Papers by Daniel Innerarity
Einleitung: Die Erkenntnis lenken
Après les utopies. Sur la possibilité d’un futur alternatif
Dilemata, 2021
A crisis such as the coronavirus, which has taken place in a digitalised environment, has tested ... more A crisis such as the coronavirus, which has taken place in a digitalised environment, has tested the capacity and limits of big data to provide us with a complete picture of reality and indications for managing the pandemic. One of the lessons we need to learn is to understand that data reflect existing inequality and, without correct interpretation, make the most vulnerable groups invisible. To this end, the most important thing is to stop conceiving social reality on the basis of standardised criteria and to think of it as composed of individuals and groups.
On Behalf of Whom? The Multiple Representation of Europeans
Springer eBooks, 2018
Since 2000, we can establish a “representative turn” (Bellamy and Kroger) in European Studies, an... more Since 2000, we can establish a “representative turn” (Bellamy and Kroger) in European Studies, and the question of the democratic deficit is presented less as an issue related to procedures of democratic participation than as a question about quality of representation. From a certain perspective, voters and politicians nowadays must confront a cacophony of attempts at representation, but, from another point of view, this plurality of “representation claims” can be understood as an opportunity to enrich democratic representation. This cacophony takes place at a time when representative democracy is in crisis, when politics is increasingly confronting the presence of powerful transnational actors and decision-making areas that escape the reach of traditional representative institutions. These three factors—plurality, novelty and the crisis of representation—are demanding a conceptual leap when it comes to understanding and designing representation.
Deficit of What? A Typology of the Legitimacy Problems in the EU
Springer eBooks, 2018
I begin my analysis with three hypotheses: (1) None of the attempts to explain the crisis that fo... more I begin my analysis with three hypotheses: (1) None of the attempts to explain the crisis that focus on a single deficit or weakness seems satisfactory, so the discussion should focus on the way these types of deficiencies are expressed and the extent to which each one of them is involved. For this very reason, it makes no sense to entrust the entire solution to the strengthening of one single criterion (participation, effectiveness, or communication, for example). (2) Polarizing the legitimacy framework around two possibilities (input and output) seems to be a simplification that does not do justice to the intricate way in which the results and the procedures, effectiveness and consent are related in a democracy. (3) The resulting description cannot be less complex than that which it is attempting to describe, so the task of repairing EU legitimacy should be carried out through a sophisticated division of labor (between institutions, criteria, and values).
Images of Europe around the Crisis
The European Legacy, Nov 21, 2014
Abstract In this article I examine the extent to which the European crisis has debunked certain i... more Abstract In this article I examine the extent to which the European crisis has debunked certain images of Europe and spread other new ones. I will try to summarize the stages of this symbolic tour through (1) furtive and mechanical Europe; (2) the remoteness of non-salient Europe; (3) the Europe that hopes and the Europe that fears; (4) headstrong Europe, which claims that crises are necessarily opportunities; and then (5), the Europe with which I identify the most: contingent Europe, which could be or not be, or be in another fashion, whose interest lies in that it is an uncertain product of our conditioned freedom and which, for that very reason, we can consider (6) a politicized Europe.
AI & society, Feb 10, 2023
Those who claim, whether with fear or with hope, that algorithmic governance can control politics... more Those who claim, whether with fear or with hope, that algorithmic governance can control politics or the whole political process or that artificial intelligence is capable of taking charge of or wrecking democracy, recognize that this is not yet possible with our current technological capabilities but that it could come about in the future if we had better quality data or more powerful computational tools. Those who fear or desire this algorithmic suppression of democracy assume that something similar will be possible someday and that it is only a question of technological progress. If that were the case, no limits would be insurmountable on principle. I want to challenge that conception with a limit that is less normative than epistemological; there are things that artificial intelligence cannot do, because it is unable to do them, not because it should not do them, and this is particularly apparent in politics, which is a peculiar decision-making realm. Machines and people take decisions in a very different fashion. Human beings are particularly gifted at one type of situation and very clumsy in others. The part of politics that is, strictly speaking, political is where this contrast and our greatest aptitude are most apparent. If that is the case, as I believe, then the possibility that democracy will one day be taken over by artificial intelligence is, as a fear or as a desire, manifestly exaggerated. The corresponding counterpart to this is: if the fear that democracy could disappear at the hands of artificial intelligence is not realistic, then we should not expect exorbitant benefits from it either. For epistemic reasons that I will explain, it does not seem likely that artificial intelligence is capable of taking over political logic.
Controlling the Desire for Control: Machines, Institutions and Democracy
Springer eBooks, 2022
Springer eBooks, 2018
Europe needs theory, or rather political philosophy. Given this provocative premise, Daniel Inner... more Europe needs theory, or rather political philosophy. Given this provocative premise, Daniel Innerarity develops a brilliant argument aimed at overcoming the crisis of the European Union. We need a new narrative capable of taking up the challenge, posed by Europe, to rethink democracy in its complexity, beyond the nation-state model.
Transfrontalier et innovation territoriale : le jeu aux interfaces territoriales tranfrontalières
Comunicacion Y Sociedad, 1970
Es difícil exagerar la importancia que la idea y la realidad de la comunicación tienen para la co... more Es difícil exagerar la importancia que la idea y la realidad de la comunicación tienen para la configuración cultural del mundo moderno. Pero toda conquista de la civilización tiene una significación ambigua. Provoca el entusiasmo de una utopía que se cree alcanzada y, a la vez, es discutida como signo de decadencia. Para la Ilustración, el espacio comunicativo formado por una libertad de pensamiento irrestricta permitía confiar en el progreso de las relaciones entre los hombres. Tras la creación del mercado libre de las ideas, sólo cabía llenarlo de ideas razonables y esperar una ilustración progresiva de los hombres, es decir, una ampliación del conocimiento y un perfeccionamiento moral del individuo que sólo la interposición de límites exteriores a la libertad podrían detener. La esfera comunicativa se forma con un criterio de libertad mercantil; el ritual de acceso a las ideas que se ofrecen es equivalente a la seriedad con que se ha de administrar la propiedad económica. Por eso puede decir Hegel que la lectura matutina del periódico es como la oración de la mañana. 1 No se podía expresar mejor el pathos de toda una época. Pero este entusiasmo encontró también su propia contestación. Nietzsche la expresó de manera paradigmática al desenmascarar la seriedad inauténtica del hombre ilustrado. La comunicación pública representa para él la máscara intelectual de la abulia privada: "opiniones públicas, perezas privadas". 2 La prensa es un "ruido ciego y permanente que dirige los sentidos y los pensamientos en una falsa dirección"; el periodista es "el amo del instante" que ha
In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men you must first enable the gov... more In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself " 1 .
Revista CIDOB d'afers Internacionals, 2024
El problema de la relación entre gobernanza algorítmica y democracia representa una continuidad y... more El problema de la relación entre gobernanza algorítmica y democracia representa una continuidad y, al mismo tiempo, una ruptura con las clásicas formas de administración burocrática. Para entender su compatibilidad con los valores democráticos, hay que examinar el alcance de las expectativas que suscita, básicamente en cuanto a proporcionar más objetividad a las decisiones políticas y adoptarlas con una mayor consideración de nuestra subjetividad como ciudadanos destinatarios de tales decisiones. Los límites de estas promesas nos obligan a concluir en la inevitabilidad de la decisión humana, de la política en cualquier entorno tecnológico, incluido el configurado por las nuevas formas de gobernanza algorítmica.
El valor de la creatividad
Un mondo di tutti e di nessuno : pirati, rischi e reti nel nuovo disordine globale
Introduction: Whose World Is It?
Isegoria, Dec 9, 2013
Ciencia bajo observación. Beneficios, límites y paradojas de la evaluación de la actividad cientí... more Ciencia bajo observación. Beneficios, límites y paradojas de la evaluación de la actividad científica Science under observation. Benefits, limits and paradoxes of the evaluation of scientific activity
Cronopolitica : il governo dei ritmi sociali
Cronopolitics: Ruling Social Rhythm - The global penetration of abstract time made time itself at... more Cronopolitics: Ruling Social Rhythm - The global penetration of abstract time made time itself attract political interest, as factor able to explain the main part of our conflicts in a de-synchronized world. The speed of social processes has become a threat for democratic societies. For this reason politics is forced to conceive itself as a « ruler of time », as a « cronopolitics » , which does not only deal with space, natural resources and work, but must rule over time, influence the temporal conditions of human existence, synchronize, as far as possible, the speed of different social systems and set rhythms which are compatible with democracy.
Estudios de Filosofia, Aug 1, 1996
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Papers by Daniel Innerarity