Joris Larik
Dr. Joris Larik is Assistant Professor in Comparative, European and International Law at Leiden University. From Aug. 2017 to Feb. 2018 he was a Fulbright-Schuman Fellow at Johns Hopkins SAIS in Washington, DC. His work focuses on the law and policy aspects of regional organizations as actors in world politics, comparative and multilevel constitutional law, and global governance reform. Dr. Larik’s work has been acknowledged with several awards, including NATO’s Manfred Wörner Essay Award (2008), the Outstanding Paper Award from the Center for German and European Studies at Georgetown University (2012) and the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the Best Thesis in Comparative Law (2014) from the European University Institute (EUI). Dr. Larik has published in peer-reviewed academic journals including Common Market Law Review, European Foreign Affairs Review, European Law Review, Netherlands International Law Review, International & Comparative Law Quarterly, Survival, and Yearbook of European Law. In 2014/15, Dr. Larik served on the core research and writing team for the Report of the Commission on Global Security, Justice & Governance, a high-level panel supported by The Hague Institute for Global Justice and The Stimson Center, which was co-chaired former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and former Nigerian Foreign Minister and UN Under-Secretary-General Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari. In 2013/14, he was academic coordinator of a Massive Open Online Course (MOOC) on The EU in Global Governance, which attracted approximately 20,000 students from all over the world. Dr. Larik studied law and international relations at the University of Dresden, Leiden Law School and the College of Europe in Bruges, and completed traineeships with the European Commission Legal Service and the WTO Appellate Body.
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Books by Joris Larik
Advancing a comparative constitutional perspective for the study of EU external relations, this volume contributes a constitutional dimension to the 'normative power' debate in the study of EU foreign policy. Drawing on established national doctrines on constitutional objectives from Germany, France, and India, the book provides a common vocabulary for coming to terms with foreign policy objectives as legal norms across different jurisdictions. In the pluralist context and closely intertwined legal orders of the EU and its Member States, it shows how objectives help to channel the individual ambitions of the Member States through the Union framework towards a more coherent external action. Furthermore, the book connects its legal findings with the debate on the EU as an actor in international relations, exploring the role of these norms in inter-institutional struggles and processes of identity-shaping, legitimation, and socialization.
- First comprehensive account of the external relations practice of ASEAN, including international treaty-making and 'soft' instruments
- Written by a leading group of scholars from around the world, bringing together international law and international relations perspectives
-Presents a broad and systematic analysis of ASEAN external agreements and discerns emerging patterns of practice for ASEAN providing readers with the distinctive features of ASEAN as an international treaty-maker
Papers by Joris Larik
conceive of the latter as sets of old and new bilateral relationships. Instead, Brexit affects many existing and interdependent triangular relationships that the United States maintains with the EU and its Member States, which are conditioned also by the foreign relations laws of these polities. Perhaps counterintuitively, recalibration in
the “high politics” area of security and defense will be easier than in the “low politics” of trade and regulation. In elaborating on these arguments, this Article delves into three levels of complexity: First, the empirical challenge of determining the treaties in force between the EU and United States and by which the UK will cease to be covered; second, the transatlantic implications of available alternative models to EU membership for the UK; and third, the way forward in ensuring continuity and bringing about future agreements and cooperation in the EU-UK-U.S. triangle, seeing that the EU itself is a moving target due to ongoing reform efforts.
more advanced forms of governance of regional seas need to be established that will support better cooperation and communication between governments and wider stakeholder communities. Furthermore, sustainable development in the Indian Ocean requires a well-functioning framework that is geographically inclusive and
covers a wide range of species. Developing countries should be given assistance in this process and the private sector, the scientific community as well as local communities should be fully involved. Monitoring, control, and surveillance of any areas covered in existing and future treaties (including MPAs) will also depend on countries and the private sector working together. Uniform standards for fisheries are dependent on effective data collection and reporting, requiring a commitment from all parties involved to gather and share this information. Together, these recommendations aim to create an inclusive and cooperative governance structure for the Indian Ocean in the service of blue growth.
transformed global social and economic relations in the 21st
century. From an arcane and technical domain on the margins
of international policy debates, cyberspace has entered
the realm of high politics and is an important feature of
contemporary debates on global governance. This note introduces the special section in Global Policy of the same title, which provides insight into how freedom, openness and security can be achieved in cyberspace by making global cyber relations more stable, predictable and productive. It brings
together four updated and revised contributions on cyber
governance and cyber security that were first presented at
the conference on "The Future of Cyber Governance" at The
Hague Institute for Global Justice in May 2014.
First, it retraces the evolution of this idea and its progressive codification in the course of time. Second, it puts the EU’s constitutional ‘conscience’ as a trade power into a comparative context. Against this double backdrop, the chapter then turns to the legal significance of such norms, addressing what they can – and cannot – achieve as norms of EU constitutional law.