Papers by Hong LIU
Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 2023
Drawing upon cases studies from Southeast Asia, especially Singapore and Malaysia, this article a... more Drawing upon cases studies from Southeast Asia, especially Singapore and Malaysia, this article addresses the following questions pertaining to the rise of China and its impact upon Chinese voluntary associations (CVAs) in the region over the past two decades. By employing theoretical insights of positionality, nudging and de-territorialisation and by focusing on various strategies pursued respectively by CVAs and the state, we conclude: (i) the growing economic ties between China and Southeast Asia serve as the platform through which the reconstruction of the CVAs take place; (ii) the reconstitution of the CVAs has been significantly driven by their own initiatives to compete in a new economy, in which knowledge of and connection with a rising China as an expanding market and a culture has advantages; (iii) the states in both China and Southeast Asia have played a part in the reconfiguration of the CVAs, motivated by their respective political and economic agendas; and (iv) it is imperative to go beyond the conventional approaches in understanding CVAs (internal structure and external connections) that have dominated much of the existing literature; and we argue that it is in the interactions and intersections between the internal dynamics and external political economy that a new type of CVAs has emerged.
Journal of Chinese Overseas
Large-scale immigration has turned Singapore into a highly diverse setting, where migrants and lo... more Large-scale immigration has turned Singapore into a highly diverse setting, where migrants and local-born Singaporeans encounter one another on a daily basis. In the past decade, the city-state has seen rising debates and contestations over racism, despite being known as a racially harmonious society. This article situates the public discourse on racism and “Chinese privilege” in the context of superdiversity and examines its wider implications for theorization and policy. Approaching the paradox of superdiversity from a political economy perspective, we investigate how three sets of factors have contributed to the rising public discourse on racism not only between migrants and locals but also among local-born Singaporeans: i) immigration regime and the strategy toward a knowledge economy, ii) new patterns of electoral politics, and iii) the impacts of China’s growing influences in Southeast Asia. This article offers two broader theoretical implications for the scholarship on migrat...
Journal of Chinese Overseas, 2021
Since independence in 1965, the Singapore government has established a strongly mandated educatio... more Since independence in 1965, the Singapore government has established a strongly mandated education policy with an English-first and official mother tongue Mandarin-second bilingualism. A majority of local-born Chinese have inclined toward a Western rather than Chinese identity, with some scholars regarding English as Singapore’s “new mother tongue.” Other research has found a more local identity built on Singlish, a localized form of English which adopts expressions from the ethnic mother tongues. However, a re-emergent China and new waves of mainland migrants over the past two decades seem to have strengthened Chinese language ideologies in the nation’s linguistic space. This article revisits the intriguing relationships between language and identity through a case study of Chineseness among young ethnic Chinese Singaporeans. Guided by a theory of identity and investment and founded on survey data, it investigates the Chinese language ideologies of university students and their age...
Melbourne Asia Review, 2021
Major socio-economic and demographic changes in Singapore over the past decade have created a new... more Major socio-economic and demographic changes in Singapore over the past decade have created a new political economy which has changed the state’s engagement with the transnational Chinese community at a time of globalisation and a rising China. I argue that Singapore aims to politically and socially integrate new Chinese diaspora (those who emigrated to Singapore since the early 1980s) into its multiracial society while capitalising on their transnational economic networks with China constitutes the main policy framework.
Singapore is an illuminating site for an analysis of the changing relationship between the state and transnationalism. It is the only country outside China with an ethnic Chinese majority in the population, and there are thriving and multifaceted linkages between the two nations. My analysis is situated in the broad literature of transnationalism, which is defined as ‘the processes by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement…. An essential element of transnationalism is the multiplicity of involvements that transmigrants sustain in both home and host societies’.
Book Chapters by Hong LIU
Research Handbook on the Belt and Road Initiative, 2021
The Chinese president, Xi Jinping, delivered a speech at the Nazarbayev University in Astana, Kaz... more The Chinese president, Xi Jinping, delivered a speech at the Nazarbayev University in Astana, Kazakhstan, where he outlined China's ambition to build 'a Silk Road Economic Belt with innovative cooperation mode and to make it a grand cause benefiting people in regional countries along the route' (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, 2013). Several weeks later, during his maiden trip to Southeast Asia as President of China, Xi proposed in a speech at the Indonesian Parliament a 'new Maritime Silk Road' that would 'make good use of the China-ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] Maritime Cooperation Fund set up by the Chinese government' towards the ends of cementing the 'shared destiny between China and the member states of ASEAN' (China Daily, 2013). With these two grand statements, the 'One Belt One Road Initiative' (later renamed 'Belt and Road Initiative') came into being.
In Felix Heiduk ed., Geopolitics and the US-China Rivalry (London: Routledge, 2021)., 2021
In Mahathir Mohamad's controversial political manifesto entitled The Malay Dilemma, published in ... more In Mahathir Mohamad's controversial political manifesto entitled The Malay Dilemma, published in 1970, 11 years before taking up his first prime ministership (1981-2003), he highlighted the substantial economic disparities between the Malays and the ethnic Chinese, calling for the Malaysian government's affirmative actions to provide protection and comprehensive support for the Malays who are "sons of the land." The implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP) since the early 1970s has significantly reduced the economic gaps between these two major ethnic groups and helped bring about a reasonably large Malay middle class, with some of them emerging as key players in the local political economy. 1 While the dilemmas faced by the Malays identified initially by Mahathir might have largely faded away half a century after The Malay Dilemma's publication, the deep-seated question about national and ethnic identity remains at the core of Malaysia's politics and directly or indirectly impact upon its diplomacy. The country has now faced new sets of dilemmas that are intricately embedded in the domestic and international political economy within a fast-changing region symbolised by the rise of China and its growing clout in the region as well as intensifying US-China confrontations, especially over the past decade. While China was amidst the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution in 1974 when the two countries established diplomatic relations, it has risen to become the second largest economy in world. In the meantime, the beginning of the Trump administration in early 2017 witnessed the escalation of the American-China rivalries in almost all spheres, ranging from diplomatic and trade to technological and ideological. The global COVID-19 pandemic has further fuelled the competitions between the two major powers in both the international and regional arenas. All these have inevitably affected Malaysia's foreign policy options, including its relations with China and the US. Malaysia's foreign policy choices, therefore, are increasingly shaped through a complex process of (re)negotiations among different stakeholders, both internally and externally.
in Weiping Wu and Mark Frazier, eds., The SAGE Handbook of Contemporary China (Los Angles and London: Sage Publications, 2018), vol. 1, pp. 610-630
Lee Kuan Yew Through the Eyes of Chinese Scholars (Singapore: World Scientific, 2017), pp. 97-115
Singapore became a self-governing state in 1959, merged with Malaysia in 1963 and withdrew from t... more Singapore became a self-governing state in 1959, merged with Malaysia in 1963 and withdrew from the Malayan Federation to become an independent nation in 1965. With its lack of natural resources, the first leaders had to grapple with the question of how Singapore was to survive and develop. In June 1959, Lee Kuan Yew became the first prime minister of Singapore and, over the next 50 years, his ideas and vision were decisive in the formulation and implementation of Singapore's policies. Since independence, Lee Kuan Yew's focus has been on economic development and political stability, both of which require a supply of talented individuals. As a result, Lee Kuan Yew's talent development strategy has stressed the importance of identifying and attracting talent. This article will specifically analyse Lee Kuan Yew's thoughts on talent development and his development policies and strategies over the past years, and assess their impact and effectiveness.
Hong Liu, ed., The Chinese Overseas, vol. 1, pp. 1-30
Zheng Yongnian, ed., China and International Relations: The Chinese View and the Contribution of Wang Gungwu (London: Routledge, 2010), pp. 177-199.
Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets, 2000
DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780199920082-0070
Introduction
The Chinese diaspora is an interdisciplinary re... more DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780199920082-0070
Introduction
The Chinese diaspora is an interdisciplinary research topic par excellence. Located at the intersection of the humanities and social sciences, it encompasses disciplines as diverse as geography, sociology, history, anthropology, psychology, and political science. In addition, scholarship on the topic is characterized by changing configurations and approaches that are reflected in terminological debates. The term “overseas Chinese” is mostly associated with the first period of migration (the 1850s–1950) after mass migration from China began during the mid-19th century. During this period, the main destination for South Chinese emigrants was Southeast Asia. Up to the end of World War II, the majority of them considered themselves huaqiao (Chinese sojourners or overseas Chinese), who remained politically and culturally loyal to China. During the second period (1950–1980), new migration patterns emerged as Chinese migrated from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia to North America, Australia, and western Europe. Chinese émigrés renounced Chinese citizenship and gradually became huaren (ethnic Chinese or Chinese overseas) who pledged allegiance to their host countries. Finally, during the third phase (1980 onward), new migrants (xin yimin) from various locations in the PRC began to make up a greater proportion of overall Chinese emigration. The term “Chinese overseas” is generally employed as a neutral term to refer to the approximately 46 million ethnic Chinese who reside outside of mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Macau in the early 21st century. As a result of the growing impact of theories of globalization during the 1990s, however, the term “Chinese diaspora” also became widespread. Since then, the study of the Chinese overseas in national contexts and of Chinese migration as an account of departure, arrival, and settlement has been supplemented with an emphasis on mobility, networks, and flexible identities. Since the topic of Chinese diaspora is interdisciplinary in nature, typified by changing approaches, and encompasses all aspects of the life of ethnic Chinese dispersed over more than 150 countries, this bibliography combines a thematic with a geographical organization. Viewing the Chinese overseas in the context of developments both in their places of residence and in China and using a multidimensional perspective, this bibliography pays attention to main themes, such as the importance of different historical phases, patterns of adaptation, and linkages and networks of the Chinese overseas. It gives special consideration to interdisciplinary and geographical aspects, to comparative approaches, to transnational awareness, and to works that combine theoretical discourse and empirical practice.
Yos Santasombat ed., The Sociology of Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia: Challenges and Prospects (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), pp. 55-74., 2019
This chapter will first contextualize the phenomenon of new Chinese capitalism against an underst... more This chapter will first contextualize the phenomenon of new Chinese capitalism against an understanding of the political economy of Southeast Asia, and the role of Chinese capitalism and the diaspora Chinese. It will then discuss the regional architecture of the ASEAN Economic Community, and its implications for the pre-existing and deeply ingrained politico-economic relations prevalent in Southeast Asia. Taking cases of both private and state-sanctioned Chinese investments in Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore, this chapter will delineate the geographical and sectoral distributions of Mainland Chinese OFDI, as well as understand how these Chinese enterprises make an inroad into ASEAN and with whom they have collaborated in such endeavors. In doing so, this chapter will draw some conclusions on the characteristics of new Chinese capitalism in the context of an emerging ASEAN Economic Community.
Routledge Handbook on Asian Migrations, 2018
Dispersed over all corners of the earth, the Chinese diaspora—estimated to be around 60 million—i... more Dispersed over all corners of the earth, the Chinese diaspora—estimated to be around 60 million—is the largest in the world. It constitutes an important part of the Asian diaspora, not only because of its size, but also because three-quarters of the Chinese diaspora still reside in Southeast Asia today. Due to geographical proximity and trading ties, the Chinese diaspora has a long history in Southeast Asia, which was the main destination of emigrants from the Southern Chinese provinces of Fujian and Guangdong until the 1950s. From then onwards, remigration from Southeast Asia, Hong Kong and Taiwan to North America, Australasia, Europe and Japan led to a more geographically diverse Chinese diasporic landscape. Following the start of economic reforms in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) during the late 1970s, places of origin of Chinese emigrants also became more varied as the latter departed from all over China, and not merely from the traditional emigration areas (qiaoxiang) in South China. Even though the Chinese diaspora is unique in many ways, it can also illustrate some of the broader concerns and changing contexts pertaining to the Asian diaspora. These include questions of identity and homeland ties; the various factors that contribute to divisions within diasporas; the attempts of governments to incorporate diasporas; and the changing relationship between states and diasporas in different historical periods and geo-political contexts.
Journal Articles by Hong LIU
Global Policy, 2024
This article examines the evolving landscape of digital geopolitics, with a focus on the intensif... more This article examines the evolving landscape of digital geopolitics, with a focus on the intensifying technological rivalry between the United States and China. It discusses how digital transformation is reshaping global power structures, influenced by and contributing to the bifurcation of the world through strategic initiatives and differing digital ecosystems. The article distinguishes digital geopolitics from conventional geopolitics and techno-nationalism on several fronts: the shift from hard power centred on territorial control to digital dominance; the transcendence of geographical boundaries that have conventionally defined geopolitical conflicts; the evolution from traditional political alliances to strategic technological partnerships; and the competition over setting international standards. Additionally, it addresses how corporate power plays a pivotal role in this new era, contributing to the shaping of the digital geopolitical landscape. Through case studies of Huawei and TikTok, this article demonstrates the influence
of digital geopolitics on international business (and vice versa) as well as
the intensified bifurcation of the digital ecosystems. The article concludes by
arguing that digital geopolitics serves as both the by-product
of and contributor to the volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous (VUCA) world in which China is encountering a new global order.
Journal of Asian Pacific Economy, 2024
Does China's growing economic presence pose an opportunity or a threat to regional economic integ... more Does China's growing economic presence pose an opportunity or a threat to regional economic integration? The authors answer this question by analyzing longitudinal and crosscountry evidence from three regions, Central, South, and Southeast Asia. A unique panel dataset detailing bilateral economic cooperation and each economy's political-economic factors from 2000 to 2019 was examined. This study concludes that (1) inbound foreign direct investment from China is positively associated with a country's intra-regional integration, (2) trade ties to China show a negative relationship with intra-regional integration, and (3) the level of a country's regional economic integration is conditioned by domestic economic and political factors such as transportation and information connectivity, per capita GDP, population size, trade openness, and public governance. This article contributes to the literature by using fresh cross-regional evidence to decipher the China effect on regional integration, embedding the political economy at both national and regional levels, and identifying variations and significance of various political-economic factors.
Competition and Change, 2023
Extending the growing literature within international political economy, this article puts forth ... more Extending the growing literature within international political economy, this article puts forth the notion of transnational state capitalism, taking into account the anaemic growth gripping the global economy since the 2008 economic crisis and China's massive efforts to export infrastructure following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. Focussing on the agencies, practices and outcomes of the Jakarta-Bandung High Speed Rail, one of the largest infrastructure undertakings in Southeast Asia since the BRI's inception, this article explores how and to what extent state capitalism has shaped the political economy of a rising China in Indonesia. We identify three characteristics of an emerging transnational state capitalism in Southeast Asia: state-centric in its overall direction and operation; simultaneous pursuit of economic-cum-geopolitical interests; and an inability to stem structural weaknesses associated with statist economic directives (which have been further complicated by its intertwining with host state dynamics). Our central argument is that although this project was initially conceived as a business-to-business arrangement, it has increased the appeal of state intervention in a transnational context. The driving forces include Indonesia's political economy and the Chinese state-owned enterprises' dual agenda of seeking profits and advancing geopolitical goals. We also argue that the project's statist nature has brought about some side-effects such as inefficient resource allocation and incumbency bias, thus raising concerns about the vulnerability of state capitalist models. Our findings highlight the importance of conceptualizing the transnational state against the backdrop of a globalizing China, going beyond parochial understandings of this increasingly salient phenomenon.
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Papers by Hong LIU
Singapore is an illuminating site for an analysis of the changing relationship between the state and transnationalism. It is the only country outside China with an ethnic Chinese majority in the population, and there are thriving and multifaceted linkages between the two nations. My analysis is situated in the broad literature of transnationalism, which is defined as ‘the processes by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement…. An essential element of transnationalism is the multiplicity of involvements that transmigrants sustain in both home and host societies’.
Book Chapters by Hong LIU
Introduction
The Chinese diaspora is an interdisciplinary research topic par excellence. Located at the intersection of the humanities and social sciences, it encompasses disciplines as diverse as geography, sociology, history, anthropology, psychology, and political science. In addition, scholarship on the topic is characterized by changing configurations and approaches that are reflected in terminological debates. The term “overseas Chinese” is mostly associated with the first period of migration (the 1850s–1950) after mass migration from China began during the mid-19th century. During this period, the main destination for South Chinese emigrants was Southeast Asia. Up to the end of World War II, the majority of them considered themselves huaqiao (Chinese sojourners or overseas Chinese), who remained politically and culturally loyal to China. During the second period (1950–1980), new migration patterns emerged as Chinese migrated from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia to North America, Australia, and western Europe. Chinese émigrés renounced Chinese citizenship and gradually became huaren (ethnic Chinese or Chinese overseas) who pledged allegiance to their host countries. Finally, during the third phase (1980 onward), new migrants (xin yimin) from various locations in the PRC began to make up a greater proportion of overall Chinese emigration. The term “Chinese overseas” is generally employed as a neutral term to refer to the approximately 46 million ethnic Chinese who reside outside of mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Macau in the early 21st century. As a result of the growing impact of theories of globalization during the 1990s, however, the term “Chinese diaspora” also became widespread. Since then, the study of the Chinese overseas in national contexts and of Chinese migration as an account of departure, arrival, and settlement has been supplemented with an emphasis on mobility, networks, and flexible identities. Since the topic of Chinese diaspora is interdisciplinary in nature, typified by changing approaches, and encompasses all aspects of the life of ethnic Chinese dispersed over more than 150 countries, this bibliography combines a thematic with a geographical organization. Viewing the Chinese overseas in the context of developments both in their places of residence and in China and using a multidimensional perspective, this bibliography pays attention to main themes, such as the importance of different historical phases, patterns of adaptation, and linkages and networks of the Chinese overseas. It gives special consideration to interdisciplinary and geographical aspects, to comparative approaches, to transnational awareness, and to works that combine theoretical discourse and empirical practice.
Journal Articles by Hong LIU
of digital geopolitics on international business (and vice versa) as well as
the intensified bifurcation of the digital ecosystems. The article concludes by
arguing that digital geopolitics serves as both the by-product
of and contributor to the volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous (VUCA) world in which China is encountering a new global order.