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Figure 128

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site of Pontes. The bridge was built to facilitate access to the Dacian territory. A bronze head of Trajan‘s father, found near the bridge pier in the Danube river in the 19" century, demonstrates the importance of the site of Pontes and the bridge itself. This monument, a powerful, robust, but also rounded-off sculpture, is rep- resentative of the veristic style of Trajanic portraiture (Fig. 2).The portrait, dated according to the stylistic characteristics to the end of the 1“ and the beginning of the 2"4 century, is a superb work of art, hollow-cast, with traces of gilding, and is 29 cm high. It was formerly attributed to Trajan’s biological father. However, it resentative of the veristic style of Trajanic portraiture (Fig. 2).The portrait, dated
site of Pontes. The bridge was built to facilitate access to the Dacian territory. A bronze head of Trajan‘s father, found near the bridge pier in the Danube river in the 19" century, demonstrates the importance of the site of Pontes and the bridge itself. This monument, a powerful, robust, but also rounded-off sculpture, is rep- resentative of the veristic style of Trajanic portraiture (Fig. 2).The portrait, dated according to the stylistic characteristics to the end of the 1“ and the beginning of the 2"4 century, is a superb work of art, hollow-cast, with traces of gilding, and is 29 cm high. It was formerly attributed to Trajan’s biological father. However, it resentative of the veristic style of Trajanic portraiture (Fig. 2).The portrait, dated
Portraits of Trajan, or his father, of Albinus, Macrinus and Carus, found in the centres situated in the Serbian part of the Danubian Limes, had been made in the traditional style of the contemporary Roman art. However, since the age of Diocletian and the establishment of the Tetrarchy (293 AD), imperial portraits experienced a radical change in style. Sculptures of emperors became frontal, carved from a single block, with cubic heads without any individual features, but with big, wide open eyes, bordered by heavy eyelids. The dominant eyes with the graphically modelled corneas and the drilled pupils suggest gazing far into the - distance, while the face lacks any expression. This form of imperial portrait in
Portraits of Trajan, or his father, of Albinus, Macrinus and Carus, found in the centres situated in the Serbian part of the Danubian Limes, had been made in the traditional style of the contemporary Roman art. However, since the age of Diocletian and the establishment of the Tetrarchy (293 AD), imperial portraits experienced a radical change in style. Sculptures of emperors became frontal, carved from a single block, with cubic heads without any individual features, but with big, wide open eyes, bordered by heavy eyelids. The dominant eyes with the graphically modelled corneas and the drilled pupils suggest gazing far into the - distance, while the face lacks any expression. This form of imperial portrait in
Fig. 7 -Portrait of Galerius porphyry, Gamzigrac — Felix Romulianc (documentation of the National Museum, Zajeéar) Fig. 6 Portrait of a tetrarch, fragmented, porphyry, Tekija- Transdierna (private collection)
Fig. 7 -Portrait of Galerius porphyry, Gamzigrac — Felix Romulianc (documentation of the National Museum, Zajeéar) Fig. 6 Portrait of a tetrarch, fragmented, porphyry, Tekija- Transdierna (private collection)
The height of Galerius’ head (34 cm) shows that the emperor’s statue was of a larger than life size, i.e., if the sculpture was standing, the height would have been around 2.5 m. It is supposed on the basis of the corresponding dimensions that, besides the head, a porphyry hand of the left arm, in which there is the earthly globe, also belongs to that sculpture, (Fig. 10), so the colossal figure would rep- resent Galerius as the cosmocrator. This is an iconographic solution that we also encounter on the representation of Diocletian in the temple of Amon, in Lux- or,‘ and, later, in the representations of Constantine the Great, on coins’? and on the colossal bronze statue from the Capitoline Museum.’* According to the female hand on the wreath on Galerius’ head, this emperor-cosmocrator is being crowned by Victoria. We could partly reconstruct the appearance of Galerius’ statue on the basis of the description of one, regrettably destroyed, work of art. Namely, from the written sources we learn that a bronze statue of such an icono- graphic design was erected in honour of Galerius in the vestibulum of the palace in Antioch.”” Although there is an opinion that this sculpture was made after AD 305, based on the supposition that only Augusti, and not Caesares, were allowed to be represented as cosmocrators,'* we think that it was erected on the occasion of Galerius’ victory over the Persian emperor Narses, at the end of 297, when, after the conquest of Armenia and the incursion into Mesopotamia, Diocletian
The height of Galerius’ head (34 cm) shows that the emperor’s statue was of a larger than life size, i.e., if the sculpture was standing, the height would have been around 2.5 m. It is supposed on the basis of the corresponding dimensions that, besides the head, a porphyry hand of the left arm, in which there is the earthly globe, also belongs to that sculpture, (Fig. 10), so the colossal figure would rep- resent Galerius as the cosmocrator. This is an iconographic solution that we also encounter on the representation of Diocletian in the temple of Amon, in Lux- or,‘ and, later, in the representations of Constantine the Great, on coins’? and on the colossal bronze statue from the Capitoline Museum.’* According to the female hand on the wreath on Galerius’ head, this emperor-cosmocrator is being crowned by Victoria. We could partly reconstruct the appearance of Galerius’ statue on the basis of the description of one, regrettably destroyed, work of art. Namely, from the written sources we learn that a bronze statue of such an icono- graphic design was erected in honour of Galerius in the vestibulum of the palace in Antioch.”” Although there is an opinion that this sculpture was made after AD 305, based on the supposition that only Augusti, and not Caesares, were allowed to be represented as cosmocrators,'* we think that it was erected on the occasion of Galerius’ victory over the Persian emperor Narses, at the end of 297, when, after the conquest of Armenia and the incursion into Mesopotamia, Diocletian
with an auricle in 2012, that a porphyry sculpture or a figural composition is in question. The exceptional finds of the head and the bust on a globe, registered in 2014, have confirmed that a complex porphyry composition is in question. The porphyry fragments were found around an octagonal structure, the marble bases of four columns of which were also registered (Fig. 14). After the conservation of 50 porphyry fragments, it was concluded that there are parts of three heads, one bust on a globe and another bust, probably identical but fragmented, fragments of sculpture and of the architectural composition. Two fragmented heads were imperial portraits (Figs. 15, 16) and one belongs to an Egyptian priest (Fig. 17). The analysis of the fragments of porphyry sculptures from Sirmium has confirmed hat they were made in different periods, representing at least two archaeological horizons. The first one is related to the end of the 3" - the first years of the 4" cen- ury, i.e. to the rule of Diocletian and his Caesar Galerius (fragmented head of the emperor, Fig. 15), while the other one, from the middle of the 4" century, belongs o the reign of Constantius II (fragmented head with a diadem in the hair, Fig. 16). t is difficult to draw a conclusion as to when the head of the Egyptian priest (Fig. 7) was made. The most interesting sculptures in this find are the busts of emper- ors on a globe. A preserved bust of an emperor on a globe (Fig. 18) was placed on an ellipsoid pedestal with a protrusion for fixing the globe to it, which was fitted into a square opening at the base of the globe. The bust is depicted in armour, with a cloak thrown over it, folded around the neck and clasped with a fibula on the right shoulder. Only one bulb of the fibula is preserved. We can draw the con- clusion, based on this, that it belongs to the early variant of bulbous fibulae with a poorly developed bulb, of the type Keller 1 / Préttel 1 A, dated to the end of the 3"
with an auricle in 2012, that a porphyry sculpture or a figural composition is in question. The exceptional finds of the head and the bust on a globe, registered in 2014, have confirmed that a complex porphyry composition is in question. The porphyry fragments were found around an octagonal structure, the marble bases of four columns of which were also registered (Fig. 14). After the conservation of 50 porphyry fragments, it was concluded that there are parts of three heads, one bust on a globe and another bust, probably identical but fragmented, fragments of sculpture and of the architectural composition. Two fragmented heads were imperial portraits (Figs. 15, 16) and one belongs to an Egyptian priest (Fig. 17). The analysis of the fragments of porphyry sculptures from Sirmium has confirmed hat they were made in different periods, representing at least two archaeological horizons. The first one is related to the end of the 3" - the first years of the 4" cen- ury, i.e. to the rule of Diocletian and his Caesar Galerius (fragmented head of the emperor, Fig. 15), while the other one, from the middle of the 4" century, belongs o the reign of Constantius II (fragmented head with a diadem in the hair, Fig. 16). t is difficult to draw a conclusion as to when the head of the Egyptian priest (Fig. 7) was made. The most interesting sculptures in this find are the busts of emper- ors on a globe. A preserved bust of an emperor on a globe (Fig. 18) was placed on an ellipsoid pedestal with a protrusion for fixing the globe to it, which was fitted into a square opening at the base of the globe. The bust is depicted in armour, with a cloak thrown over it, folded around the neck and clasped with a fibula on the right shoulder. Only one bulb of the fibula is preserved. We can draw the con- clusion, based on this, that it belongs to the early variant of bulbous fibulae with a poorly developed bulb, of the type Keller 1 / Préttel 1 A, dated to the end of the 3"
Fig. 13 - Reconstruction of view of the statue of the type Emperor on the throne, Sarkamen (drawing by A. Kapuran)
Fig. 13 - Reconstruction of view of the statue of the type Emperor on the throne, Sarkamen (drawing by A. Kapuran)
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier Augusti —- Galerius and Constantius Chlorus, two Caesares — Severus and Maximi- nus Daia, and of two older Augusti - Diocletian and Maximianus Herculius. They withdrew from their positions in 305 but they had the title seniores Augusti. This dates the erection of the pilasters in Gamzigrad to the period between their abdi- cation on the Calendae of May 305 and the death of Constantius Chlorus in July 306. Their busts, represented in the lower medallion of this pilaster, were placed on a globe, bearing witness to the fact that even the porphyry busts depicted in such a way had a strong dynastic message. The imperial bust on a globe from Sirmium is from the same period or from a somewhat earlier time, when Diocletian and Maximianus Herculius were the ruling Augusti (293-305).*° Production of porphyry sculptures was in decline after the collapse of the sec- _ . Jr, me ts 7 PD oe oe, ee 2 te. i. eo
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier Augusti —- Galerius and Constantius Chlorus, two Caesares — Severus and Maximi- nus Daia, and of two older Augusti - Diocletian and Maximianus Herculius. They withdrew from their positions in 305 but they had the title seniores Augusti. This dates the erection of the pilasters in Gamzigrad to the period between their abdi- cation on the Calendae of May 305 and the death of Constantius Chlorus in July 306. Their busts, represented in the lower medallion of this pilaster, were placed on a globe, bearing witness to the fact that even the porphyry busts depicted in such a way had a strong dynastic message. The imperial bust on a globe from Sirmium is from the same period or from a somewhat earlier time, when Diocletian and Maximianus Herculius were the ruling Augusti (293-305).*° Production of porphyry sculptures was in decline after the collapse of the sec- _ . Jr, me ts 7 PD oe oe, ee 2 te. i. eo
Conflicts with barbarians on the Danube Limes did not stop, even during Con- stantine’s reign. Evidence of that is the magnificent cameo made of multi-layered onyx found in the village of Kusadak, near Mladenovac, around 55 kilometres to the southeast of the modern city of Belgrade, i.e. in the Limes region (Fig. 22). The dominant scene on the Kusadak cameo is the figure of a horseman in triumph that, by its pathos based on the expressionism of the Hellenistic epoch, clearly resembles the image of the heroic king Alexander the Great on the large mosaic from Casa del Fauno in Pompeii.*’ The analysis of the representation on the Kusadak cameo reveals that all the iconographic motifs of the relief - the emperor with a diadem as Alexander, the emperor on horseback as Sol-Helios-Alexander, the emperor as an equestrian, warrior-like Trajan i.e. Alexander, the enslaved barbarians under the horse's hooves, and the barbarians with hands tied behind their back - had been used on various monuments of Constantine's epoch, although carried over from earlier epochs. They are not mere decorative elements, but have a strong political — propagandistic message. Scenes from the civil war against Licinius in 324 were not depicted on the cameo, but there were scenes from battles with barbarians, probably Goths and Sarmatians, in which Constantine triumphed in 322 and 323,
Conflicts with barbarians on the Danube Limes did not stop, even during Con- stantine’s reign. Evidence of that is the magnificent cameo made of multi-layered onyx found in the village of Kusadak, near Mladenovac, around 55 kilometres to the southeast of the modern city of Belgrade, i.e. in the Limes region (Fig. 22). The dominant scene on the Kusadak cameo is the figure of a horseman in triumph that, by its pathos based on the expressionism of the Hellenistic epoch, clearly resembles the image of the heroic king Alexander the Great on the large mosaic from Casa del Fauno in Pompeii.*’ The analysis of the representation on the Kusadak cameo reveals that all the iconographic motifs of the relief - the emperor with a diadem as Alexander, the emperor on horseback as Sol-Helios-Alexander, the emperor as an equestrian, warrior-like Trajan i.e. Alexander, the enslaved barbarians under the horse's hooves, and the barbarians with hands tied behind their back - had been used on various monuments of Constantine's epoch, although carried over from earlier epochs. They are not mere decorative elements, but have a strong political — propagandistic message. Scenes from the civil war against Licinius in 324 were not depicted on the cameo, but there were scenes from battles with barbarians, probably Goths and Sarmatians, in which Constantine triumphed in 322 and 323,
discovered so far had been located in the military camps and civil settlements next
discovered so far had been located in the military camps and civil settlements next
Fig. 1. Stone slab with gladiator, Durrés (Dirrachium), National Museum, Belgrade (after Grbié 1958) The second, and considerably later, find (Fig. 2) represents a mere sketch of a bow and arrow incised on a 6" century bone plate from the Iron Gates fortress of Diana, at Karatas.° The bow is actually a part of a definitely non-Roman calendar scene with several, presumably, shamanic symbols given in a single row.°
Fig. 1. Stone slab with gladiator, Durrés (Dirrachium), National Museum, Belgrade (after Grbié 1958) The second, and considerably later, find (Fig. 2) represents a mere sketch of a bow and arrow incised on a 6" century bone plate from the Iron Gates fortress of Diana, at Karatas.° The bow is actually a part of a definitely non-Roman calendar scene with several, presumably, shamanic symbols given in a single row.°
Ancient writers are also virtually silent when it comes to descriptions of this type of Roman auxilia on the Middle Danube Limes. While the slingers - funda- tores are not mentioned at all, the mention of Roman archers can be found, howev- er rarely, mostly in later texts describing historical events in the Balkans during the turbulent late Roman period. The reason for this is not that those units were not used in the Roman army during the conquest of the Sava and Danube valleys in the late republican and early imperial period, but the fact that the descriptions of avail- able historical texts (Dio Cassius, Veleius Paterculus) are, at least when speaking about the territory of modern Serbia, often generalised and without much detail. Among these Ammianus Marcelinus stands out, in which a well informed pro- Cr nntnanal om] Attar aioe a Aatatled Ascerinknw maonennine ane’ rabnrt nemnwuntor
Ancient writers are also virtually silent when it comes to descriptions of this type of Roman auxilia on the Middle Danube Limes. While the slingers - funda- tores are not mentioned at all, the mention of Roman archers can be found, howev- er rarely, mostly in later texts describing historical events in the Balkans during the turbulent late Roman period. The reason for this is not that those units were not used in the Roman army during the conquest of the Sava and Danube valleys in the late republican and early imperial period, but the fact that the descriptions of avail- able historical texts (Dio Cassius, Veleius Paterculus) are, at least when speaking about the territory of modern Serbia, often generalised and without much detail. Among these Ammianus Marcelinus stands out, in which a well informed pro- Cr nntnanal om] Attar aioe a Aatatled Ascerinknw maonennine ane’ rabnrt nemnwuntor
Map 2. Roman limes in Serbia, Moesia Superior ine earlest Mioesian diploma 1S dated to /o AV, but the first delinate Mention of sagittari is from the Antonine period. According to epigraphic sources, it seems that a certain number of auxiliary units stationed in Balkans were reformed in the Antonine period and complemented with large contingents of archers. On this occasion we will mention only those that were definately part of the Moesian forces: Cohors I Cilicum sagittariorum; Cohors I Cretum sagittariorum; Cohors II Flavia Commagenorum sagittariorum; Cohors I Antiochensium sagittariorum. — og =< ie a = sais ee rm =< ry ee se es
Map 2. Roman limes in Serbia, Moesia Superior ine earlest Mioesian diploma 1S dated to /o AV, but the first delinate Mention of sagittari is from the Antonine period. According to epigraphic sources, it seems that a certain number of auxiliary units stationed in Balkans were reformed in the Antonine period and complemented with large contingents of archers. On this occasion we will mention only those that were definately part of the Moesian forces: Cohors I Cilicum sagittariorum; Cohors I Cretum sagittariorum; Cohors II Flavia Commagenorum sagittariorum; Cohors I Antiochensium sagittariorum. — og =< ie a = sais ee rm =< ry ee se es
Fig. 3. Antler bow laths, Tekija (Transdierna) (after Cermanovié¢, Jovanovic 2004) Fig. 4. Antler bow lath, Sremska Mitrovica (Sirmium)
Fig. 3. Antler bow laths, Tekija (Transdierna) (after Cermanovié¢, Jovanovic 2004) Fig. 4. Antler bow lath, Sremska Mitrovica (Sirmium)
hurled at them.™ Incendiary arrows and missiles (malleolos, falaricas) with cages used to carry tow soaked in flammable oil (petroleum), sulphur or bitumen are mentioned by Vegetius* and especially by Amianus Marcelinus, who gave the best description of this weapon.” He also states that “median oil’, petroleum gathered from natural sources by local residents in Persia, was used for incendiary arrows.” However, in the continental part of Illyricum, with no natural sources of petro- leum and limited import of such goods (if it ever existed at all), other more acces- sible combustibles were also available. Dry distillation (cracking) of certain types of naturally resin-rich woods such as conifers (pine, fir and spruce) or birch pro- duced a highly flammable tar (pitch) that might very efficiently replace mineral oil.
hurled at them.™ Incendiary arrows and missiles (malleolos, falaricas) with cages used to carry tow soaked in flammable oil (petroleum), sulphur or bitumen are mentioned by Vegetius* and especially by Amianus Marcelinus, who gave the best description of this weapon.” He also states that “median oil’, petroleum gathered from natural sources by local residents in Persia, was used for incendiary arrows.” However, in the continental part of Illyricum, with no natural sources of petro- leum and limited import of such goods (if it ever existed at all), other more acces- sible combustibles were also available. Dry distillation (cracking) of certain types of naturally resin-rich woods such as conifers (pine, fir and spruce) or birch pro- duced a highly flammable tar (pitch) that might very efficiently replace mineral oil.
Fig. 13. Ceramic slingshots (glandes latericiae): Castrum Novae by Cezava. CONCLUSION
Fig. 13. Ceramic slingshots (glandes latericiae): Castrum Novae by Cezava. CONCLUSION
century.”* In Moesia Superior, these brooches are characteristic of the 3" century; they appear during the second half of the 2" century and continue to the first decades of the 4" century. If this dating is compared to the chronology of this type in Dacia and Moesia Inferior, it seems that our specimens are somewhat later, i.e. that they were used over a longer period. In that context, it can be assumed that new workshops for the production of Petkovi¢ type 11 opened during the second half of the 3" century in Moesia Superior, taking over the production from Dacia due to the instability and, eventually, the abandonment of this province.” —F 41 | 1 1 sites, ce ae « «a 71 1 4 —ae /“ 2 eg
century.”* In Moesia Superior, these brooches are characteristic of the 3" century; they appear during the second half of the 2" century and continue to the first decades of the 4" century. If this dating is compared to the chronology of this type in Dacia and Moesia Inferior, it seems that our specimens are somewhat later, i.e. that they were used over a longer period. In that context, it can be assumed that new workshops for the production of Petkovi¢ type 11 opened during the second half of the 3" century in Moesia Superior, taking over the production from Dacia due to the instability and, eventually, the abandonment of this province.” —F 41 | 1 1 sites, ce ae « «a 71 1 4 —ae /“ 2 eg
not three horns of plenty (cornucopia), as Aleksandar Jovanovic suggests.” On the other hand, fibulae from Carnuntum and the museum in Galati, as well as the specimen from the fort in Bologa, Romania, really are representations of the horn of plenty. One fibula of the same type was discovered in a cremation burial in the necropolis of “Pecine” in Viminacium.® The closest analogy to the fibula from Ritopek, however, with a representation of one horn, is the bronze specimen from Porolissum.” Also, elements of military belt sets can be decorated with openwork so that they assume the shape of several military trumpets.”!
not three horns of plenty (cornucopia), as Aleksandar Jovanovic suggests.” On the other hand, fibulae from Carnuntum and the museum in Galati, as well as the specimen from the fort in Bologa, Romania, really are representations of the horn of plenty. One fibula of the same type was discovered in a cremation burial in the necropolis of “Pecine” in Viminacium.® The closest analogy to the fibula from Ritopek, however, with a representation of one horn, is the bronze specimen from Porolissum.” Also, elements of military belt sets can be decorated with openwork so that they assume the shape of several military trumpets.”!
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier from Sapaja to the 5" century, the Migration Period.''' However, the dating of Pet- kovi¢ Type 31D brooches spans exactly across the chronological period given by both authors, from the end of the 3"*/beginning of the 4 century until the middle of the 5" century. Also, the hypothesis that such fibulae were the denotation of the navy on the middle Danube seems to be plausible. Most likely, they were produced locally, possibly in Diana, where two specimens have been discovered.'” navy on the middle Danube seems to be plausible. Most likely, they were produced
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier from Sapaja to the 5" century, the Migration Period.''' However, the dating of Pet- kovi¢ Type 31D brooches spans exactly across the chronological period given by both authors, from the end of the 3"*/beginning of the 4 century until the middle of the 5" century. Also, the hypothesis that such fibulae were the denotation of the navy on the middle Danube seems to be plausible. Most likely, they were produced locally, possibly in Diana, where two specimens have been discovered.'” navy on the middle Danube seems to be plausible. Most likely, they were produced
147 Jovanovic D. 1996.
147 Jovanovic D. 1996.
kovi¢ 34 D, '* but they have a bigger and shorter bow, while their foot is wider and longer. They have large, plastic bulb-shaped ends on the head, and a profiled trian- gular bar. The wide bow, trapezoidal in cross section, has a longitudinally incised decora the addition of stamped “eyelet” motifs - sub variant 2, triangular, rectangular or oval indentations along silver s tif, occasionally filled with niello, and a series of “eye along t the bow and foot, filled with a variety of incised and s ion, while the long rectangular foot is also de heet ribbon, extending along the bow and the corated in the same way with , stamped peltae - sub variant the sides - sub variant 3, or a foot, with an incised vine mo- et” motifs or stamped circles he rims - sub variant 4. The ornament in the form of longitudinal ribbons on amped motifs - transverse or oblique lines, triangles, circles, chevrons or curved lines, braid, vine or their com- bination is characteristic of this variant. This gives a decorative aspect and, in a way, a “baroque” abundance of ornament to the entire fibula. '** (Figs. 10-12) The fibulae of this variant have been registered in Singidunum. Castra Tricornia,
kovi¢ 34 D, '* but they have a bigger and shorter bow, while their foot is wider and longer. They have large, plastic bulb-shaped ends on the head, and a profiled trian- gular bar. The wide bow, trapezoidal in cross section, has a longitudinally incised decora the addition of stamped “eyelet” motifs - sub variant 2, triangular, rectangular or oval indentations along silver s tif, occasionally filled with niello, and a series of “eye along t the bow and foot, filled with a variety of incised and s ion, while the long rectangular foot is also de heet ribbon, extending along the bow and the corated in the same way with , stamped peltae - sub variant the sides - sub variant 3, or a foot, with an incised vine mo- et” motifs or stamped circles he rims - sub variant 4. The ornament in the form of longitudinal ribbons on amped motifs - transverse or oblique lines, triangles, circles, chevrons or curved lines, braid, vine or their com- bination is characteristic of this variant. This gives a decorative aspect and, in a way, a “baroque” abundance of ornament to the entire fibula. '** (Figs. 10-12) The fibulae of this variant have been registered in Singidunum. Castra Tricornia,
between them, representing a pair of eyes with apotropaic symbolism (Egyptian Wadfjet eye, i.e. the Eye of Horus). The long rectangular foot is decorated lengthwise in the niello technique, with a ribbon containing an engraved representation of a chimerical creature, a demon with a snake-like body and a head with lop ears or loop earrings and a pair of horns (or two long rays on the scalp and two shorter ones on each side). This creature is wearing a torc with a solar, ray-shaped symbol around its neck, and is surrounded by lush vegetation. The foot is faceted and decorated with three pairs of peltae and volutes at its end. (Fig. 13) The fibula was discovered in the necropolis of “Pecine’, in the grave G - 3123, together with a ceramic jug and a glass goblet from the second half of the 4" - first half of the 5 century. (PI. 10) The imaginary creature represented on the fibula could be Silvanus, schemat-
between them, representing a pair of eyes with apotropaic symbolism (Egyptian Wadfjet eye, i.e. the Eye of Horus). The long rectangular foot is decorated lengthwise in the niello technique, with a ribbon containing an engraved representation of a chimerical creature, a demon with a snake-like body and a head with lop ears or loop earrings and a pair of horns (or two long rays on the scalp and two shorter ones on each side). This creature is wearing a torc with a solar, ray-shaped symbol around its neck, and is surrounded by lush vegetation. The foot is faceted and decorated with three pairs of peltae and volutes at its end. (Fig. 13) The fibula was discovered in the necropolis of “Pecine’, in the grave G - 3123, together with a ceramic jug and a glass goblet from the second half of the 4" - first half of the 5 century. (PI. 10) The imaginary creature represented on the fibula could be Silvanus, schemat-
There remains a likelihood that the specimen from Viminacium was a parody of the official imperial cult, or the response of the Gnostic “opposition” to the mperial propaganda. In that case, the fibula would have been commissioned and worn by a very influential and daring individual, ready to oppose the official im- serial ideology of the 4" century, inclined to Christianity. In that sense, this fibula night perhaps be associated with the reign of Julian the Apostate, i.e. the brief oeriod of pagan restoration. ze — ag: age ag es a: . Sale r a sag: ae According to the aforesaid, it could be claimed that the hermetical or Gnostic
There remains a likelihood that the specimen from Viminacium was a parody of the official imperial cult, or the response of the Gnostic “opposition” to the mperial propaganda. In that case, the fibula would have been commissioned and worn by a very influential and daring individual, ready to oppose the official im- serial ideology of the 4" century, inclined to Christianity. In that sense, this fibula night perhaps be associated with the reign of Julian the Apostate, i.e. the brief oeriod of pagan restoration. ze — ag: age ag es a: . Sale r a sag: ae According to the aforesaid, it could be claimed that the hermetical or Gnostic
dallions with a Christogram rendered in the niello technique, while on the trape- zoidal end of the foot, ie. the catch plate, there is a round medallion with a male portrait in %4 profile to the left.'°* This luxurious fibula was found on the decedent's right shoulder, while in the pelvic area parts of a silver military belt set were found, a buckle with a rectangular plate and a B-shaped frame and rectangular fitting with rims decorated with a row of hammered astragals. Fragments of a conical glass goblet were discovered next to the decedent's head. All of the grave finds can be dated to the end of the 4" and the first half of the 5" century.'® (Pl. 12, Fig. 14) Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
dallions with a Christogram rendered in the niello technique, while on the trape- zoidal end of the foot, ie. the catch plate, there is a round medallion with a male portrait in %4 profile to the left.'°* This luxurious fibula was found on the decedent's right shoulder, while in the pelvic area parts of a silver military belt set were found, a buckle with a rectangular plate and a B-shaped frame and rectangular fitting with rims decorated with a row of hammered astragals. Fragments of a conical glass goblet were discovered next to the decedent's head. All of the grave finds can be dated to the end of the 4" and the first half of the 5" century.'® (Pl. 12, Fig. 14) Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Besides their general characteristics, the military fibulae from the Danube Limes of Upper Moesia (later the Limes of the provinces Moesia Prima and Dacia Ripensis) also have traits related to this region specifically. Primarily, the military character of this border province is reflected in the number and variety of types of military fibulae. Most of these types were produced locally, while some also originate from the Danube Limes of Moesia Superior. Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier In the time of the Roman conquest during the 1 century AD, on the area which was to become the province of Moesia Superior, besides the imported Ro- man types, such as Aucissa, Nertomaris and “eye” fibulae (Augenfibel), there also appear he fibulae of the Late La Téne scheme, as we sa fibulae with two pins.’ Somewhat later, around half of t in Pannonia (Petkovi¢ Group IV, Type 13, var. B and on the fibulae Limes, while the local type of the so-called las the local variant of Aucis- he end of the 1* and the first he 2™ century, the imported variants of strongly profiled fibulae, produced D), '” become very frequent “Black Sea” strongly profiled Petkovic Group IV, Type 14) emerged on he Limes of Moesia Superior and spread across the Lower Danube and the coast of the Black Sea.'7!
Besides their general characteristics, the military fibulae from the Danube Limes of Upper Moesia (later the Limes of the provinces Moesia Prima and Dacia Ripensis) also have traits related to this region specifically. Primarily, the military character of this border province is reflected in the number and variety of types of military fibulae. Most of these types were produced locally, while some also originate from the Danube Limes of Moesia Superior. Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier In the time of the Roman conquest during the 1 century AD, on the area which was to become the province of Moesia Superior, besides the imported Ro- man types, such as Aucissa, Nertomaris and “eye” fibulae (Augenfibel), there also appear he fibulae of the Late La Téne scheme, as we sa fibulae with two pins.’ Somewhat later, around half of t in Pannonia (Petkovi¢ Group IV, Type 13, var. B and on the fibulae Limes, while the local type of the so-called las the local variant of Aucis- he end of the 1* and the first he 2™ century, the imported variants of strongly profiled fibulae, produced D), '” become very frequent “Black Sea” strongly profiled Petkovic Group IV, Type 14) emerged on he Limes of Moesia Superior and spread across the Lower Danube and the coast of the Black Sea.'7!
rut workshop centre. In the second half of the 19" century, in an unknown location ‘ukner pl. 1), in Belgrade, one tegula was discovered with the stamp of a Singidunum ceramic workshop, thus providing an unambiguous evidence for the existence of such an organisation on the city territory: Figlina Singi/dunensium, which belonged to the civil, not legionary production in the city.” Archaeological researches on several locations confirmed workshops that could have fulfilled the needs of the local market (Fig. 4).” In the surroundings of the National Theatre in Belgrade six ce- ramic kilns and one pit with discarded pots were registered in 1987.” These kilns had different constructions and chronology. Fig. 3. Sirmium, circular ceramic kiln (after Brukner 1987, Pl. 11), in I WO!
rut workshop centre. In the second half of the 19" century, in an unknown location ‘ukner pl. 1), in Belgrade, one tegula was discovered with the stamp of a Singidunum ceramic workshop, thus providing an unambiguous evidence for the existence of such an organisation on the city territory: Figlina Singi/dunensium, which belonged to the civil, not legionary production in the city.” Archaeological researches on several locations confirmed workshops that could have fulfilled the needs of the local market (Fig. 4).” In the surroundings of the National Theatre in Belgrade six ce- ramic kilns and one pit with discarded pots were registered in 1987.” These kilns had different constructions and chronology. Fig. 3. Sirmium, circular ceramic kiln (after Brukner 1987, Pl. 11), in I WO!
Fig. 5. Singidunum, pottery workshop, circular ceramic <iln (after Cvjeti¢anin 2000, fig. 5a).
Fig. 5. Singidunum, pottery workshop, circular ceramic <iln (after Cvjeti¢anin 2000, fig. 5a).
by transferring technology, artisans and moulds, and it used the experience and Fig. 7. Si knowledge of the near-by metropolis.*° The vessels made in this workshop circle venene were not of the highest quality, as those made by italic or south-Gallic artisans fig. 7). hat those workshops looked up to, but were rather modest in aspect of techno- ogical knowledge and production. The clay was softer; the coating layer was not permanent and it would peel off. The most common shape of vessels made in his technique were calotte-shaped bowls in the form Drag. 37 (Fig. 10).*” Beside terra sigillata, glazed vessels were also produced, as a sort of luxurious ceramics, with same ornamental motives (Fig. 11). Analyses of ornamental motives showed there were over 290 different symbols, pointing to the skill and inventiveness of Moesian artisans. ** Main motives were different egg-shaped, floral and animal motives, while human figures occur rarely. We may encounter scenes of gladiator fights, and also figures of Sylens, masks and Amores playing.” Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
by transferring technology, artisans and moulds, and it used the experience and Fig. 7. Si knowledge of the near-by metropolis.*° The vessels made in this workshop circle venene were not of the highest quality, as those made by italic or south-Gallic artisans fig. 7). hat those workshops looked up to, but were rather modest in aspect of techno- ogical knowledge and production. The clay was softer; the coating layer was not permanent and it would peel off. The most common shape of vessels made in his technique were calotte-shaped bowls in the form Drag. 37 (Fig. 10).*” Beside terra sigillata, glazed vessels were also produced, as a sort of luxurious ceramics, with same ornamental motives (Fig. 11). Analyses of ornamental motives showed there were over 290 different symbols, pointing to the skill and inventiveness of Moesian artisans. ** Main motives were different egg-shaped, floral and animal motives, while human figures occur rarely. We may encounter scenes of gladiator fights, and also figures of Sylens, masks and Amores playing.” Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier The profile of the trench with the ceramic kiln
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier The profile of the trench with the ceramic kiln
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
ceramic kiln from Boljetin, a small auxiliary camp at Lepena river, was construct- ed within the eastern tower of the fort (Fig 17), at the time when it was no longer used for defence purposes, perhaps during the time of Constantine I. The kiln was used several times (Fig. 18). At Ravna - Campsa, in the central part of the auxilia- ry fort, remains of a large early Byzantine building were uncovered, with one kiln at each end.» These kilns had circular ground bases, they were made of clay, and they were reinforced with a stone rim on the outer side. Calottes and brick floors
ceramic kiln from Boljetin, a small auxiliary camp at Lepena river, was construct- ed within the eastern tower of the fort (Fig 17), at the time when it was no longer used for defence purposes, perhaps during the time of Constantine I. The kiln was used several times (Fig. 18). At Ravna - Campsa, in the central part of the auxilia- ry fort, remains of a large early Byzantine building were uncovered, with one kiln at each end.» These kilns had circular ground bases, they were made of clay, and they were reinforced with a stone rim on the outer side. Calottes and brick floors
Judging by the distribution within tower no. 19 at Romuliana, we may note that this was waste - tools that were used secondarily for a while, after damage and breakage, as anvils, hammers and supporters for cutting and sawing. They show that during the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine period (4"-6" centu- ry) the production of the stone whetstones was standardised. This is visible from regularity in the choice of lithic raw material and in their regular shapes. Late Antiquity lithic tools were never carefully studied, probably because they were not considered attractive and also because they are not particularly abundant. More detailed analyses may offer interesting data regarding quarries in the Ro- man times, specialised workshops and one, not so common, craft in the Roman times, i.e. production of lithic tools.
Judging by the distribution within tower no. 19 at Romuliana, we may note that this was waste - tools that were used secondarily for a while, after damage and breakage, as anvils, hammers and supporters for cutting and sawing. They show that during the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine period (4"-6" centu- ry) the production of the stone whetstones was standardised. This is visible from regularity in the choice of lithic raw material and in their regular shapes. Late Antiquity lithic tools were never carefully studied, probably because they were not considered attractive and also because they are not particularly abundant. More detailed analyses may offer interesting data regarding quarries in the Ro- man times, specialised workshops and one, not so common, craft in the Roman times, i.e. production of lithic tools.
Objects made from osseous raw materials (bone, antler, mollusc shells, teeth) were very frequent in all aspects of everyday and religious life in Roman times. They were used for producing a variety of objects — for small tools (awls, needles, chisels), for cosmetic purposes and personal decoration (cosmetic and apothe- cary spoons, hair pins, combs, beads and other parts of composite jewellery), for small utilitarian objects (spindle whorls, needle cases, writing implements - sti- li), for weapons and military equipment (in particular for parts of reflexive bow, but arrowheads were also produced, handles for knives, etc.), for gaming pieces, musical instruments; also, parts of composite objects were made from these raw
Objects made from osseous raw materials (bone, antler, mollusc shells, teeth) were very frequent in all aspects of everyday and religious life in Roman times. They were used for producing a variety of objects — for small tools (awls, needles, chisels), for cosmetic purposes and personal decoration (cosmetic and apothe- cary spoons, hair pins, combs, beads and other parts of composite jewellery), for small utilitarian objects (spindle whorls, needle cases, writing implements - sti- li), for weapons and military equipment (in particular for parts of reflexive bow, but arrowheads were also produced, handles for knives, etc.), for gaming pieces, musical instruments; also, parts of composite objects were made from these raw
Fig. 22. Manufacture debris from red deer antler, Singidunum, castrum (after Petkovi¢c 1995). In the Limes area in the middle Danubian valley, we have evidence of bone working in Singidunum and in the Iron Gates region, for the time being. These finds are usually linked with Late Antiquity; for earlier phases of the Roman rule, we may assume that workshops existed on the territory of Moesia Superior, but we do not have enough data. Fig. debi Sing Petk
Fig. 22. Manufacture debris from red deer antler, Singidunum, castrum (after Petkovi¢c 1995). In the Limes area in the middle Danubian valley, we have evidence of bone working in Singidunum and in the Iron Gates region, for the time being. These finds are usually linked with Late Antiquity; for earlier phases of the Roman rule, we may assume that workshops existed on the territory of Moesia Superior, but we do not have enough data. Fig. debi Sing Petk
purGad oVUY WILD LIAL Asie SPLIELes (mountains?).!° An iconographically similar marble statue of Jupiter seated on a throne was discovered in the Limes locality of Tekija (Transdierna), and by virtue of its stylistic similarities to the statue from Kostol, it can be presumed that it was modelled in the same workshop (perhaps in a centre like Ratiaria or Viminaci- um?).'© Above the north-western tower of the Ram fort (tower 5) from the middle ages, a votive monument (used as spolia) dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus by vexillatio legionis VII Claudiae was found, dating to the period of Trajan’s wars in
purGad oVUY WILD LIAL Asie SPLIELes (mountains?).!° An iconographically similar marble statue of Jupiter seated on a throne was discovered in the Limes locality of Tekija (Transdierna), and by virtue of its stylistic similarities to the statue from Kostol, it can be presumed that it was modelled in the same workshop (perhaps in a centre like Ratiaria or Viminaci- um?).'© Above the north-western tower of the Ram fort (tower 5) from the middle ages, a votive monument (used as spolia) dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus by vexillatio legionis VII Claudiae was found, dating to the period of Trajan’s wars in
Fig. 12 Jupiter Dolichenus and Juno Dolichena, Brza Palanka (Egeta) (Museum of Krajina, Negotin: N. Boric, S. Kostic)
Fig. 12 Jupiter Dolichenus and Juno Dolichena, Brza Palanka (Egeta) (Museum of Krajina, Negotin: N. Boric, S. Kostic)
UClotdlliU dit UIe PYosslULItles CULILALIICU Lil LUIS ICUS dLICULUOLIDS oyteitoilh. After a summarised review of the most important cults epigraphically and archaeologically confirmed in the localities in the Danube frontier during the pe- riod of Roman reign, we should turn to the question of the ritual practices that were part of the soldiers’ lives in the forts along the Danube border. Due to the lack of literary sources concerning the religious ceremonies of the Roman army, we are bound to mainly turn to epigraphical evidence and archaeological sourc- es. However, a religious calendar preserved on a papyrus found in Dura Europos about the cult ceremonies held by the Roman army throughout the course of the year, known as Feriale Duranum, offers us some insight into the festivals and cer- emonies practised by the Roman soldiers. After a summarised review of the most important cults epigraphically and
UClotdlliU dit UIe PYosslULItles CULILALIICU Lil LUIS ICUS dLICULUOLIDS oyteitoilh. After a summarised review of the most important cults epigraphically and archaeologically confirmed in the localities in the Danube frontier during the pe- riod of Roman reign, we should turn to the question of the ritual practices that were part of the soldiers’ lives in the forts along the Danube border. Due to the lack of literary sources concerning the religious ceremonies of the Roman army, we are bound to mainly turn to epigraphical evidence and archaeological sourc- es. However, a religious calendar preserved on a papyrus found in Dura Europos about the cult ceremonies held by the Roman army throughout the course of the year, known as Feriale Duranum, offers us some insight into the festivals and cer- emonies practised by the Roman soldiers. After a summarised review of the most important cults epigraphically and
the forts’ interiors and their immediate surroundings, the remains of foundations of several basilicas, chapels and tombs were also examined, and archaeological material from the early Christian period was also found, though it was scarce.° Afterwards, a series of individual papers, studies, and catalogues of findings were published that complete our knowledge of religious life and artisan production inspired by the Christianity of the Late Antiquity period.
the forts’ interiors and their immediate surroundings, the remains of foundations of several basilicas, chapels and tombs were also examined, and archaeological material from the early Christian period was also found, though it was scarce.° Afterwards, a series of individual papers, studies, and catalogues of findings were published that complete our knowledge of religious life and artisan production inspired by the Christianity of the Late Antiquity period.
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
on a city’s necropolises was a common Christian practice during the 4", 5 and 6" centuries, seen on numerous sites, among which the basilicas that have been researched in the area of eastern Late Antiquity — the Early Christian necropolis of Naissus in today’s city quarter of Jagodin Mala stand out.*° The structure that has been explored at the Vise Burdelja site could have had the role of a burial basilica in the area of the Viminacium southern necropolises (Fig. 2, 2).*' It is a three- 40 Jeremic¢ 2013, 129-130; Jeremi¢ 2014, 18-22. 41 Jeremi¢é 1977a, 55-57; MiloSevié 2006, 105-106.
on a city’s necropolises was a common Christian practice during the 4", 5 and 6" centuries, seen on numerous sites, among which the basilicas that have been researched in the area of eastern Late Antiquity — the Early Christian necropolis of Naissus in today’s city quarter of Jagodin Mala stand out.*° The structure that has been explored at the Vise Burdelja site could have had the role of a burial basilica in the area of the Viminacium southern necropolises (Fig. 2, 2).*' It is a three- 40 Jeremic¢ 2013, 129-130; Jeremi¢ 2014, 18-22. 41 Jeremi¢é 1977a, 55-57; MiloSevié 2006, 105-106.
naved structure, 24.6 x 17.2 m, oriented northeast-southwest, with an entrance on the west side. The interior of the building is dissected with two rows of four 1 x 0.7 m pillars. The corners are reinforced with pilasters, as well as the interior of the eastern wall, with two pilasters set in the direction of the central pillars. The walls of the building and pillars were built mostly of reused bricks, stone blocks and gravestone fragments. The coins below the roof covering define the time of intensive use of the building to the period from Constans (337-350) to Gratian (367-383).” Research has shown that the structure was built over the remains of a necropolis from the second half of the 3" century, and that burial practice inside the building continued during the 4" century, when the tombs were built, and that some of them were fresco-painted.** The eastern part of the building remains unexplored, so there is no data regarding its final shape, nor any data on archae- ological findings from its interior. The question of whether the building served as a cemetery basilica or if it was a large family tomb that could have been used as a cemetery chapel, remains open.
naved structure, 24.6 x 17.2 m, oriented northeast-southwest, with an entrance on the west side. The interior of the building is dissected with two rows of four 1 x 0.7 m pillars. The corners are reinforced with pilasters, as well as the interior of the eastern wall, with two pilasters set in the direction of the central pillars. The walls of the building and pillars were built mostly of reused bricks, stone blocks and gravestone fragments. The coins below the roof covering define the time of intensive use of the building to the period from Constans (337-350) to Gratian (367-383).” Research has shown that the structure was built over the remains of a necropolis from the second half of the 3" century, and that burial practice inside the building continued during the 4" century, when the tombs were built, and that some of them were fresco-painted.** The eastern part of the building remains unexplored, so there is no data regarding its final shape, nor any data on archae- ological findings from its interior. The question of whether the building served as a cemetery basilica or if it was a large family tomb that could have been used as a cemetery chapel, remains open.
One epigraphic monument might testify to the construction of the city ba- silica on an unknown location in Viminacium (Fig. 5, a). It is the finding of the inscription on one large brick that reads: Cristus (!) deus dei / filius custodiat / art- efices (!) om/nes qui hoc/* [o]pus fecerunt / in domino.* Artifices were workers who sought blessing for their work for the Lord (in domino). Unfortunately the brick was found at the beginning of the 20" century without recorded conditions of the find, therefore we cannot estimate the location on which the structure had been built and from where this brick originated. Christus deus dei filius is the formula that is characteristic for Orthodox Christianity,** which was actually practiced in Viminacium, judging by the priests that sat on the Episcopal throne of this city during the 4" century.
One epigraphic monument might testify to the construction of the city ba- silica on an unknown location in Viminacium (Fig. 5, a). It is the finding of the inscription on one large brick that reads: Cristus (!) deus dei / filius custodiat / art- efices (!) om/nes qui hoc/* [o]pus fecerunt / in domino.* Artifices were workers who sought blessing for their work for the Lord (in domino). Unfortunately the brick was found at the beginning of the 20" century without recorded conditions of the find, therefore we cannot estimate the location on which the structure had been built and from where this brick originated. Christus deus dei filius is the formula that is characteristic for Orthodox Christianity,** which was actually practiced in Viminacium, judging by the priests that sat on the Episcopal throne of this city during the 4" century.
brick. It consists of a naos, a semicircular apse, a narthex and two annexes from the north and south sides of the narthex.°! The southern annex ends in the east with a semicircular apse. A marble mortar was found in it, which probably served a cult purpose.» The total exterior length of the building is 22 m, and the area in the west with the annexes - 17.5 m. The basilica’s nave has internal dimensions of
brick. It consists of a naos, a semicircular apse, a narthex and two annexes from the north and south sides of the narthex.°! The southern annex ends in the east with a semicircular apse. A marble mortar was found in it, which probably served a cult purpose.» The total exterior length of the building is 22 m, and the area in the west with the annexes - 17.5 m. The basilica’s nave has internal dimensions of
about 10.5 x 6.25 m, with an apse depth of about 2 m. In the interior of the apse there was a built-up semicircular bench. The building had a partially preserved mortar floor. Researchers determined the construction of the church to the time of Justinian I, after 543/544, based on the shape of the floor plan, while coins of the emperor Maurice, from 593/594, indicate the date of its destruction.” a a ee . : a i i: i oy ay i a: i oe a
about 10.5 x 6.25 m, with an apse depth of about 2 m. In the interior of the apse there was a built-up semicircular bench. The building had a partially preserved mortar floor. Researchers determined the construction of the church to the time of Justinian I, after 543/544, based on the shape of the floor plan, while coins of the emperor Maurice, from 593/594, indicate the date of its destruction.” a a ee . : a i i: i oy ay i a: i oe a
5.9 m, with an apse on the east, 3.4 m deep. In the west there is a rectangular nar- thex, 5.8 x 4.3 m. The baptistery in the tower, measuring 8.2 x 3.5 m, is attached to the narthex (Fig. 12).*° On the south side, at the eastern end, a 3.3 x 3 m annex was subsequently built, with an entrance from the western side, with a width of 0.75 m. The entrances to the church are 1.2 m wide, on the southern and northern part of the narthex, where there were entrances to the naos and baptistery, through passages 1.65 and 1.25 m wide.
5.9 m, with an apse on the east, 3.4 m deep. In the west there is a rectangular nar- thex, 5.8 x 4.3 m. The baptistery in the tower, measuring 8.2 x 3.5 m, is attached to the narthex (Fig. 12).*° On the south side, at the eastern end, a 3.3 x 3 m annex was subsequently built, with an entrance from the western side, with a width of 0.75 m. The entrances to the church are 1.2 m wide, on the southern and northern part of the narthex, where there were entrances to the naos and baptistery, through passages 1.65 and 1.25 m wide.
Two layers of piscine mortar coating have been registered during research. According to the archaeological findings, it has been concluded that the basil- ica was built during the time of Justinian’s renovation of the Taliata fort.” Over time, the fort degraded and low quality reconstructions were performed on some of the buildings inside the fortification, as evidenced in the church, or destroyed, like the large horreum whose space was used as a workshop for metal processing.” This fortified settlement in Taliata, which was more rural than a real military base, was destroyed during Avaric attacks in 595/6 AD.*
Two layers of piscine mortar coating have been registered during research. According to the archaeological findings, it has been concluded that the basil- ica was built during the time of Justinian’s renovation of the Taliata fort.” Over time, the fort degraded and low quality reconstructions were performed on some of the buildings inside the fortification, as evidenced in the church, or destroyed, like the large horreum whose space was used as a workshop for metal processing.” This fortified settlement in Taliata, which was more rural than a real military base, was destroyed during Avaric attacks in 595/6 AD.*
Archaeological research in Boljetin, which was identified as the Roman Smyr- na or Smorna, examined the Roman and Early Byzantine fortification, together with a nearby early Roman necropolis (Fig. 13).° Within the Early Byzantine ren- ovation of the fortification in the 6" century (3 construction period), a parish church was built with inner dimensions of 15 x 5.5 m (Fig. 14, 15). It has an east- west orientation with a 13° deflection in its eastern part toward the south and with its orientation considerably deviating from the fortification’s orientation. It is a structure with a naos and a semicircular apse, with a 2 m diameter at its east end structure with a naos and a semicircular apse, with a 2 m diameter at its east end
Archaeological research in Boljetin, which was identified as the Roman Smyr- na or Smorna, examined the Roman and Early Byzantine fortification, together with a nearby early Roman necropolis (Fig. 13).° Within the Early Byzantine ren- ovation of the fortification in the 6" century (3 construction period), a parish church was built with inner dimensions of 15 x 5.5 m (Fig. 14, 15). It has an east- west orientation with a 13° deflection in its eastern part toward the south and with its orientation considerably deviating from the fortification’s orientation. It is a structure with a naos and a semicircular apse, with a 2 m diameter at its east end structure with a naos and a semicircular apse, with a 2 m diameter at its east end
and a rectangular nartex on the west (Fig. 16). On the inner side of the apse there is a masonry bench, 0.90 m wide made of cut stone panels, for priests’ seats. In the naos, next to the southern wall, 0.60 m from the eastern end of the wall, there was a cross-shaped baptistery with dimensions of 1.2 x 1 m, built from bricks joined with mortar, and plastered with two layers of mortar (Fig. 17 a, b).® The first mortar layer was hydrostatic, and the second one was white lime. The floor in the basilica consisted of a sand substruction, a pebble layer and a layer of white lime mortar on which bricks were laid. The nartex on the west side was subsequently built, as was the southern annex. It has doors on the southern and northern wall, each 1.2 m wide and on the west side, 2 m wide. The nartex and naos were con- nected by doors that were 1.4 m wide. In a later phase, the southern and western doors were walled up. The main entrance to the church was then on the north
and a rectangular nartex on the west (Fig. 16). On the inner side of the apse there is a masonry bench, 0.90 m wide made of cut stone panels, for priests’ seats. In the naos, next to the southern wall, 0.60 m from the eastern end of the wall, there was a cross-shaped baptistery with dimensions of 1.2 x 1 m, built from bricks joined with mortar, and plastered with two layers of mortar (Fig. 17 a, b).® The first mortar layer was hydrostatic, and the second one was white lime. The floor in the basilica consisted of a sand substruction, a pebble layer and a layer of white lime mortar on which bricks were laid. The nartex on the west side was subsequently built, as was the southern annex. It has doors on the southern and northern wall, each 1.2 m wide and on the west side, 2 m wide. The nartex and naos were con- nected by doors that were 1.4 m wide. In a later phase, the southern and western doors were walled up. The main entrance to the church was then on the north
_ Fig. 15. Smorna (Boljentin), Early Christian basilica, - view from the East . (documentation of the IAB) side, which is the closest to the main communication of the fort, with an east- ‘8. ar. y view and brick, which was preserved only in one row or as imprints in the mortar.“ In (doc west direction. The church in Boljetin was built from cut rubble, crushed stone a later phase, levelling was performed with a low quality lime.® Partitions of the passages were most probably made at this time. The structure was in a renewed and levelled condition and used for cult purposes during the 13 and 14" century, when a rural necropolis was formed around it.
_ Fig. 15. Smorna (Boljentin), Early Christian basilica, - view from the East . (documentation of the IAB) side, which is the closest to the main communication of the fort, with an east- ‘8. ar. y view and brick, which was preserved only in one row or as imprints in the mortar.“ In (doc west direction. The church in Boljetin was built from cut rubble, crushed stone a later phase, levelling was performed with a low quality lime.® Partitions of the passages were most probably made at this time. The structure was in a renewed and levelled condition and used for cult purposes during the 13 and 14" century, when a rural necropolis was formed around it.
Within the Limes fortifications, examples of tower construction have been re- corded which, by their shape, orientation and emphasised apse, remind one of Early Christian chapels, and therefore they are mentioned in this paper. They are dated from the 4" to the mid/latter part of the 6 century. In Saldum, the Early Byzantine castellum, which was used for the accommodation of auxiliary troops, together with its earlier phases and remains of the previous architecture has been explored (Fig. 18).°’ Remains of the settlements outside the fortification and ne- cropolis were not covered by protective archaeological research, conducted c [rom 1966-1970. In the interior of the Early Byzantine fortification, architecture made of lightweight materials was registered. The rampart with four towers was built during Justinian’s renovation of the Limes.® Three towers have circular p while the fourth was built in the form of a chapel, with a rectangular plan ans, and inner dimensions of 5.75 x 4.20 m, with its longer sides parallel to the Danube (Fig. 19). It ends in the east with a semicircular apse 2.20 m deep (Fig. 20 g Pp Pp rig ). At the western end, the entrance is 1.30 m wide, with a rectangular anteport (1.30 x 2.25 m). The interior of the room is floored with mortar, with a substructure
Within the Limes fortifications, examples of tower construction have been re- corded which, by their shape, orientation and emphasised apse, remind one of Early Christian chapels, and therefore they are mentioned in this paper. They are dated from the 4" to the mid/latter part of the 6 century. In Saldum, the Early Byzantine castellum, which was used for the accommodation of auxiliary troops, together with its earlier phases and remains of the previous architecture has been explored (Fig. 18).°’ Remains of the settlements outside the fortification and ne- cropolis were not covered by protective archaeological research, conducted c [rom 1966-1970. In the interior of the Early Byzantine fortification, architecture made of lightweight materials was registered. The rampart with four towers was built during Justinian’s renovation of the Limes.® Three towers have circular p while the fourth was built in the form of a chapel, with a rectangular plan ans, and inner dimensions of 5.75 x 4.20 m, with its longer sides parallel to the Danube (Fig. 19). It ends in the east with a semicircular apse 2.20 m deep (Fig. 20 g Pp Pp rig ). At the western end, the entrance is 1.30 m wide, with a rectangular anteport (1.30 x 2.25 m). The interior of the room is floored with mortar, with a substructure
A tower of a similar shape was recorded at the fortification in Donje Butorke, near Kladovo. At the time of Justinian I, a fortification with circular towers on the corners was built (Fig. 21). In the middle of the south-eastern rampart, at the lo- cation of the walkway extension, a structure was built - a tower of a rectangular plan with an apse with its shoulders on the eastern end (Fig. 22). The orientation of the tower deviates slightly from the orientation of the ramparts and is turned more towards the east. The tower is 5.5 x 3.2 m in size, with a trapezoidal anteport in-
A tower of a similar shape was recorded at the fortification in Donje Butorke, near Kladovo. At the time of Justinian I, a fortification with circular towers on the corners was built (Fig. 21). In the middle of the south-eastern rampart, at the lo- cation of the walkway extension, a structure was built - a tower of a rectangular plan with an apse with its shoulders on the eastern end (Fig. 22). The orientation of the tower deviates slightly from the orientation of the ramparts and is turned more towards the east. The tower is 5.5 x 3.2 m in size, with a trapezoidal anteport in-
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier period, Christian elements in a funeral cult can mostly be seen through artistical- ly painted tombs, relief decoration of stone or lead sarcophagi and, most rarely, 74 On the other hand, we have little data on Christian burials because of the inequality of the re- search. In Singidunum, at the site of the Late Antique necropolises, modern city quarters are spread. so data was obtained mostly during protective works in a smaller, limited range. Margum is insuf. ficiently explored, it is situated on free areas that are partly devastated by the river’s current, while the most extensive research efforts are performed in Viminacium in areas endangered by the con-
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier period, Christian elements in a funeral cult can mostly be seen through artistical- ly painted tombs, relief decoration of stone or lead sarcophagi and, most rarely, 74 On the other hand, we have little data on Christian burials because of the inequality of the re- search. In Singidunum, at the site of the Late Antique necropolises, modern city quarters are spread. so data was obtained mostly during protective works in a smaller, limited range. Margum is insuf. ficiently explored, it is situated on free areas that are partly devastated by the river’s current, while the most extensive research efforts are performed in Viminacium in areas endangered by the con-
buried together in necropolises with late pagans, without a clear separation of grave areas, and this is confirmed at the Viminacium necropolises.” Researchers
buried together in necropolises with late pagans, without a clear separation of grave areas, and this is confirmed at the Viminacium necropolises.” Researchers
views of the afterlife during the 4" century,” although it could also be due to the
views of the afterlife during the 4" century,” although it could also be due to the
already noticed that Christians are made, not born, and that new Christians grew up as Romans, who maintained the cultural, social and political views they grew up with.” It is also difficult to identify burials as Christian in the cases of grave findings which were without grave goods and inventory. This can be interpreted both as the burial of poor class members, but also as a respect for the strict Chris- tian practice of rejecting luxury. In Singidunum, Christian burials have been confirmed in research of the south- east urban necropolis (Fig. 1, b). Reliable confirmations of burials of the Christian population were available there, such as the remains of the deceased being laid down in a stone sarcophagus with the biblical scene of the Jonah tribulation, and lead sarcophagi decorated with Christian symbols. All quoted findings are gener- c ally defined to the 4" century. In 1885, in the centre of Belgrade on the corner of Kapetan Misina and Jovanova Street, during earth works, a sarcophagus measuring c 2.18 x 0.98 x 0.74 m, made of limestone with a lid in the form of a four pitched roof was discovered (Fig. 26).” The sarcophagus was decorated with Noric-Pannonian c scrolls, and was reused for new burials, most probably in the mid or the second half c of the 4" century, when new customers required the addition of the presentation of popular Christian scenes on it.*° On the front side of the sarcophagus, a relief figure
already noticed that Christians are made, not born, and that new Christians grew up as Romans, who maintained the cultural, social and political views they grew up with.” It is also difficult to identify burials as Christian in the cases of grave findings which were without grave goods and inventory. This can be interpreted both as the burial of poor class members, but also as a respect for the strict Chris- tian practice of rejecting luxury. In Singidunum, Christian burials have been confirmed in research of the south- east urban necropolis (Fig. 1, b). Reliable confirmations of burials of the Christian population were available there, such as the remains of the deceased being laid down in a stone sarcophagus with the biblical scene of the Jonah tribulation, and lead sarcophagi decorated with Christian symbols. All quoted findings are gener- c ally defined to the 4" century. In 1885, in the centre of Belgrade on the corner of Kapetan Misina and Jovanova Street, during earth works, a sarcophagus measuring c 2.18 x 0.98 x 0.74 m, made of limestone with a lid in the form of a four pitched roof was discovered (Fig. 26).” The sarcophagus was decorated with Noric-Pannonian c scrolls, and was reused for new burials, most probably in the mid or the second half c of the 4" century, when new customers required the addition of the presentation of popular Christian scenes on it.*° On the front side of the sarcophagus, a relief figure
89 Mirkovic 1986, 213-217.
89 Mirkovic 1986, 213-217.
and two antithetically positioned peacocks that together symbolise the eternal life in paradise (pax aeterna in paradisum), but also participation in the Eucharist.” On the north side there is a scene (venatio) in which a rider on a horse in gallop is moving to the right, closely followed by a lion with open jaws jumping toward him. The rider is here presented as a victim who, despite the weapons in his hand, does not enter into battle with the beast. However, on the south wall of the tomb, the venator faces danger face to face, accompanied by a hunting dog, confronting a leopard directed towards him. In the world of good fighting evil, he decides to oppose the forces of evil, for which he will receive eternal bliss as a reward. Christians from the wealthier city classes of Viminacium buried their dead
and two antithetically positioned peacocks that together symbolise the eternal life in paradise (pax aeterna in paradisum), but also participation in the Eucharist.” On the north side there is a scene (venatio) in which a rider on a horse in gallop is moving to the right, closely followed by a lion with open jaws jumping toward him. The rider is here presented as a victim who, despite the weapons in his hand, does not enter into battle with the beast. However, on the south wall of the tomb, the venator faces danger face to face, accompanied by a hunting dog, confronting a leopard directed towards him. In the world of good fighting evil, he decides to oppose the forces of evil, for which he will receive eternal bliss as a reward. Christians from the wealthier city classes of Viminacium buried their dead
remains of several deceased were found, one of which had a cross-shaped fibula,
remains of several deceased were found, one of which had a cross-shaped fibula,
the Constantinople workshops during the reign of Justinian I.° In the north of Syria and the eastern part of Asia Minor, abundant hoards of silverware, gifts of some wealthier members of the church community, have been found. To date, ap- proximately fifty silver vessels as individual findings that belonged to the church of St. Sergius in Kaper Koraon, in the vicinity of Hama, have been found.’ It is believed that the silver chalice with a strainer, now preserved in the Museum of St.
the Constantinople workshops during the reign of Justinian I.° In the north of Syria and the eastern part of Asia Minor, abundant hoards of silverware, gifts of some wealthier members of the church community, have been found. To date, ap- proximately fifty silver vessels as individual findings that belonged to the church of St. Sergius in Kaper Koraon, in the vicinity of Hama, have been found.’ It is believed that the silver chalice with a strainer, now preserved in the Museum of St.
Anne in Jerusalem, was also from Hama.’ The official stamps on the chalices indi- cate that they were manufactured in Constantinople, and that they most probably came into the possession of the wealthier members of the local Syrian community through trading, who then donated them to the church. Many of these objects can be precisely chronologically defined to the middle of the 6" century due to the control stamps or the inscriptions with the names of the donors.’
Anne in Jerusalem, was also from Hama.’ The official stamps on the chalices indi- cate that they were manufactured in Constantinople, and that they most probably came into the possession of the wealthier members of the local Syrian community through trading, who then donated them to the church. Many of these objects can be precisely chronologically defined to the middle of the 6" century due to the control stamps or the inscriptions with the names of the donors.’
Subsequently engraved Christ monogram on two places on the lower side of the rim, point to the Christian attribution of this bowl, at least in a certain later phase of its use. This type of bowl is known as Schiissel mit Kugelrandverzierung and has been discovered in known hoards of that period from Britain to the countries of the Eastern Mediterranean. An identical specimen originates from Kerch in Crimea (Panticapaeum), dated to the late 4" or the beginning of the 5"century.’° Another bowl of the same type represents part of a silverware hoard in the vicin- ity of Latakiya in Syria which is kept today in the Cleveland Museum of Art, in Ohio." A finding similar to the previously mentioned ones originates from Palmi- ra, now housed in the State Museum in Berlin.’ The control stamp on this vessel enables a precise dating to the last quarter of the 4" century.'® Based on these analogies we could also date the bowl production to the same period of time. The rich caollectiann af Vimingrizym dichware cantainge 4 few mare tyunec af cj]_
Subsequently engraved Christ monogram on two places on the lower side of the rim, point to the Christian attribution of this bowl, at least in a certain later phase of its use. This type of bowl is known as Schiissel mit Kugelrandverzierung and has been discovered in known hoards of that period from Britain to the countries of the Eastern Mediterranean. An identical specimen originates from Kerch in Crimea (Panticapaeum), dated to the late 4" or the beginning of the 5"century.’° Another bowl of the same type represents part of a silverware hoard in the vicin- ity of Latakiya in Syria which is kept today in the Cleveland Museum of Art, in Ohio." A finding similar to the previously mentioned ones originates from Palmi- ra, now housed in the State Museum in Berlin.’ The control stamp on this vessel enables a precise dating to the last quarter of the 4" century.'® Based on these analogies we could also date the bowl production to the same period of time. The rich caollectiann af Vimingrizym dichware cantainge 4 few mare tyunec af cj]_
have numerous closer or further analogies on the whole area of Europe and the
have numerous closer or further analogies on the whole area of Europe and the
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
When it comes to the dating of this unique lamp in our area, the opinions of he authors do not coincide.” V. Popovic¢, on the basis of the dual formulation of he inscription, and according to its paleographic characteristics, considers that his specimen should be dated to the 3" century.*? We can say with certainty that he lamp has a votive character, as clearly indicated by the inscription, in which he donor is marked with his proper name. It is difficult to explain this unique finding and determine to whom it belonged, whether to some Christian commu- nity, or individual, but most probably to a member of the Christian faith, thus representing a specimen of the early presence of Christianity in the area of Moesia Prima. According to the mentioned lamp from the museum in Florence, we can also determine our specimen in the time period of the second half of the 3" or at the beginning of 4" century.
When it comes to the dating of this unique lamp in our area, the opinions of he authors do not coincide.” V. Popovic¢, on the basis of the dual formulation of he inscription, and according to its paleographic characteristics, considers that his specimen should be dated to the 3" century.*? We can say with certainty that he lamp has a votive character, as clearly indicated by the inscription, in which he donor is marked with his proper name. It is difficult to explain this unique finding and determine to whom it belonged, whether to some Christian commu- nity, or individual, but most probably to a member of the Christian faith, thus representing a specimen of the early presence of Christianity in the area of Moesia Prima. According to the mentioned lamp from the museum in Florence, we can also determine our specimen in the time period of the second half of the 3" or at the beginning of 4" century.
A bronze lamp from Singidunum represents a well preserved example of a lamp with an elongated beak, a cover in the form of shell and a cross-like handle (Fig. 7).*4 The stand on which such lamps were usually placed was not preserved.” This type of lamp has numerous analogies in the whole Mediterranean area. From the immediate vicinity, a similar type of lamp originates from Stobi and is dated to the 5" century* and from the Luciu site in Romania.” This type of lamp is part of the collections of numerous museums and private collections throughout the world. From the private collection of Christian Schmidt in Munich comes the sample that is the same as the finding from Belgrade.*
A bronze lamp from Singidunum represents a well preserved example of a lamp with an elongated beak, a cover in the form of shell and a cross-like handle (Fig. 7).*4 The stand on which such lamps were usually placed was not preserved.” This type of lamp has numerous analogies in the whole Mediterranean area. From the immediate vicinity, a similar type of lamp originates from Stobi and is dated to the 5" century* and from the Luciu site in Romania.” This type of lamp is part of the collections of numerous museums and private collections throughout the world. From the private collection of Christian Schmidt in Munich comes the sample that is the same as the finding from Belgrade.*
According to the interpretation of M. Vujovic, the steelyard beam from the Belgrade City Museum can be more precisely aligned with the Constantinople type.” In he area of the Danube Limes, parts of a steelyard that was most probably intended for the measuring of medicines or precious metals, gold, or silver are originated Belgrade from the fortification in Saldum.* Steelyards similar to the one from have been found in Gamzigrad,* Cari¢in Grad, in the Early Byzan- tine fortifications in Ras® and in Gradina on Jelica Mountain near Ca¢ak.*” The steelyard from DebreSte in Macedonia belongs to this type, also with a punched inscription between two Latin crosses.* Such inscriptions are quite common on bronze steelyards of the 5 and 6" centuries. We find them also in the Dumbarton
According to the interpretation of M. Vujovic, the steelyard beam from the Belgrade City Museum can be more precisely aligned with the Constantinople type.” In he area of the Danube Limes, parts of a steelyard that was most probably intended for the measuring of medicines or precious metals, gold, or silver are originated Belgrade from the fortification in Saldum.* Steelyards similar to the one from have been found in Gamzigrad,* Cari¢in Grad, in the Early Byzan- tine fortifications in Ras® and in Gradina on Jelica Mountain near Ca¢ak.*” The steelyard from DebreSte in Macedonia belongs to this type, also with a punched inscription between two Latin crosses.* Such inscriptions are quite common on bronze steelyards of the 5 and 6" centuries. We find them also in the Dumbarton
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
with the acclamation in Latin VIVAS IN DEO, during the 3" and 4" century many specimens made in Italy have the expression PIE ZESES or only ZESES, first in Greek, and later in Latin. Along with the inscription, we find the Christogram, which may be followed by the so called apocalyptic letters a and w.”
with the acclamation in Latin VIVAS IN DEO, during the 3" and 4" century many specimens made in Italy have the expression PIE ZESES or only ZESES, first in Greek, and later in Latin. Along with the inscription, we find the Christogram, which may be followed by the so called apocalyptic letters a and w.”
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
Vivere Militare Est. From Populus to Emperors - Living on the Frontier
the form ofa stylised palmette, which is an influence of the Late Antiquity tradition. This shape of a handle is often found in Early Byzantine layers and also on a frag- mented lamp from Cari¢in Grad,” and from Bumbesti-Jiu in Romania.” The lamp from Saldum was found on the floor level of a fortification from the Justinian epoch. The lamp from Prahovo-Aquae also has an oval form with a cross—shaped handle.** The shoulder is decorated with lines, while a stylised star shaped floral ornament is on the disc (Fig. 22). According to the opinion of researchers, the lamp is a local product, made under the influence of Syrian—Palestinian work- shops and is dated to the 5" century.” Pottery vessels for profane use, with some Christian attributes, are represented
the form ofa stylised palmette, which is an influence of the Late Antiquity tradition. This shape of a handle is often found in Early Byzantine layers and also on a frag- mented lamp from Cari¢in Grad,” and from Bumbesti-Jiu in Romania.” The lamp from Saldum was found on the floor level of a fortification from the Justinian epoch. The lamp from Prahovo-Aquae also has an oval form with a cross—shaped handle.** The shoulder is decorated with lines, while a stylised star shaped floral ornament is on the disc (Fig. 22). According to the opinion of researchers, the lamp is a local product, made under the influence of Syrian—Palestinian work- shops and is dated to the 5" century.” Pottery vessels for profane use, with some Christian attributes, are represented
tural structures,’ with an associated Late Antique necropolis, partly devastated by medieval burials. A burgus with an associated settlement is dated to the time of praepositus Hermogenes (whose brick with a stamp has been found in the tower floor and whose time of service at the Limes is dated from the ninth decade of the 3" century to the time of Constantine I) and to the time of the Constantine ep-
tural structures,’ with an associated Late Antique necropolis, partly devastated by medieval burials. A burgus with an associated settlement is dated to the time of praepositus Hermogenes (whose brick with a stamp has been found in the tower floor and whose time of service at the Limes is dated from the ninth decade of the 3" century to the time of Constantine I) and to the time of the Constantine ep-
Christian attribution. It is a bronze fibula with a backward bent foot, from the for- tification in Hajdu¢ka Vodenica in the horizon of the 6" century.'° The top of the foot ends with a cross like motif made in relief. A similar specimen to this fibula comes from Pernik in Bulgaria with a bow ending in the shape of a cross.” There are closer analogies in other Balkan provinces of the Empire, such as a bronze fibula from the fortification at the Sokolica site, in the village Ostra, in the vicinity of Caéak, with pseudo-corded ornaments, which is dated to the 6"" century ac- cording to the finding of a bronze follis of Anastasius I, minted in Constantinople between 512 and 517 AD.""®
Christian attribution. It is a bronze fibula with a backward bent foot, from the for- tification in Hajdu¢ka Vodenica in the horizon of the 6" century.'° The top of the foot ends with a cross like motif made in relief. A similar specimen to this fibula comes from Pernik in Bulgaria with a bow ending in the shape of a cross.” There are closer analogies in other Balkan provinces of the Empire, such as a bronze fibula from the fortification at the Sokolica site, in the village Ostra, in the vicinity of Caéak, with pseudo-corded ornaments, which is dated to the 6"" century ac- cording to the finding of a bronze follis of Anastasius I, minted in Constantinople between 512 and 517 AD.""®
EVIDENCE Fig. 1. Northern Illyricum during the Migration Period: Cities, large cemeteries (1) and small cemeteries or single burials (2). From west to east, our survey starts in the Syrmia region, where the traces of Gepidic presence are indisputable, particularly in Sirmium itself;’ one could per- haps assign to them also the finds - including a spatha - from damaged graves at Rakovac.* On the other hand, the area of the city of Bassianae in the southeastern corner of the Syrmia region remained within the Empire. From this part of Syrmia — Jakovo, Batajnica and Belegis - came some well-known weapon graves. Out of 87 recorded graves at the large Kormadin cemetery in Jakovo (only 26 of them, excavated after World War II, were properly documented, and many
EVIDENCE Fig. 1. Northern Illyricum during the Migration Period: Cities, large cemeteries (1) and small cemeteries or single burials (2). From west to east, our survey starts in the Syrmia region, where the traces of Gepidic presence are indisputable, particularly in Sirmium itself;’ one could per- haps assign to them also the finds - including a spatha - from damaged graves at Rakovac.* On the other hand, the area of the city of Bassianae in the southeastern corner of the Syrmia region remained within the Empire. From this part of Syrmia — Jakovo, Batajnica and Belegis - came some well-known weapon graves. Out of 87 recorded graves at the large Kormadin cemetery in Jakovo (only 26 of them, excavated after World War II, were properly documented, and many
produced finds such as a bronze earring with polyeder-like ending and simple cast bronze armrings,” generally attributable to the end of the fourth and the begin- ning of the fifth century. In another location, almost 70 graves were recorded at he city cemetery. Apart from some prehistoric cremation burials and second- and hird-century Roman graves, five brick-built graves were dated to the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, and the same date has been suggest- ed for some of the neighbouring graves.”
produced finds such as a bronze earring with polyeder-like ending and simple cast bronze armrings,” generally attributable to the end of the fourth and the begin- ning of the fifth century. In another location, almost 70 graves were recorded at he city cemetery. Apart from some prehistoric cremation burials and second- and hird-century Roman graves, five brick-built graves were dated to the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, and the same date has been suggest- ed for some of the neighbouring graves.”
Fig. 6. Viminacium II: 1. 1-4. Grave 115; 5. Grave 1876; 6-11. Grave 152; 12. Grave 2093; 13. Grave 142; 14. Grave 2142; 15. Grav 141; 16-17. Grave 129 (Scale 1:5).
Fig. 6. Viminacium II: 1. 1-4. Grave 115; 5. Grave 1876; 6-11. Grave 152; 12. Grave 2093; 13. Grave 142; 14. Grave 2142; 15. Grav 141; 16-17. Grave 129 (Scale 1:5).
Fig. 7. Viminacium I: 1. Grave 123; 2-4. Grave 121; 5. Grave 127; 6. Grave 572; 7. Grave 135; 8-12. Grave 113; 13-14. Grave 12 (Scale 1:5).
Fig. 7. Viminacium I: 1. Grave 123; 2-4. Grave 121; 5. Grave 127; 6. Grave 572; 7. Grave 135; 8-12. Grave 113; 13-14. Grave 12 (Scale 1:5).
Fig. 8. Viminacium II: 1-13. Grave 145; 14-22. Grave 2047; 23. Grave 149; Viminacium III: 24. Grave 23; Viminacium — Svetinja: 25; Kamenovo: 26-28 (Scale 1:5).
Fig. 8. Viminacium II: 1-13. Grave 145; 14-22. Grave 2047; 23. Grave 149; Viminacium III: 24. Grave 23; Viminacium — Svetinja: 25; Kamenovo: 26-28 (Scale 1:5).
Table 1. Sixth-century foederati from the Upper Moesian Limes: weapon combinations in graves.
Table 1. Sixth-century foederati from the Upper Moesian Limes: weapon combinations in graves.
Fig. 5a — Female portrait statue “Small Herculanean’, Singidunum (documentation of the National museum of Belgrade). Comparing sculptural portraits of men and women, female portraits are fewer in number, at least when we speak about late antiquity. In female sculptural portrai- ture, the same problems with the identification of a represented person occurred as with cameos. To recognise some of these persons as some ordinary woman or an empress, sculptural material could be, but is not necessarily, helpful. The same is true of the quality of rendering, as well as the hairstyle. On these portraits, some fea- tures of the Eastern style can be noticed, and some such examples are two portraits from Viminacium and one from Ulpiana.* From the 4" century onwards, the pri- vate portrait almost disappeared from sculpture in the territory of Upper Moesia.*° Self-representation is usually associated with the term portraiture. However, it is not easy to identify a portrait when the portrayed woman is made to look like an
Fig. 5a — Female portrait statue “Small Herculanean’, Singidunum (documentation of the National museum of Belgrade). Comparing sculptural portraits of men and women, female portraits are fewer in number, at least when we speak about late antiquity. In female sculptural portrai- ture, the same problems with the identification of a represented person occurred as with cameos. To recognise some of these persons as some ordinary woman or an empress, sculptural material could be, but is not necessarily, helpful. The same is true of the quality of rendering, as well as the hairstyle. On these portraits, some fea- tures of the Eastern style can be noticed, and some such examples are two portraits from Viminacium and one from Ulpiana.* From the 4" century onwards, the pri- vate portrait almost disappeared from sculpture in the territory of Upper Moesia.*° Self-representation is usually associated with the term portraiture. However, it is not easy to identify a portrait when the portrayed woman is made to look like an
Fig. 6 c - Figure of a maidservant from the tomb G 160 from Viminacium (Source: Documentation of the institute of Archaeology, project Viminacium).
Fig. 6 c - Figure of a maidservant from the tomb G 160 from Viminacium (Source: Documentation of the institute of Archaeology, project Viminacium).
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Roman Provincial ArchaeologyRoman LimesRoman Archaeology
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