Table 2 (especially in spoken language). It is therefore important to stress that the current attempt to propose a unified account of lists does not mean that all these phe- nomena are (regarded as) equal. For instance, a list operating at the morphological/lexical level (e.g., a co-compound or an irreversible binomial), despite sharing structural and semantic features with syntactic lists of the same type, will obviously have distinct proper- ties. First, it will be lexically fixed, with X, and X, corresponding to specific word-level lexical items, with no more room for other Xs (e.g. the binomial high and low). Second, the list will be internally cohe- sive and fixed, as we would expect from a stored, lexicalized expres- sion: we cannot interrupt it, we cannot swap the conjuncts, and so on. These properties are not shared by ‘syntactic’, online-created lists such as dogs, cats, and birds (intended reading: ‘pets’; cf. (54a). This list is not lexically fixed: we could use other pet names, such us turtles, bunnies and goldfish (although prototype effects prob- ably play a role here: dogs and cats are prototypical exemplars of pets). And the composition of the list is not fixed: any of the three nouns could be dropped without destroying the collective list (dogs and birds), and at the same time more nouns could be added (dogs, cats, turtles, and birds). The order of the conjuncts of this list could be altered without changing the overall meaning. And full phrases and clauses can be used, too, as we have seen. Table 2 sketchily illustrates (some of) the different contraints that seem to be at work in morphological/lexical lists on the one hand and in more syntactic, discourse-level lists on the other (for further discussion on morpho- logical/lexical lists see Masini & Arcodia this issue).