Radboud Institute for Culture and History

目前国内世界史学界对荷兰起义的研究，很大程度上仍停留在19世纪辉格式的范式中。这一范式受到19世纪的民族主义情绪与中产阶级话语的深刻影响，因而在研究中过度强调荷兰起义中城市与自由、新教与进步的观念，赋予荷兰起义民族独立运动与资产阶级革命的地位。自20世纪60年代以来这一范式遭到越来越多学者的质疑，其叙事的史实基础已基本被推翻。低地诸国在哈布斯堡君复合君主国中边缘化,其传统的权利、特权、自由与利益受到遥远的不在君主的严重侵犯导致了荷兰起义的爆发。对这些源自中世纪的权利、特权、自由与政治习惯的追求贯穿荷兰起义的始终。荷兰起义并非在某种政治理论的驱使下以实现某种社会理想的“革命”，而是一场在中世纪政治传统的深厚影响下的起义，是“漫长的中世纪”的延续性在近代早期的集中体现。

The Peace of Apameia in 189 BCE distributed former Seleucid territories west of the Taurus to Rhodes and Pergamon, who contributed crucially to Roman victory. Although the Romans were de facto the sole supremacy of the Mediterranean afterwards, the remoteness of Asia Minor and reluctance to intervene with martial forces limited the reach of Roman power. Rhodes and Pergamon became collaborators of Roman supremacy rather than dependent states. They enjoyed substantial freedom of action and pursued their own interests until the late second century. This thesis suggests that Western Asia Minor in this era was, in fact, a multi-polar world, where Rome—the distant hegemony—Rhodes and Pergamon—the regional powers—exercised influence simultaneously. The post-Apamea system formed an interactive network, and this thesis will analyse the interactions between the hegemony and regional powers, as well as between the poles and the Greeks in Western Asia Minor.

The  Battle  of  Magnesia  (190  BC)  ended  with  the  victory  of  the  Romans and their allies, and the distribution of former Seleucid territories west of the Taurus Mountains to Rhodes and Pergamon, who contributed crucially to Rome’s victory. Although the Romans de  facto  held  the  sole  supremacy  of  the  Mediterranean,  Rhodes  and Pergamon acted as independent states. Their relationship did not  always  go  smoothly,  whilst  Rome’s  dissatisfaction  and  enmity  towards Rhodes and Pergamon grew steadily. The  paper  will  analyse  substantial  events  and  turning  points  in  the relationship between Rome and its primary allies in the Eastern  Mediterranean  from  the  Peace  of Apamea  (188  BC)  to  the  aftermath of the Third Macedonian War (171‐168 BC): the disputes between  Rhodes  and  Lycia  with  Roman  interventions  and  Roman  hostilities to Rhodes and Pergamon after the Third Macedonian War.  By  examining  surviving  literary  accounts  and  comparative  studies of the Rhodo‐Lycian and Pergamene‐Galatian conflicts, this  paper  suggests  a  Roman  strategy  to  allies  with  whom  they  were dissatisfied. The Romans could sink their allies’ strength by granting autonomy to revolting areas whose armed rebellions had been  suppressed  by  the  allies  recently  and  by  encouraging  them  to revolt again.

Until now dress has played a minor role in the studies of Rembrandt's paintings. This is all the more surprising since the artist clearly delighted in the rendering of clothes. He made extensive use of clothing and jewellery to emphasize the character, religious affiliation or social status of the sitters in his portraits, and to clarify the narrative or heighten the drama in his history pieces.De Winkel fills this lacuna and shows that research of this neglected field can contribute in many and unexpected ways to our understanding of Rembrandt's art. Serious study of the history of dress is itself a rather new field, and was long regarded by art historians as merely ancillary to art history, mainly as a help in matters of dating. However, the knowledge of dress can contribute to the identification of the sitter. It can also help to determine the message the sitter or the artist wished to express. The wider aim of the author is to investigate the possible contemporary connotations of clothes in Rembrandt's painted oeuvre by placing them within a wider cultural and historical context.

In the early modern period, more so than today, clothing was a way of distinguishing between classes, and any blurring of the boundaries was censured or even outlawed. In seventeenth-century Holland, the tendency of maidservants in particular to wear unsuitable clothing was a cause of increasing irritation and social unrest. Although written sources such as sermons and farces generally describe the appearance and behavior of maidservants in negative terms, the image of the maid in paintings is usually positive.

The great interest that seventeenth-century sitters took in clothing is obvious from their portraits. Even today we are astonished by the complicated garments and jewels worn, just as we are by the great attention and detail with which painters have depicted them. Quantitatively, dress is often the most important part of a painting, because it takes up so much of the surface area, but in a qualitative sense too, it is frequently one of a painting's highlights. In Rembrandt's Portrait of Jan Six from 1654, the sketchily but extremely effectively rendered cloak and gloves appear to lead a life of their own within the painting and attest to the painter's great virtuosity. Costumes also often feature prominently in the portraits of Gerard ter Borch, Frans Hals  and Bartholomeus van der Helst ; at times, the astonishing brilliance of the satin is so magnificent that the wearer almost pales by comparison. Fashion influences portraiture more than is often acknowledged, determining key elements such as pose or palette. Yet despite the essential importance of the sitter's dress, remarkably little is kqown about the process of choice. Who selected the apparel and for what reasons? Did clients expect a literal rendering of the garments' appearance? Did the artist play a role in selecting a particular pose or dress? In short, is the clothing depicted an accurate reflection of reality or is it rather the artist's creation? The following discussion will explore the field of tension between the picture presented by Clothes in Documents: Imagination and Fact.

In Dutch. An essay on the dress depicted on the different portraits of members of the counts of Brederode in the seventeenth century. With two transcripts of the clothes in the inventories of Count Floris II of Culemborg and the trousseau of Louise Hendriette, princess of Orange-Nassau.

Assessing Fashion Accessories in Rembrandt's Portraits* '…En over 't jaer sou teeren, Op den versnoepten cost Van uw' lint en uw' veeren.' c. huygens, 't Costelijck Mall, 1622 In 1707 Gerard de Lairesse in his Groot Schilderboek stated that, in order to properly understand the character of the figures depicted, the addition of meaningful attributes is indispensable. 1 In portraiture these 'dignified and splendid additions', according to De Lairesse, not only made pleasant decorations but also served to elucidate and emphasise the sitter's quality and occupation. 2 The author proceeds by giving numerous examples of attributes or symbols he believes to be fitting for different types of sitters. 3 It is significant that De Lairesse's list of meaningful additions does not include fashion accessories such as fans, gloves or handkerchiefs. Nevertheless, several art historians do not appear content with the view that these items are just 'prosaic bits of fashionable attire' but suppose them to have had a much profounder meaning. 4 Just how justified is the view, that jewellery and fashion accessories are implicit symbols of marital love, gentility, friendship, or grief as has been claimed by various authors? 5 Focussing primarily on accessories worn by female sitters in Rembrandt's portraits, this chapter forms a re-evaluation of some of these interpretations. It attempts to establish the precise connotations of these fashion accessories in the light of seventeenth-century sartorial conventions and to assess their importance in the entire representation by comparing various types of depictions in addition to descriptions by contemporaries, personal documents and archival records. the allusions of accessories: convention, context and connotations In some portraits, ostensibly meaningful objects appear to have a relatively straightforward meaning. Indeed, a small book of psalms or a watch held up to the chapter two 13 Rembrandt, Portrait of Maria Bockenolle, 1634, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston chapter two 54

Jan Six forms the subject of two of Rembrandt's most impressive portraits, both of which can be considered high points of his painted and etched oeuvre. The iconography as well as the exceptional execution of these works have stirred the imagination of contemporaries and generations of art historians alike, giving rise to much comment. 1 This interest has only been increased by the wealth of anecdotes that have evolved around the relationship between the affluent art lover and the artist; some stories are indeed based on documentary evidence, while others are mere legend. 2 Certainly, Jan Six's life is relatively well documented: a wealthy member of the regent class and eventually burgomaster of Amsterdam, he was a scholar with an interest in sculpture, painting and poetry as well. The prevailing tendency among art historians has been to interpret the portraits in the light of Jan Six's biography and other facts known about him. Recurring motifs, include Six's great love of art and scholarship as well as his special veneration of Baldassare Castiglione's book on the ideal courtier. On the basis of the same material, various authors have come up with quite different interpretations with regard to the intentions of both patron and artist. For instance, Six's occupation with scholarship and his pensive mood in both portraits has led Luba Freedman to suppose a preoccupation of both men with the notion of melancholy, a mental condition from which many artists and poets at the time affected to suffer. 3 David Smith views the portraits first and foremost as manifestations of the gentlemanly aspirations of both Rembrandt and Six, seeing a conflicting two-facedness of 'Janus' Six the private man and the persona he presented to the outside world. 4 Eddy de Jongh points out, on the other hand, that the fluid brushwork and unfinished aspect of the painting must have appealed to the personal taste of the art lover Six and the familiarity of both men with Castiglione's concept of sprezzatura.

2 van thienen 1930; der kinderen-besier 1950. The latter, however, especially when dealing with dress from the period 1660-1700, does not distinguish between dress that was actually worn in real life and fanciful styles invented by the painter. 3 chapman 1986; meyer 1986. The work by Chapman especially is marred by many inaccuracies.

This article describes the goals and activities for the first field season of The Herculaneum Graffiti Project. Our project fo-cuses on documenting and digitizing to make more broadly accessible the first-century handwritten wall-inscriptions, also called graffiti, in Herculaneum. Following an overview of the presence of ancient graffiti in Herculaneum, this report details the methodology we used to locate and document the inscriptions and the preservation status of ancient graffiti in each insula, or city-block, of the excavations. We further describe the preliminary results of the project’s documentation efforts. We are currently studying, processing, and digitizing these inscriptions and contributing them for inclusion in the Epigraphic Database Roma and EAGLE, the Europeana network of Ancient Greek and Latin Epigraphy. We conclude with a brief mention of development of The Ancient Graffiti Project, the digital resource and search engine devoted to ancient handwritten inscriptions.