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Inscribed trays, plates, mortars, and pestles made of beautiful green chert bearing... more Open access! Inscribed trays, plates, mortars, and pestles made of beautiful green chert bearing formulaic administrative textual formulae were found during excavations at the Persepolis Treasury in the 1930s. These implements and the enigmatic formulae inscribed upon them present scholars with a complex and unique challenge whose correct interpretation holds important implications for the study of Achaemenid history, imperial administration, and relations between ancient Arachosia (roughly modern-day Afghanistan) and the centers of power, as well as-as I argue in this article-for the symbiosis between administration and cult in antiquity. They continue to be hotly debated ever since their inauspicious initial publication by Bowman in 1970, yet they have thus far remained obscure. By comparing these finds with material and textual data from across the Achaemenid empire and early Parthian sources, this article offers a new comprehensive study of these objects. My analysis suggests that these objects are to be considered as a more systematized and tightly controlled Arachosian form of "informal taxation"-namely, regulated gifts-which are comparable to similar imperial donations found in the Treasury at Persepolis. Specifically, they take part in an "economy of fealty" demonstrating loyalty to king and empire through the adherence to the era's Mazdean ritual orthopraxy.
The Bīsotūn inscription of Darius I (DB) is a masterpiece of ancient literature containing descriptions of historical events, imperial propaganda, cultic statements, ethical instructions, wisdom insights, blessings and curses, and engagements with posterity. It was disseminated far and wide within the empire and left a lasting impression on the cultures with which it came into contact. However, a specific section of this royal inscription (DB 4:36-92), carefully crafted to address future audiences in the second person, stands out sharply from the rest of the text. This passage has made a striking, profound, and durable impression on future generations-which extended over the longue durée in both time and space. This article focuses on the decisive cultic theme undergirding DB in general and its fourth column in particular namely, the king's profound sense of imitatio dei in the cosmic battle against "the Lie," complemented by his appeal to an imitatio Darii by all future audiences of his words. The impact of this call can be traced in later literature: in a DB variant found at Elephantine and, most notably, a hitherto unknown exegetical legend found in Qumran, which seeks to explain this portion of DB through an Achaemenid court tale.
According to the Elephantine Yahwists' own dramatic portrayal, the figure of a certain Ḥananiah p... more According to the Elephantine Yahwists' own dramatic portrayal, the figure of a certain Ḥananiah played a key role in the misfortunes they experienced since his arrival in Egypt in or around 419 BCE. Therefore, understanding who this person was and how he might have helped cause these calamities can provide important context to the analysis of the final decades of this community. This article looks at all available evidence-both internal and external to Egypt, reviewing textual, linguistic, and archeological data-all pointing to the conclusion that Ḥananiah was, in all probability, a scion of the Sanballat dynasty, an aristocrat and future governor of Samaria, who is known from various mid-fourth century BCE documents discovered in Palestine. The identification of this eminently unique and dramatic character in Egypt at an exceptionally critical time in the satrapy has important implications, regarding which some speculative options are offered. It also provides a new perspective on the overarching context of the events endured by the Yahwists in Elephantine, as well as on the general state of Yahwism in the Achaemenid period. Specifically, it offers a new hypothesis regarding the reasons for the persecution of the Yahwists and the destruction of their temple.
According to the Elephantine Yahwists’ own dramatic portrayal, the figure of a certain Ḥananiah p... more According to the Elephantine Yahwists’ own dramatic portrayal, the figure of a certain Ḥananiah played a key role in the misfortunes they experienced since his arrival in Egypt in or around 419 BCE. Therefore, understanding who this person was and how he might have helped cause these calamities can provide important context to the analysis of the final decades of this community. This paper looks at all available evidence—both internal and external to Egypt, reviewing textual, linguistic, and archeological data—all pointing to the conclusion that Ḥananiah was, in all probability, a scion of the Sanballat dynasty, an aristocrat and future governor of Samaria, who is known from various mid-fourth century BCE documents discovered in Palestine. The identification of this eminently unique and dramatic character in Egypt at an exceptionally critical time in the satrapy has important implications, regarding which some speculative options are offered. It also provides a new perspective on the overarching context of the events endured by the Yahwists in Elephantine, as well as on the general state of Yahwism in the Achaemenid period. Specifically, it offers a new hypothesis regarding the reasons for the persecution of the Yahwists and the destruction of their temple.
"Fire Rituals in Persia and Israel from the Bible to the Babylonian Talmud" 10-12 Dec., 2024 LEM, Campus Condorcet, 2024
The paper studies the pericope of the burning bush (Exod 3:1-4:17) from the perspective of Achaem... more The paper studies the pericope of the burning bush (Exod 3:1-4:17) from the perspective of Achaemenid royal propaganda (specifically the Bīsitūn inscription) and the Avestan textsmostly from the Gāϑās. Special attention is given to the concept of "divine existence" and of the deity as related to the divine fire.
This paper traces the evolution of a distinct Samari(t)an identity within this northern community... more This paper traces the evolution of a distinct Samari(t)an identity within this northern community of Yahwists from the Achaemenid period into the heyday of the Ptolemaic empire-with a glimpse into its aftermath. Samari(t)an identity evolved in parallel to Judean (Yehudy) identity and in constant cross-pollination with it. Moreover, the Samari(t)an diaspora in Egypt and across the Eastern Mediterranean also preserves traces of this evolution on a number of dimensions: onomastic, administrative, cultic, and even linguistic. Sources for this assessment include the Elephantine archives, the archive of the village of Samareia in the Fayoum, the Zenon archive, inscriptions from Mt. Gerizim, the Wadi Daliyeh papyri and various locations in the Mediterranean.
A newly restored small Aramaic scroll from Qumran called 4Q550 reveals an unexpected text: it con... more A newly restored small Aramaic scroll from Qumran called 4Q550 reveals an unexpected text: it contains an Achaemenid Persian court-tale set in the court of king Xerxes I. The narrative's main heroes are a Jewish prophet by the name of Bagsaro and his righteous father Patriza who saves the king from a wicked conspiracy. This text is unique among the Dead Sea Scroll "library" from Qumran, and, indeed, within "Second Temple" literature in general, in that it contains a mostly secular, non-sectarian and non-biblical tale. It is a sort of "Midrash Agadah" -but rather than being a midrash (commentary) on a biblical text, it is based on a paragraph from column IV of Darius the Great's famous inscription at Behistun in Iran. This talk will review the scroll's reconstruction, as well as this text's implications for Biblical studies, Jewish Studies, and Iranian Studies.
Open Access!
Ostracon Berlin P. 10679 (TADAE D7.24) was first published in 1908 and has since at... more Open Access!
Ostracon Berlin P. 10679 (TADAE D7.24) was first published in 1908 and has since attracted attention mostly due to its use of the term (b)psḥʾ-cognate with the Hebrew psḥ known from the Hebrew Bible in relation to the Passover. The text itself has generally been considered opaque and unclear. However, as shown in this article, the ostracon has thus far been read in the wrong order. It should be read convex-to-concave (cv > cc) rather than concave-to-convex (cc > cv)-a conclusion based on philological and epigraphic analyses. The new interpretation provides a much improved reading adding greater clarity and consistency to the text. It cautions against presupposing a cc > cv flow of writing on ostraca and implies that other confusing cases could benefit from a re-evaluation. Unfortunately, the term (b)psḥʾ remains as obscure in the newly assembled context as it has always been.
Open Access!
Ever since its preliminary publication, Xerxes’ “Daiva” inscription (XPh) has been ... more Open Access!
Ever since its preliminary publication, Xerxes’ “Daiva” inscription (XPh) has been seen as an important and unique witness to early Achaemenid orthopraxy and cultic propaganda. This royal inscription describes a liturgical reform or, at least, the enforcement of such a reform, targeting and condemning the cult of the daivā—a designation describing competing deities. The key to decoding this reform hinges upon an obscure expression that appears thrice in the document—normalized as a-r-t-a-c-a : b-r-z-m-n-i-y—the meaning of which yet to be fully understood. In this article, I revisit and analyze the various approaches previously taken to interpreting this remarkable syntagm and provide a methodological approach and a broader and more comprehensive translation which is presented in a more holistic comparative context—including onomastic, epigraphic and archeological data.
A Prophet to the Nations: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on Jeremiah 46–51, eds. Benedikt Hensel and Jordan Davis (VTOA; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht), 2025
The oracles against Egypt in the book of Jeremiah point to some interesting historical contexts. ... more The oracles against Egypt in the book of Jeremiah point to some interesting historical contexts. Unraveling the background to these texts is challenging not only because of their complex redactional layers but also because of the use of literary formula and tools such as allegory, metaphor, and simile. A successful conquest of Egypt by an imperial power coming from the west has been expected by the subjects of these empires for a long time. In the oracles against Egypt one can discern various phases of evolution of these expectations and in several cases, also their materialization-ostensibly with the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. The Persian conquest was a pivotal and earth-shattering event for the entire region and various traditions, stories and legends have been attached to it in various sources, including Persian, Greek, Egyptian, and in the text that was assembled to form the oracles against Egypt in the book of Jeremiah.
Qumran and the New Testament, ed. Jörg Frey, BETL; Leuven: Peeters, 2024
The symbolic interpretation of seals and sealed scrolls, representing authority, altering outcome... more The symbolic interpretation of seals and sealed scrolls, representing authority, altering outcomes, and bridging the human with the divine, has a long and rich history in the ancient Near East (ANE). It stems from the continuous, routine and ubiquitous use of these artifacts in daily life, mostly in legal settings, over millennia. Since sealed scrolls could not be tampered with, they were seen as guarantors of an incorruptible legal reality. Thus, they were viewed as holding contractual stipulations to be revealed in the future—on a day in which a legal document would be unsealed by an authoritative figure, such as a judge, a governor or a king, because of a dispute, and justice adjudicated. In the popular imaginaire, seal and scroll symbolism naturally led to linking the temporal and the mundane with the eternal and the divine. Thus, this very tangible real-life experience intuitively received treatments in various literary and cultic corpora in the ANE. Among the Jews, it found a place in the Hebrew Bible—most particularly within the prophetic corpus, in the books of Isaiah, Jeremiah and Daniel, as well as in some Pseudepigraphical works. Over time, probably via Iranian influence in the Achaemenid period, a specific type of symbolic scroll emerged—the seven-sealed scroll, in which the typological number seven met the already established image of the sealed scroll. This unique artifact evolved to play a central role in later texts, especially in Apocalyptic literature. The earliest recorded literary and symbolic use of such a seven-sealed scroll is found in a small leather scroll from Qumran (4Q550, “Jews in the Persian court”) , where it is employed to introduce a remarkable legendary-prophetic account set in the Achaemenid court of Xerxes. Although it is not apocalyptic in any way, this humble scroll uses the seven-sealed scroll motif as what can be seen as an evolutionary step in the development of the symbolic literary reception of the theme of the seven-sealed scroll—the opening of the seven seals followed by a seven-fold set of actions—which will receive further development in later literature. This elaboration receives its most well-known treatment in the New Testament’s book of Revelation.
Yahwism under the Achaemenid Empire, Prof. Shaul Shaked in memoriam. Gad Barnea and Reinhard Kratz, eds., 2024
10 The term "syncretism" is admittedly problematic, but no satisfactory alternative has been offe... more 10 The term "syncretism" is admittedly problematic, but no satisfactory alternative has been offered. In the context of this article, I use it broadly and non-polemically with no negative implications to merely indicate a symbiosis of cultic ideas, practices and expressions. See discus
Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 2024
The question of the Yahwistic identity-especially at Elephantine-has seen a resurgence of scholar... more The question of the Yahwistic identity-especially at Elephantine-has seen a resurgence of scholarly attention in recent years, which has highlighted the complexity of this issue. This article offers a new analysis showing that, already in the Achaemenid period, by the fifth century BCE, the Yhwdy label was, contrary to scholarly consensus, an ethnoreligious identifier that defined all believers in Yhw-not just those from Yhwd. The identity of the Elephantine Yahwists within this overarching Yhwdy identity was modulated by their identification as ʾrmy-an attribute unique to that community.
What was the nature of ritual in ancient Yahwism? Although biblical sources provide some in-formation about various types of cultic activity, we have thus far lacked any extra-biblical ritual texts from Yahwistic circles prior to Greco-Roman times. This article presents such a text—one that has been hiding in plain sight for almost a century on a small ostracon found on the island of Elephantine. It has variously been interpreted as dealing with instructions regarding a tunic left at the “house of Yhw”—the temple to Yhw(h) that flourished on the island from the middle of the sixth to the end of the fourth century BCE. While there is little debate regarding the epigraphic reading of this text, it has hitherto failed to be correctly interpreted. I present an entirely new reading of this important document, revealing it to be written in poetic form and to match the characteristics of a “prayer for justice” curse ritual. It is, in fact, the oldest known example of this genre, its only known specimen in Aramaic, its unique witness in a Yahwistic context—and the sole record of any ritual performance at a temple to Yhw(h). Significantly, it is administered by a priestess.
The Yahwistic community at Elephantine, whose document record covers almost the entire fifth cent... more The Yahwistic community at Elephantine, whose document record covers almost the entire fifth century BCE, conserves the most direct, vibrant and authentic witness of Achaemenid-era Yahwism. This article focuses on the process of interpretatio iudaica through interactions with neighboring and reigning cults: Egyptian, Levantine and Achaemenid-Zoroastrian (AZ), comparing it to other Yahwistic settlements of its time. It shows that these communities behaved as normative citizens of the polytheistic/henotheistic world surrounding them. In what is an expected process of interpretatio of their day and age, they were in full dialogue with the philosophical/theological views and innovations of the cultures surrounding them. They translated their deity/ies with “host deities” when they came into contact with other cultures. Significantly, living in an Achaemenid imperial context, Ahuramazdā was translated with Yhw, and following Artaxerxes II’s reform, a new Yahwistic triad translated both t...
Interpretatio iudaica and the evolution of Yahwistic diversity
SBL, 2023
The Yahwistic communities at Elephantine and Babylonia have preserved significant document record... more The Yahwistic communities at Elephantine and Babylonia have preserved significant document records that cover almost the entire fifth century BCE. The Elephantine community conserves the most direct, vibrant and authentic witness of Achaemenid-era Yahwism—a record which can serve as a basis for comparison with other Yahwistic communities of its day and age. This paper studies cultic interactions between these communities and their neighboring and reigning cultic-systems: Egyptian, Babylonian, Levantine and Achaemenid-Zoroastrian (AZ), focusing mainly on the process of interpretatio iudaica. It shows that these communities behaved as normative citizens of the polytheistic/henotheistic world surrounding them. In what is an expected process of interpretatio of its day and age, they were in full dialogue with the philosophical/theological views and innovations of the cultures surrounding them. They translate their deity/ies with “host deities” when it/they come into contact with other cultures. Significantly, the Elephantine community, living in an Achaemenid imperial context, translated Ahuramazdā with Yhw, and later, following Artaxerxes II’s reform of Achaemenid Zoroastrian-worship, they constructed a new Yahwistic triad that translated both the new Achaemenid Zoroastrian triad of Ahuramazdā, mithra and Anahitā as well as the local First Cataract triad of Khnum, Satet and Anuket.
Iran: Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies, 2025
In her magnum opus, "A History of Zoroastrianism," Mary Boyce perceptively noted that often in th... more In her magnum opus, "A History of Zoroastrianism," Mary Boyce perceptively noted that often in the history of this Iranian religion, "developments within Iran itself have to be deduced from the ripples which they caused abroad." This is certainly true of the history of Achaemenid-era Zoroastrianism, whose characteristics and, in some circles, even its existence, continue to be a matter of debate-even as more and more information regarding its possible features continues to emerge. This article aims to complement the current body of knowledge with data from Yahwistic sources outside of Iran, to enhance and solidify our understanding of Achaemenid-Zoroastrianism and its contours. It reviews at the current state of scholarship and the significant progress that has been made in the recent decades, and studies some Zoroastrian/Avestan echoes preserved in Yahwistic sources in Upper Egypt, mostly at Elephantine, which provide first-hand documentation of Zoroastrian devotion.
Qumran Persianisms: Qumran literature at the border between the Greco-Roman world and the Parthian empire
SBL, 2023
The question of the nature of the contacts between Judean literati, including those in Qumran, an... more The question of the nature of the contacts between Judean literati, including those in Qumran, and the Parthian empire has only been sporadically addressed in scholarship thus far. Yet, some of the most formative events in the history of first century BCE Judea took place in close association with this empire. Recent research shows that the Judeans maintained closer relations with the Parthians than previously thought—to the point of sowing serious distrust among the Romans. The Parthians conquered Jerusalem in 40 BCE and installed the last Hasmonean king, Antigonus II Mattathias, on the throne whence he ruled as a puppet king for a period of three years. This paper looks at recent historical research and studies traces of Iranian contacts left behind in various documents found in Qumran. I will focus especially on an extraordinary and hitherto unknown prophetic legend preserved in one extraordinary scroll (4Q550, “Jews in the Persian court”), which I am currently preparing for publication. 4Q550 conserves an Achaemenid “Midrash Haggadah” of sorts—i.e. an exegetical legend expounding a famous passage of the Behistun inscription with the passage itself quoted in context. This scroll, which uses Iranian and even Avestan terms, shows that at least some of the Qumran community were most likely conversant with their meaning and that the Midrashic genre can also be found in Iranian sources and possibly contributed to the development of this genre amongst the Judeans.
The Yahwistic community at Elephantine, whose document record covers almost the entire fifth cent... more The Yahwistic community at Elephantine, whose document record covers almost the entire fifth century BCE, conserves the most direct, vibrant and authentic witness of Achaemenid-era Yahwism. This article focuses on the process of interpretatio iudaica through interactions with neighboring and reigning cults: Egyptian, Levantine and Achaemenid-Zoroastrian (AZ), comparing it to other Yahwistic settlements of its time. It shows that these communities behaved as normative citizens of the polytheistic/henotheistic world surrounding them. In what is an expected process of interpretatio of their day and age, they were in full dialogue with the philosophical/theological views and innovations of the cultures surrounding them. They translated their deity/ies with "host deities" when they came into contact with other cultures. Significantly, living in an Achaemenid imperial context, A h uramazdā was translated with Yhw, and following Artaxerxes II's reform, a new Yahwistic triad translated both the new AZ triad as well as the local Egyptian triad.
Determining the time of the Yahwistic mercenaries’ migration to the island of Elephantine in Uppe... more Determining the time of the Yahwistic mercenaries’ migration to the island of Elephantine in Upper Egypt has important implications for understanding the history of this community during their time on the island, their identity, and their cultic profile. In this article, I study this question through all available datapoints, deriving from different disciplines: archeology, onomastics, genealogies, and, of course, written narratives from Elephantine Yahwistic and Egyptian texts, the Hebrew Bible, and Greek/Hellenistic sources. While the dating of each individual datapoint can certainly be debated, the overall picture, when adding up the available data, points to the reign of Amasis II (570–526 BCE), and specifically its latter part, as the most likely period in which the migration—or at least its first wave—occurred. I further suggest that the Yahwistic community first settled in Syene, during which time the temple was being prepared and built. Their settlement on the island itself came at a later stage.
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Papers by Gad Barnea
Inscribed trays, plates, mortars, and pestles made of beautiful green chert bearing formulaic administrative textual formulae were found during excavations at the Persepolis Treasury in the 1930s. These implements and the enigmatic formulae inscribed upon them present scholars with a complex and unique challenge whose correct interpretation holds important implications for the study of Achaemenid history, imperial administration, and relations between ancient Arachosia (roughly modern-day Afghanistan) and the centers of power, as well as-as I argue in this article-for the symbiosis between administration and cult in antiquity. They continue to be hotly debated ever since their inauspicious initial publication by Bowman in 1970, yet they have thus far remained obscure. By comparing these finds with material and textual data from across the Achaemenid empire and early Parthian sources, this article offers a new comprehensive study of these objects. My analysis suggests that these objects are to be considered as a more systematized and tightly controlled Arachosian form of "informal taxation"-namely, regulated gifts-which are comparable to similar imperial donations found in the Treasury at Persepolis. Specifically, they take part in an "economy of fealty" demonstrating loyalty to king and empire through the adherence to the era's Mazdean ritual orthopraxy.
The Bīsotūn inscription of Darius I (DB) is a masterpiece of ancient literature containing descriptions of historical events, imperial propaganda, cultic statements, ethical instructions, wisdom insights, blessings and curses, and engagements with posterity. It was disseminated far and wide within the empire and left a lasting impression on the cultures with which it came into contact. However, a specific section of this royal inscription (DB 4:36-92), carefully crafted to address future audiences in the second person, stands out sharply from the rest of the text. This passage has made a striking, profound, and durable impression on future generations-which extended over the longue durée in both time and space. This article focuses on the decisive cultic theme undergirding DB in general and its fourth column in particular namely, the king's profound sense of imitatio dei in the cosmic battle against "the Lie," complemented by his appeal to an imitatio Darii by all future audiences of his words. The impact of this call can be traced in later literature: in a DB variant found at Elephantine and, most notably, a hitherto unknown exegetical legend found in Qumran, which seeks to explain this portion of DB through an Achaemenid court tale.
Ostracon Berlin P. 10679 (TADAE D7.24) was first published in 1908 and has since attracted attention mostly due to its use of the term (b)psḥʾ-cognate with the Hebrew psḥ known from the Hebrew Bible in relation to the Passover. The text itself has generally been considered opaque and unclear. However, as shown in this article, the ostracon has thus far been read in the wrong order. It should be read convex-to-concave (cv > cc) rather than concave-to-convex (cc > cv)-a conclusion based on philological and epigraphic analyses. The new interpretation provides a much improved reading adding greater clarity and consistency to the text. It cautions against presupposing a cc > cv flow of writing on ostraca and implies that other confusing cases could benefit from a re-evaluation. Unfortunately, the term (b)psḥʾ remains as obscure in the newly assembled context as it has always been.
Ever since its preliminary publication, Xerxes’ “Daiva” inscription (XPh) has been seen as an important and unique witness to early Achaemenid orthopraxy and cultic propaganda. This royal inscription describes a liturgical reform or, at least, the enforcement of such a reform, targeting and condemning the cult of the daivā—a designation describing competing deities. The key to decoding this reform hinges upon an obscure expression that appears thrice in the document—normalized as a-r-t-a-c-a : b-r-z-m-n-i-y—the meaning of which yet to be fully understood. In this article, I revisit and analyze the various approaches previously taken to interpreting this remarkable syntagm and provide a methodological approach and a broader and more comprehensive translation which is presented in a more holistic comparative context—including onomastic, epigraphic and archeological data.
What was the nature of ritual in ancient Yahwism? Although biblical sources provide some in-formation about various types of cultic activity, we have thus far lacked any extra-biblical ritual texts from Yahwistic circles prior to Greco-Roman times. This article presents such a text—one that has been hiding in plain sight for almost a century on a small ostracon found on the island of Elephantine. It has variously been interpreted as dealing with instructions regarding a tunic left at the “house of Yhw”—the temple to Yhw(h) that flourished on the island from the middle of the sixth to the end of the fourth century BCE. While there is little debate regarding the epigraphic reading of this text, it has hitherto failed to be correctly interpreted. I present an entirely new reading of this important document, revealing it to be written in poetic form and to match the characteristics of a “prayer for justice” curse ritual. It is, in fact, the oldest known example of this genre, its only known specimen in Aramaic, its unique witness in a Yahwistic context—and the sole record of any ritual performance at a temple to Yhw(h). Significantly, it is administered by a priestess.