findings include the strategic use of crisis creation and resolution to demonstrate strength, the integration of religious symbolism into governance structures, and the application of transactional diplomacy to complex international conflicts. The research contributes to executive power theory by demonstrating how modern presidents can simultaneously operate across multiple domains to consolidate authority while testing the resilience of democratic institutions and federal-state balance.

France, Germany and the UK have triggered the snapback mechanism to reimpose UN sanctions on Iran, citing Tehran’s violations of the 2015 nuclear deal or JCPOA.
Iran rejects their authority to do so, arguing that the Europeans themselves breached the JCPOA by adhering to US sanctions and all but supporting Israel’s June 2025 war.
Lacking a diplomatic understanding by end September, Iran could leave the NPT, Israel resort to new strikes, and Russia and China refuse to recognise the sanctions, weakening the UNSC’s authority.

Presidents Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin have expressed support for better ties between the US and Russia. In some ways, the countries have different interests. Trump would like to see lower energy prices to boost the US economy, while Putin needs higher prices to support his war effort. However, both Trump and Putin have a mutual interest in growing the oil and gas sector and likely will join forces to undermine progress at future international climate talks. The negative consequences for health and food security among the most vulnerable countries will likely be severe.

This paper offers a critical academic response to Dr. Reza Parchizadeh’s article “Is China Filling Russia’s Vacuum in Iran after Israel’s Twelve-Day War?” (2025). While Parchizadeh argues that China is emerging as Iran’s indispensable partner following Russia’s decline, this study challenges such a reductionist framing. It demonstrates that Iran’s vulnerabilities stem not only from external patronage shifts but also from profound internal weaknesses, including economic collapse, intelligence failures, and declining proxy effectiveness. The paper introduces the “bait-and-discard” mechanism as a conceptual framework to explain how great powers instrumentalize fragile states as expendable tools rather than reliable allies. Case studies from Libya, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia further illustrate this dynamic. The paper concludes that Iran is not at the dawn of substitution, but at the edge of strategic isolation, and that Western policies should focus less on great-power rivalry and more on Iran’s internal fragility.

This opinion piece explores Donald Trump’s tariff-centered trade strategy and its consequences for U.S. leadership. It argues that while “America First” was presented as a strategy of strength, its outcome has been isolation and vulnerability. Drawing on historical precedents, economic data, and global reactions, the article situates Trump’s tariff war within the larger shift toward a networked, trust-based model of international relations. The conclusion emphasizes that 21st-century leadership depends on cooperation, credibility, and digital diplomacy, not outdated protectionist tools.

Belief in market economy has shown particular strength in post-socialist
countries as being accompanied by great expectations regarding economic
improvements at the individual level. Twenty years after the fall of the, so-
-called, real existing socialism these hopes have been fawned for the great
majority of the citizens of these countries. The equation offered to explain the
tendential low of individual living standard despite of increasing GDP, the access
to European integrations and the implementation of structural reforms in
the first decade of 2000s has been that the transition towards market economy
has not yet been completed and that the problems with the wider prosperity
of the citizens are due to inadequate or too slow course of the reform enforcement.
This article proposes the exact opposite view by arguing that the wide
economic deprivation of the citizens as well as the current economic crisis in
which they are caught, are the effects of the neoliberal re-structuration and
concomitant “democratization”, and not the result of the lack of compliance to
it. This article holds that the economic prosperity for the great majority is not
compatible with the project of neoliberal economy cum conservative liberal
Larise, D., Tranzicija prema kakvoj demokraciji?
97
democracy and that it can not be achieved within this frame. In post-socialist
countries this simple conclusion has been obscured by the eschatological discourse
about “transition towards democracy”.
Keywords: transition, neoliberal economic doctrine, political doctrine of democratization,
conservative liberal democracy, democratization entrepreneurs

The military partnership and alliance policy of the West toward Ukraine remains the linchpin of future negotiations. As long as there are no credible security guarantees for Ukraine, a ceasefire would only serve to allow both sides to regroup their military forces and economic resources, as well as to prepare their administrations and populations for the next round of escalation.

The 13th and 14th Five-Year Plans of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) emphasise the
mechanisation, informationisation and intelligentisation of key civilian and military
technologies, including AI, quantum information, brain science, biotechnology, clinical
medicine, deep space, deep sea and deep earth technology and integrated circuits. The
concept of intelligentised warfare highlights the extensive integration of AI, quantum
computing, big data, and other cutting-edge technologies across all levels of warfare.

Established in 1927 and reconstituted in 1949 after the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC), the People's Liberation Army (PLA) is the armed wing of China's ruling party, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP controls all levers of power in China, and its control of the military is absolute. As a "party army", the PLA serves the party rather than the state, making the PLA unique among modern advanced militaries. As a Party-Army, the PLA is a political actor.

The 13th and 14th Five-Year Plans of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) emphasise the mechanisation, informationisation and intelligentisation of key civilian and military technologies, including AI, quantum information, brain science, biotechnology, clinical medicine, deep space, deep sea and deep earth technology and integrated circuits. The concept of  intelligentised warfare highlights the extensive integration of AI, quantum
computing, big data, and other cutting-edge technologies across all levels of warfare.

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Данная статья прослеживает как Российская революция 1905-1907 гг. стала первой гражданской войны в Европе в ХХ веке. Многие революции включают элементы гражданской войны между разными слоями населения. В Революции 1905-1907 гг. элементы гражданской войны сильно отличались от прежних европейских революций, потому что эта революция являлась первой европейской революцией с участием политических партий и террористическом компонентом. Размах раздробления социума и масштабность насилия в 1905-1907 гг. можно сравнивать со Французской революцией 1789-1804 гг. и с революциями в Австрийской империи в 1848-1849 гг.
This article examines how the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907 became the first civil war in 20th century Europe. Many revolutions contain elements of civil war. In the Revolution of 1905-1907, the elements of civil war strongly differed from previous European revolutions because this revolution was the first European revolution with the participation of political parties and a terrorist component. The massiveness of the fragmentation of society and violence can be compared with the French Revolution of 1789-1804 and the revolutions of 1848-1849 in the Austrian
Empire.

Книга состоит из очерков, написанных профессором Германом Кимом, членом шести созывов казахстанской секции Консультативного совета по мирному и демократическому объединению Кореи.  Очерки публиковались в течение целого года под рубрикой «ОБЪЕДИНЕНИЕ КОРЕИ НЕИЗБЕЖНО» на русском и корейском языках в газетах «Коре ильбо»,  «Ханин Ильбо», «Ханин синмун» и «Korean News». Книга носит просветительский характер с целью пояснения широкому кругу читателей  простым и понятным языком  истории трагической судьбы корейского народа, разделенного не по своей воле  на два государства. В ней говорится об острых и сложных  проблемах на пути  объединения страны;  высокой цены и эпохальных  последствий воссоздания единой Кореи;  прогнозов и возможных сценариев достижения заветной мечты всего корейского народа, в том числе и зарубежных соотечественников.

Investigative journalists walk a fine line between being lauded as guardians of democracy and derided as “conspiracy theorists”. Those investigating the events that led to the fall of the Whitlam government in 1975 are often accused of an obsession with conspiracy, but documents ...

RESUMEN Marco Gandásegui H. fue un destacado intelectual panameño, comprometido con la justicia social y el pensamiento crítico. Su formación académica, que incluyó estudios en Chile y un doctorado en SUNY, lo llevó a ser un referente en sociología y periodismo en Panamá. A lo largo de su vida, promovió el análisis del imperialismo estadounidense, coordinando importantes trabajos en el ámbito de las Ciencias Sociales. Gandásegui destacó por su militancia política y su labor en la

At a time of organic crisis and interregnum and aggravation of global risks, the far-right shows variations in its response to the international liberal order, as seen in the geopolitical and geoeconomic visions of neo-patriots in the United States, the European Union and Latin America. To address this issue, this text analyses the following: the “Project 2025” of the conservative think tank Heritage Foundation in the United States; Viktor Orbán’s speech at the 33rd Bálványos Summer University (2024); and Javier Milei’s intervention at the World Economic Forum in Davos (2024).

This paper explores the dynamics of proxy warfare in the 21st century through the lens of political economy, emphasizing the intersection between local conflicts and global strategic interests. As major powers increasingly avoid direct military confrontation, they turn to indirect engagement by supporting local actors/militias, insurgents, and governments in various conflict zones. Using case studies from Syria, Yemen, Libya, Ukraine, and the Sahel region, the study critically examines the motivations behind proxy warfare, including geopolitical rivalry, access to natural resources, ideological influence, and strategic deterrence. It further analyses the economic mechanisms that sustain these conflicts, such as arms trading, illicit financing, and war economies. By revealing the often-hidden global stakes in local conflicts, the paper underscores the urgent need for stronger international accountability, regional peacebuilding frameworks, and citizen awareness. Understanding the political economy of proxy warfare is vital not only for policymakers and scholars but for all global citizens committed to peace, justice, and responsible international engagement.

With the fall of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent implosion of the Soviet Union, Francis Fukuyama (1989) declared "the end of history," history not as the chronological unfolding and progression of events, but history as the locus of the clash of ideologies. The collapse of the Soviet Union marked the ultimate transformation of world politics with the triumph of liberal democracy over really-existing socialism. Liberal democracy, therefore, is the "end-point of mankind's ideological evolution", and the "final form of human government," thus the end of history. Henceforth, chronological history means the inevitable march and spread of liberal democracy. No other system could compete with the established dominance of liberal democracy as the best form of government.

Due to its unique geographic position, Central Asia has been at the center of power struggles for centuries. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union the region once again became the focal point of strategic assessments. Although the region had been endowed with rich energy resources, young Central Asian Republics (CARs) had faced multiple challenges ranging from poor infrastructure and lack of human resources to weak governance. Since their independence international environment has also undergone unforeseen changes as it moves from unipolarity towards multipolarity. Global powers, such as the USA, China, Russia, the EU; and regional powers such as Turkey, India, Iran, and Pakistan have been involved in the region, adding to the complexity of the equation. Despite numerous problems, Central Asia's rich energy resources, common historical, religious, ethnic heritage and economic connectivity projects provide variety of opportunities for the region. In this context, with a view on the geopolitic/geo-strategic and geo-economic significance of Central Asia, the study investigates challenges and opportunities for the region. The structure of study has been based on four main chapters. After the introduction, in the second chapter, geo-political, geo-strategic and geoeconomic importance of the region has been explained with supporting historical and numerical data. In the third chapter, interests of global and regional players have been analyzed in order to identify converging and diverging interests of the respective players. The fourth chapter is allocated to describing challenges the region is facing, and exploring opportunities the CARs may have. In the fifth chapter, the findings of study have been summarized, and some projections have been put forward regarding future of the region. The study is finalized with the conclusion section, which identifies the five main outcomes out of the study: the presence of multiple opportunities for peace and prosperity of the region, the importance of Central Asia, the importance of the peace efforts in Afghanistan, the availability of multiple factors for cooperation among CARs, and the significance of BRI for the region.

This article explores aspects of the life of one of the creators of the commercial radio model in Argentina. Jaime Yankelevich pioneered developing an entertainment system that included highly popular programs, many of which shaped the history of radio in Argentina, and exported the model to Latin America. We analyze Yankelevich's challenges while building his entertainment industry model and review some aspects of programming and the national government's influence on the radio business. Under Yankelevich's leadership, radio in Argentina diversified and became more professional. He introduced innovations such as varied programming, which included news, music, and live entertainment, attracting different segments of the population.

A fresh start in relations between Russia and the Eastern Central European (ECE) nations shall not be taken for granted despite the recent progress achieved with a number of countries in the region. In order to consolidate and expand progress, Russia and ECE countries are best advised to intensify and institutionalize political dialogue without avoiding difficult issues on the agenda. As European arms control mechanisms are weakening, the countries of the region should also pay particular attention to cooperative measures to build trust between their security and defense establishments. n n n

Este artículo analiza la transformación de la política exterior de Colombia en un contexto de interregno hegemónico global. A partir del enfoque sistema mundo de Arrighi y Wallerstein, se examina cómo Colombia reconfigura su inserción internacional frente a este interregno global, con énfasis en su relación con el Sur Global y la multipolaridad. La metodología combina análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo con revisión documental. Se observa que, si bien el giro diplomático se visibiliza con el gobierno de Petro desde 2022, este cambio se gestaba desde hace más de veinte años con el fortalecimiento comercial con China y más con su eventual adhesión al Belt and Road Initiative.
Los resultados muestran una política exterior más autónoma y multilateral, sin implicar una ruptura con su tradicional aliado, Estados Unidos, aunque el proceso ha generado tensiones. Las conclusiones advierten que este giro no es estructural ni irreversible: existe la incertidumbre frente al vínculo con China y un potencial riesgo de retroceso en el futuro.

Indo-Pacific region has emerged as a crucial geo-strategies for trade, investment and energy supplies. India's economic interest is critically dependent on the security and stability of sea lane of communications which carry 95% of nation's trade by volume and 68% by value. India's strategic position with its extensive coastline and maritime interest coupled with growing economic and naval capabilities make it a key player in ensuring the security and stability in Indo-Pacific region. This paper examines challenges and strategic choices that India faces in securing its interest in the Indo-Pacific region characterized by dynamism of complex interdependence as well as security dilemma. This paper also extrapolates India's role in the Indo-Pacific maritime security architectures such as QUAD, IEPF and AUKUS in analysing the strategic choices and challenges presented by maritime disputes, naval engagement, Chinese assertions, contested territorial claim and non-traditional security threats such as piracy, cyber-attacks, weapon proliferation and maritime terrorism. By identifying specific naval measures needed to enhance our Geo-Political and economic interest, this paper also brings in ideas for promoting maritime cooperation while reducing prospect for conflict under ambit of global Admiralty law in the region to realize free and open Indo-Pacific.

We stand at the end of a violent century, much of it embroiled in some form of war. Living under this "shadow of war" resulted in the "militarization" of American society, according to historian Michael S. Sherry. Evidence of militarization--"the process by which war and national security became consuming anxieties and provided the memories, models, and metaphors that shaped broad areas of national life" (p. xi)--is compelling. This rather disturbing synthesis argues that a political culture, shaped by civilian elites, elevated defense requirements to the highest priority. Affluence and a phobia toward military power, however, deterred regimentation and a

Research has shown that persons with disabilities require greater sexual and reproductive health (SRH) care and services than persons without disabilities. However, this need is often neglected in most of the low-and-middle-income countries including Bangladesh. There is also a dearth of research and data relevant to this issue. A nationwide mixed-methods research has been conducted to explore persons with disabilities’ specific sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) needs, health seeking behaviour related to SRH and barriers in accessing SRH services, along with the associated factors that influence their SRH outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the challenges encountered by the researchers while conducting this research and the strategies adopted to resolve those challenges. Some of the challenges experienced by the researchers include development of appropriate tools with questions on sensitive SRHR topics, obtaining informed consent, difficulty to maintain...

In recent years, the dynamics of justifying and legitimizing the policies and practice of international intervention has attracted the attention of mainstream media and has also cut across the subdivisions of the Liberal Arts college. Thus, by jumping on the bandwagon of this "trendy" topic both journalists and scholars have attempted to understand as well as explain the phenomenon of intervention Lyons and Mastaduno 1995;). Yet, as I claim in this essay, owing to the limelight attracted by this topic in recent years, only few commentators have managed to elucidate the underlying dynamics of the exercise and process of international intervention. If anything, this attention to international intervention has tended to produce numerous (often polarized) opinions, yet little clarity on the issue. In this context, the volumes by Finnemore and Davis et al. exhibit the complexity of synthesizing various views and perspectives on the topic of intervention. Both books share a common point of departure: their focus on one of the underlying characteristics attendant in the collapse of the East-West confrontation-the seeming predilection of international actors to get involved in the internal affairs of states, often under the pretext of righting the wrongs of domestic rule. Such willingness to intervene appears to debunk the dominant image of world politics: the contention that international relations take place in an environment dictated by the logic of anarchy, while the atmosphere of domestic affairs is one of order. In contrast, the instance of intervention puts forward that the

**Abstract**

For nearly a century, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (K.S.A.) has been a key ally of the United States and a significant stabilizing force in the Middle East. While traditional foreign policy frameworks such as Realism and Liberalism provide general guidelines for U.S. engagement, they often fall short in capturing the nuances of Saudi state behavior, particularly decisions shaped by religious and ideological factors. This paper argues that Constructivism offers a more robust lens for understanding Saudi foreign policy by emphasizing the defining role of Islam and the influence of the Ulema, the religious advisory council, in both domestic and international governance. By analyzing the unique interplay between Saudi sovereignty, Islamic tradition, and policy-making, the study underscores the necessity for Western policymakers to recognize and respect Islam as a foundational element of Saudi governance. Ultimately, this approach facilitates more effective U.S.-Saudi relations, aligning diplomatic strategies with the realities of Saudi identity, autonomy, and aspirations within the global arena.