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Figure 3.35. Distribution of late phase settlements in the Valley of Sonora.

Figure 3 35. Distribution of late phase settlements in the Valley of Sonora.

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Figure 2.1. The serrana and the Valley of Sonora. (Reprinted from the Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 14, 1984, with the permission of the Trustees of Boston University.) Each segment is filled with thick Quaternary-age alluvial de- posits that have coalesced to form extensive bajadas that range in elevation from approximately 600 m in the lower portion of the San Miguel Valley in the west to over 1,000 m in the upper segment of the Bavispe Valley in the east. These bajadas have been incised by rivers that have formed flood- plains varying in width from 1 km to 4 km. Numerous ar- royos of varying length and width have dissected the bajadas so as to form a series of elongated mesas that extend from the ranges of the floodplains. As they are today, the edges of these bajadas, overlooking the river floodplains and ar- royos, were desired locales for permanent settlements in pre-
Figure 2.1. The serrana and the Valley of Sonora. (Reprinted from the Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 14, 1984, with the permission of the Trustees of Boston University.) Each segment is filled with thick Quaternary-age alluvial de- posits that have coalesced to form extensive bajadas that range in elevation from approximately 600 m in the lower portion of the San Miguel Valley in the west to over 1,000 m in the upper segment of the Bavispe Valley in the east. These bajadas have been incised by rivers that have formed flood- plains varying in width from 1 km to 4 km. Numerous ar- royos of varying length and width have dissected the bajadas so as to form a series of elongated mesas that extend from the ranges of the floodplains. As they are today, the edges of these bajadas, overlooking the river floodplains and ar- royos, were desired locales for permanent settlements in pre-
Figure 2.2. Topography of the Valley of Sonora.
Figure 2.2. Topography of the Valley of Sonora.
Figure. 2.3. Aerial view of the Valley of Sonora. Looking south, the pueblo of Huepac is in the lower left, Sierra Aconchi is at the far right. The gradual southward taper to the ranges and the change in strike have affected the character of the basin structure, mainly by altering the stream configuration. In the northern part of the valley the river is much closer to the eastern than to the western range. It is through this section that the bajada development is areally larger west of the river. Southward, the river runs very close to the western range in the central part of the valley near the foot of the Sierra Aconchi. Through this stretch the bajada development is extensive to the east and absent to the west. Throughout the remaining southern portion of the area this configuration remains roughly the same. Some bajada development is noted on the west, but the preponderance of the bajada is to the east. The overall configuration of the valley can be viewed as one in which the river has cut its main channel diagonally between the adjacent mountain ranges. That is, rather than paralleling the ranges, which themselves are not parallel, the river enters the valley in the northeast corner and exits in the southwest corner (Fig. 2.3).
Figure. 2.3. Aerial view of the Valley of Sonora. Looking south, the pueblo of Huepac is in the lower left, Sierra Aconchi is at the far right. The gradual southward taper to the ranges and the change in strike have affected the character of the basin structure, mainly by altering the stream configuration. In the northern part of the valley the river is much closer to the eastern than to the western range. It is through this section that the bajada development is areally larger west of the river. Southward, the river runs very close to the western range in the central part of the valley near the foot of the Sierra Aconchi. Through this stretch the bajada development is extensive to the east and absent to the west. Throughout the remaining southern portion of the area this configuration remains roughly the same. Some bajada development is noted on the west, but the preponderance of the bajada is to the east. The overall configuration of the valley can be viewed as one in which the river has cut its main channel diagonally between the adjacent mountain ranges. That is, rather than paralleling the ranges, which themselves are not parallel, the river enters the valley in the northeast corner and exits in the southwest corner (Fig. 2.3).
Figure 2.4. A shallow, hand-dug well used to obtain drinking water from an arroyo. The springs, known as nacimientos or places where water is born, found throughout the Valley of Sonora, flow regu- larly. Indeed, this dependable ground water may possibly be the greatest single resource available to residents. It has been noted that in one arroyo near the Sierra Aconchi, bedrock is about 2.2 m below the arroyo floor, and that the basal 10.0 cm is saturated gravel (Schramm 1932: 42). This bedrock is not at a uniform depth throughout the valley, as attested by the various well depths. In many places wells for modern irrigation may be as deep as 3 or 4 m. In other places the water table is very shallow and can be tapped easily by hand- digging small wells (Fig. 2.4). Such features are similar to the sipping holes of the African Bushmen and the tamilas of the Middle East (Nir 1974: 63).
Figure 2.4. A shallow, hand-dug well used to obtain drinking water from an arroyo. The springs, known as nacimientos or places where water is born, found throughout the Valley of Sonora, flow regu- larly. Indeed, this dependable ground water may possibly be the greatest single resource available to residents. It has been noted that in one arroyo near the Sierra Aconchi, bedrock is about 2.2 m below the arroyo floor, and that the basal 10.0 cm is saturated gravel (Schramm 1932: 42). This bedrock is not at a uniform depth throughout the valley, as attested by the various well depths. In many places wells for modern irrigation may be as deep as 3 or 4 m. In other places the water table is very shallow and can be tapped easily by hand- digging small wells (Fig. 2.4). Such features are similar to the sipping holes of the African Bushmen and the tamilas of the Middle East (Nir 1974: 63).
Basically, the locations where water is found in the chan- nel during the height of the dry season are either at or a short distance downstream from springs such as that observed by Hewes at the congregacion of El Ojo de Agua, a few kilome- ters north of the pueblo of Huepac. The largest single stretch of uninterrupted flow occurs in the southern half of the valley (Fig. 2.5).
Basically, the locations where water is found in the chan- nel during the height of the dry season are either at or a short distance downstream from springs such as that observed by Hewes at the congregacion of El Ojo de Agua, a few kilome- ters north of the pueblo of Huepac. The largest single stretch of uninterrupted flow occurs in the southern half of the valley (Fig. 2.5).
Figure 2.6. Ecological zones. The riparian woodland-floodplain zone, the environmen- tal center of the valley, ranges from only a few hundred me- ters in width in the extreme northern and southern ends of the valley to more than 2 km in width between Banamichi and Aconchi. From Aconchi to approximately 7 km south of Baviacora the average width of this zone is roughly 1 km. Approximately 25 percent of the 70 square kilometers in this region is occupied by the the active river channel and aban-
Figure 2.6. Ecological zones. The riparian woodland-floodplain zone, the environmen- tal center of the valley, ranges from only a few hundred me- ters in width in the extreme northern and southern ends of the valley to more than 2 km in width between Banamichi and Aconchi. From Aconchi to approximately 7 km south of Baviacora the average width of this zone is roughly 1 km. Approximately 25 percent of the 70 square kilometers in this region is occupied by the the active river channel and aban-
Source: Castetter and Bell (1942); Pfefferkorn (1949); Felger, Nabhan, and Sheridan (1976); and Pennington (1980). Table 2.1. Common Piants of Major Economic Value by Ecological Zone in the Valley of Sonora
Source: Castetter and Bell (1942); Pfefferkorn (1949); Felger, Nabhan, and Sheridan (1976); and Pennington (1980). Table 2.1. Common Piants of Major Economic Value by Ecological Zone in the Valley of Sonora
Table 2.2. Profile of a Haplargid Bajada Soil
Table 2.2. Profile of a Haplargid Bajada Soil
Figure 2.7. Profile of a Haplargid bajada soil.
Figure 2.7. Profile of a Haplargid bajada soil.
Figure 2.8. Floodplain irrigation. Figure 2.9. Living fencerow. Main channel is on the left, an irrigated field is to the right. Note the differences in turbulence and, hence, velocities on either side of the fencerow.
Figure 2.8. Floodplain irrigation. Figure 2.9. Living fencerow. Main channel is on the left, an irrigated field is to the right. Note the differences in turbulence and, hence, velocities on either side of the fencerow.
Figure 2.10. Temporales fields. Arroyo Rancho, north of Baviacora.
Figure 2.10. Temporales fields. Arroyo Rancho, north of Baviacora.
Figure 2.11. A temporal diversion weir and canal. Farmers have developed numerous ways to use runoff in arid lands (Lawton and Wilke 1979: 3-5). Among the simplest techniques used is “floodwater farming” (Bryan 1929; Nabhan 1979). Floodwater fields are located in usu- ally dry low-lying areas that are inundated by flash floods when arroyos overflow their banks. The selection of a site for locating “fields on low flood terraces of large arroyos” (Hack 1942: 30) involves an intimate knowledge of local conditions. The field must be flood-prone, but the sheet of water must not attain a velocity that will wash out a crop or bury it with sediment. A more elaborate technique is appro- priately called “runoff farming” (Nabhan 1981) because ag- riculture is practiced in areas where crops receive water that runs off adjacent unprepared slopes. In many cases runoff fields have low rock terraces that trap silt, conserve mois- ture, and distribute water evenly across the area (Fogel 1975: 134-139). A third technique, “water harvesting” (Frazier 1975), relies on runoff collected from prepared catchment areas and diverts this runoff onto the fields. In many ways, this form of agriculture is a rudimentary form of canal irrigation. Stake and brush diversion weirs and canals not unlike those associated with floodplain irrigation are employed (Fig. 2.11).
Figure 2.11. A temporal diversion weir and canal. Farmers have developed numerous ways to use runoff in arid lands (Lawton and Wilke 1979: 3-5). Among the simplest techniques used is “floodwater farming” (Bryan 1929; Nabhan 1979). Floodwater fields are located in usu- ally dry low-lying areas that are inundated by flash floods when arroyos overflow their banks. The selection of a site for locating “fields on low flood terraces of large arroyos” (Hack 1942: 30) involves an intimate knowledge of local conditions. The field must be flood-prone, but the sheet of water must not attain a velocity that will wash out a crop or bury it with sediment. A more elaborate technique is appro- priately called “runoff farming” (Nabhan 1981) because ag- riculture is practiced in areas where crops receive water that runs off adjacent unprepared slopes. In many cases runoff fields have low rock terraces that trap silt, conserve mois- ture, and distribute water evenly across the area (Fogel 1975: 134-139). A third technique, “water harvesting” (Frazier 1975), relies on runoff collected from prepared catchment areas and diverts this runoff onto the fields. In many ways, this form of agriculture is a rudimentary form of canal irrigation. Stake and brush diversion weirs and canals not unlike those associated with floodplain irrigation are employed (Fig. 2.11).
Figure 2.13. Site Son K:8:34 OU.
Figure 2.13. Site Son K:8:34 OU.
Figure 2.12. Typical pre-Hispanic settlement location. Site Son K:8:34 OU is indicated by the arrow. The present-day pueblo of Suaqui is on the right.
Figure 2.12. Typical pre-Hispanic settlement location. Site Son K:8:34 OU is indicated by the arrow. The present-day pueblo of Suaqui is on the right.
Figure 2.14. Slopes unsuitable for the placement of permanent settlements.
Figure 2.14. Slopes unsuitable for the placement of permanent settlements.
Figure 3.1. Pre-Hispanic surface structure foundation, site Son K:4:94 OU. (Reprinted from the Jour- nal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 16, 1984, with permission of the Trustees of Boston University.)
Figure 3.1. Pre-Hispanic surface structure foundation, site Son K:4:94 OU. (Reprinted from the Jour- nal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 16, 1984, with permission of the Trustees of Boston University.)
Figure 3.2. Site Son K:4:94 OU.
Figure 3.2. Site Son K:4:94 OU.
Figure 3.4. Schematic of a typical surface structure.
Figure 3.4. Schematic of a typical surface structure.
Figure 3.3. Deteriorated adobe surface structure, site Son G:16:27 OU (see Fig. 3.33).
Figure 3.3. Deteriorated adobe surface structure, site Son G:16:27 OU (see Fig. 3.33).
Figure 3.5. Rectangular triple rows of rocks that are typical surface evidence of probable mul- tiple-story structures, site Son K:4:20 OU (see Fig. 3.32). (Reprinted from the Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 17, 1984, with permission of the Trustees of Boston University. ) Pailes (1980: 29) has evidence of surface structures occur- ring in the later phases of occupance that has been confirmed by radiocarbon dates and obsidian hydration analysis (Doolit- It has long been assumed that residents of the serrana lived only in single-story surface structures because there was no known archaeological evidence of multiple-story houses. This assumption is especially curious because some mid- 16th century Spanish explorers did note the existence of such features (see Hammond and Rey 1928: 197). Although no multiple-room, multistory structure walls have stood for some time in Sonora, some archaeological evidence, albeit tentative, for their previous existence does exist (Howard and Griffiths 1966: 56). Most of the surface structures just described have foundations of single and double rows of rocks. Adobe walls were constructed on top of these founda- tions in a manner somewhat similar to that used in the con- struction of present-day single-story houses. Because of their relative narrowness, these foundations could not have footed walls of sufficient thickness to support a second, much less a third story. There are, however, a number of relic foundations of multiple-room houses that have three, four, and even five rows of rocks (Fig. 3.5). Presumably these larger foundations supported the multiple-story structures
Figure 3.5. Rectangular triple rows of rocks that are typical surface evidence of probable mul- tiple-story structures, site Son K:4:20 OU (see Fig. 3.32). (Reprinted from the Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 17, 1984, with permission of the Trustees of Boston University. ) Pailes (1980: 29) has evidence of surface structures occur- ring in the later phases of occupance that has been confirmed by radiocarbon dates and obsidian hydration analysis (Doolit- It has long been assumed that residents of the serrana lived only in single-story surface structures because there was no known archaeological evidence of multiple-story houses. This assumption is especially curious because some mid- 16th century Spanish explorers did note the existence of such features (see Hammond and Rey 1928: 197). Although no multiple-room, multistory structure walls have stood for some time in Sonora, some archaeological evidence, albeit tentative, for their previous existence does exist (Howard and Griffiths 1966: 56). Most of the surface structures just described have foundations of single and double rows of rocks. Adobe walls were constructed on top of these founda- tions in a manner somewhat similar to that used in the con- struction of present-day single-story houses. Because of their relative narrowness, these foundations could not have footed walls of sufficient thickness to support a second, much less a third story. There are, however, a number of relic foundations of multiple-room houses that have three, four, and even five rows of rocks (Fig. 3.5). Presumably these larger foundations supported the multiple-story structures
Figure 3.6. Surface depression indicative of a house-in-pit, site Son K:4:49 OU. (Reprinted from the Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 16, 1984, with permission of the Trustees of Boston University.) In addition to surface structures, numerous houses-in-pits were used prehistorically in the Valley of Sonora. These structures vary in size, depth, shape, and constructional features. Although the specifics of their architecture are beyond the scope of this study, they were generally rectan- gular with rounded corners and rarely more than 1 m deep. The visible evidence of this kind of building is usually a circular depression averaging 6.6 m in diameter. The exact size and shape of the buried features, however, cannot be ascertained from surface evidence. Houses-in-pits quite often are filled with debris from later occupations or are filled with sediment as the result of natural erosion processes. Such features appear either as circular depressions in an otherwise flat landscape (Figs. 3.6, 3.7) or as horseshoe- shaped piles of rubble with a slight central depression (Figs. Figure 3.7. Site Son K:4:49 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.6. Surface depression indicative of a house-in-pit, site Son K:4:49 OU. (Reprinted from the Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 16, 1984, with permission of the Trustees of Boston University.) In addition to surface structures, numerous houses-in-pits were used prehistorically in the Valley of Sonora. These structures vary in size, depth, shape, and constructional features. Although the specifics of their architecture are beyond the scope of this study, they were generally rectan- gular with rounded corners and rarely more than 1 m deep. The visible evidence of this kind of building is usually a circular depression averaging 6.6 m in diameter. The exact size and shape of the buried features, however, cannot be ascertained from surface evidence. Houses-in-pits quite often are filled with debris from later occupations or are filled with sediment as the result of natural erosion processes. Such features appear either as circular depressions in an otherwise flat landscape (Figs. 3.6, 3.7) or as horseshoe- shaped piles of rubble with a slight central depression (Figs. Figure 3.7. Site Son K:4:49 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.8. Rock ring indicative of a house-in-pit, site Son K:4:130 OU. Ascending arrows point to ring, de- scending arrow to center of pit.
Figure 3.8. Rock ring indicative of a house-in-pit, site Son K:4:130 OU. Ascending arrows point to ring, de- scending arrow to center of pit.
Figure 3.9. Site Son K:4:130 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.) Figure 3.10. Schematic of a typical house-in-pit.
Figure 3.9. Site Son K:4:130 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.) Figure 3.10. Schematic of a typical house-in-pit.
Figure 3.11. Rock mound that may have served as a house platform, site Son K:4:72 OU.
Figure 3.11. Rock mound that may have served as a house platform, site Son K:4:72 OU.
Figure 3.12. Sites Son K:4:24 OU and Son K:4:72 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.12. Sites Son K:4:24 OU and Son K:4:72 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.13. Mounded rubble forming one side of a possible ballcourt, site Son K:4:24 OU.
Figure 3.13. Mounded rubble forming one side of a possible ballcourt, site Son K:4:24 OU.
Figure 3.17. Site Son K:4:127 OU. Figure 3.18. Schematic of pre-Hispanic enclosures. Figure 3.15. Site Son K:4:16 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.17. Site Son K:4:127 OU. Figure 3.18. Schematic of pre-Hispanic enclosures. Figure 3.15. Site Son K:4:16 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.19. Possible pre-Hispanic signal site, Son K:4:141 OU, Appendix B.
Figure 3.19. Possible pre-Hispanic signal site, Son K:4:141 OU, Appendix B.
Figure 3.21. Enclosure walls of a cerro de trin- chera, Cerro Batonapa, site Son K:4:22 OU. Mesa-top trincheras enclosures in the Valley of Sonora vary in size and shape from a 15 m square to a 60 m by 28 m rectangle. They are dry work consisting of vesicular basalt boulders averaging approximately 20 cm in diameter. The original height, thickness, and shape of the walls are un- known. They may have had straight sides that have since col- lapsed. Today the walls are approximately | m high and 2 m thick at the base (Fig. 3.21).
Figure 3.21. Enclosure walls of a cerro de trin- chera, Cerro Batonapa, site Son K:4:22 OU. Mesa-top trincheras enclosures in the Valley of Sonora vary in size and shape from a 15 m square to a 60 m by 28 m rectangle. They are dry work consisting of vesicular basalt boulders averaging approximately 20 cm in diameter. The original height, thickness, and shape of the walls are un- known. They may have had straight sides that have since col- lapsed. Today the walls are approximately | m high and 2 m thick at the base (Fig. 3.21).
Figure 3.22. Aerial view of Cerro Batonapa, site Son K:4:22 OU.
Figure 3.22. Aerial view of Cerro Batonapa, site Son K:4:22 OU.
Figure 3.24. Distribution of cerros de trincheras in the Valley of Sonora. Figure 3.23. Site Son K:4:22 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.24. Distribution of cerros de trincheras in the Valley of Sonora. Figure 3.23. Site Son K:4:22 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.25. Site Son K:4:105 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.25. Site Son K:4:105 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.27. Pit-and-groove petroglyphs. Depressions are filled with dark soil for delineation. (Reprinted from the Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 17, 1984, with the permission of the Trustees of Boston University.) Figure 3.26. Comparative regional chronology. Dashed lines separating phases reflect current disputes over dates. Sources: Central Mexico (Sanders and Price 1968), Anasazi (Hayes, Brugge, and Judge 1981; Cordell 1984), Mogollon (Wheat 1955; Cordell 1984), Hokokam (Haury 1976; Plog 1980; Schiffer 1982), Casas Grandes (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 4; Wilcox and Shenk 1977; LeBlanc 1980; Lekson 1984).
Figure 3.27. Pit-and-groove petroglyphs. Depressions are filled with dark soil for delineation. (Reprinted from the Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 11, p. 17, 1984, with the permission of the Trustees of Boston University.) Figure 3.26. Comparative regional chronology. Dashed lines separating phases reflect current disputes over dates. Sources: Central Mexico (Sanders and Price 1968), Anasazi (Hayes, Brugge, and Judge 1981; Cordell 1984), Mogollon (Wheat 1955; Cordell 1984), Hokokam (Haury 1976; Plog 1980; Schiffer 1982), Casas Grandes (Di Peso 1974, Vol. 4; Wilcox and Shenk 1977; LeBlanc 1980; Lekson 1984).
this phase came from a reoccupation of the house-in-pit de- scribed for the first phase. This structure was rebuilt with a raised floor, indicated by numerous postholes, and a new entry flanked by two massive adobe blocks. Like its prede- cessor, this house also burned, providing calibrated radio- carbon dates of about A.D. 1320. The third phase, extend- ing through the later half of the 14th century into the 15th century, is represented predominantly by rectangular sur- face structures. Although the use of houses-in-pits never completely ceased, relative frequency of these houses de- Even though there is considerable contemporaneity be- tween houses-in-pits and surface structures, especially dur- ing the second phase, a seriation of house types is identifia- ble and can be used to date sites on the basis of surface evi- dence. In addition to the obsidian hydration, radiocarbon, and ceramic analyses, two clear cases of superposition have
this phase came from a reoccupation of the house-in-pit de- scribed for the first phase. This structure was rebuilt with a raised floor, indicated by numerous postholes, and a new entry flanked by two massive adobe blocks. Like its prede- cessor, this house also burned, providing calibrated radio- carbon dates of about A.D. 1320. The third phase, extend- ing through the later half of the 14th century into the 15th century, is represented predominantly by rectangular sur- face structures. Although the use of houses-in-pits never completely ceased, relative frequency of these houses de- Even though there is considerable contemporaneity be- tween houses-in-pits and surface structures, especially dur- ing the second phase, a seriation of house types is identifia- ble and can be used to date sites on the basis of surface evi- dence. In addition to the obsidian hydration, radiocarbon, and ceramic analyses, two clear cases of superposition have
Figure 3.28. A one-hand Cochise-type metate.
Figure 3.28. A one-hand Cochise-type metate.
Figure 3.30. Sites Son K:4:32 OU and Son K:4:110 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.) On the basis of data collected during excavations, it is as- sured that surface structures were occupied only during late pre-Hispanic times. Houses-in-pits, except those overlain by surface structures, were probably occupied throughout the sequence. In this study, all qualifying relic houses are con- sidered to date to a late pre-Hispanic phase (about A.D. 1350 to 1550), while all relic houses-in-pits are considered to date to both the late phase and an earlier phase (about A.D. 1000 to 1200). Unfortunately, houses occupied during intervening times are not clearly distinguishable from those of the earlier or later phases at this time. However, enough evidence does exist to suggest that architectural and, hence, settlement changes between the two phases were regular and continuous and not discrete and abrupt. A total of 65 settlements involving 224 houses was iden- tified for the early phase of occupation. Sixty-two (95.5 per- cent) of the settlements were rancherias, and of these 26 (40.0 percent of all early phase sites) were isolated resi- dences (Fig. 3.29). Two sites (3.0 percent) with 10 and 12 houses respectively are identified as hamlets (Son K:4:32 OU and Son K:4:110 OU; Fig. 3.30; Appendix A). Only one site (Son K:4:24 OU; Fig. 3.12; Appendix A), San Jose, with
Figure 3.30. Sites Son K:4:32 OU and Son K:4:110 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.) On the basis of data collected during excavations, it is as- sured that surface structures were occupied only during late pre-Hispanic times. Houses-in-pits, except those overlain by surface structures, were probably occupied throughout the sequence. In this study, all qualifying relic houses are con- sidered to date to a late pre-Hispanic phase (about A.D. 1350 to 1550), while all relic houses-in-pits are considered to date to both the late phase and an earlier phase (about A.D. 1000 to 1200). Unfortunately, houses occupied during intervening times are not clearly distinguishable from those of the earlier or later phases at this time. However, enough evidence does exist to suggest that architectural and, hence, settlement changes between the two phases were regular and continuous and not discrete and abrupt. A total of 65 settlements involving 224 houses was iden- tified for the early phase of occupation. Sixty-two (95.5 per- cent) of the settlements were rancherias, and of these 26 (40.0 percent of all early phase sites) were isolated resi- dences (Fig. 3.29). Two sites (3.0 percent) with 10 and 12 houses respectively are identified as hamlets (Son K:4:32 OU and Son K:4:110 OU; Fig. 3.30; Appendix A). Only one site (Son K:4:24 OU; Fig. 3.12; Appendix A), San Jose, with
Hierarchies
Hierarchies
Figure 3.32. Sites Son K:4:20 OU and Son K:4:120 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.) Four (2.5 percent) of the late phase settlements were vil- lages: Son K:4:20 OU and Son K:4:120 OU (Fig. 3.32), Son K:4:72 OU (Fig. 3.12), and Son G:16:27 OU (Fig. 3.33; Ap- pendix A). Some of these settlements may have served some extracommunity functions. Indeed, Son K:4:72 OU contains Between the early and late phases the number of settle- ments increased approximately 150 percent and the number of houses increased nearly 450 percent. Most of this change involved rancherias and, to a lesser extent, hamlets. Late phase occupation involved 162 settlements and 1,289 houses (Fig. 3.31). There were 130 (80.2 percent) settlements that had 8 or fewer houses at this time. Twenty of these contained only fragmentary evidence of late occupation but were clas- sified as rancherias because they were located on small mesas that could not have contained many houses. Although the actual number of rancherias increased by two-fold, the percentage of these settlements actually decreased. The greatest decrease was in isolated residences; only 15 (11.5 percent) existed in the late phase. This drop in number but increase in size suggests population agglomeration and a trend toward nucleation. During the late phase 26 (16.0 per- cent) settlements were of sufficient size to be classified as hamlets. The smallest had evidence of 9 houses, the largest had 21 houses. The two early phase hamlets did not grow into villages. Their architecture was predominantly houses- in-pits, thereby indicating little growth.
Figure 3.32. Sites Son K:4:20 OU and Son K:4:120 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.) Four (2.5 percent) of the late phase settlements were vil- lages: Son K:4:20 OU and Son K:4:120 OU (Fig. 3.32), Son K:4:72 OU (Fig. 3.12), and Son G:16:27 OU (Fig. 3.33; Ap- pendix A). Some of these settlements may have served some extracommunity functions. Indeed, Son K:4:72 OU contains Between the early and late phases the number of settle- ments increased approximately 150 percent and the number of houses increased nearly 450 percent. Most of this change involved rancherias and, to a lesser extent, hamlets. Late phase occupation involved 162 settlements and 1,289 houses (Fig. 3.31). There were 130 (80.2 percent) settlements that had 8 or fewer houses at this time. Twenty of these contained only fragmentary evidence of late occupation but were clas- sified as rancherias because they were located on small mesas that could not have contained many houses. Although the actual number of rancherias increased by two-fold, the percentage of these settlements actually decreased. The greatest decrease was in isolated residences; only 15 (11.5 percent) existed in the late phase. This drop in number but increase in size suggests population agglomeration and a trend toward nucleation. During the late phase 26 (16.0 per- cent) settlements were of sufficient size to be classified as hamlets. The smallest had evidence of 9 houses, the largest had 21 houses. The two early phase hamlets did not grow into villages. Their architecture was predominantly houses- in-pits, thereby indicating little growth.
Figure 3.31. Late phase settlement sizes.
Figure 3.31. Late phase settlement sizes.
Figure 3.33. Site Son G:16:27 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.33. Site Son G:16:27 OU. (See Fig. 3.2 for Key.)
Figure 3.34. Distribution of early phase settlements in the Valley of Sonora. Of the 65 early phase settlements, 58 were located on mesas overlooking the river and floodplain (Fig. 3.34). Al-
Figure 3.34. Distribution of early phase settlements in the Valley of Sonora. Of the 65 early phase settlements, 58 were located on mesas overlooking the river and floodplain (Fig. 3.34). Al-
Figure 4.1. Glyph map depicting a portion of a pre-Hispanic canal irrigation system; site Son G:16:24 OU, Appendix B. Scale atop rock is 0.3 meters long. Pecked depressions were chalked for de- lineation. (Reprinted from the Journal of Historical Geography, Vol. 10, p. 253, 1984, with the permission of Academic Press.)
Figure 4.1. Glyph map depicting a portion of a pre-Hispanic canal irrigation system; site Son G:16:24 OU, Appendix B. Scale atop rock is 0.3 meters long. Pecked depressions were chalked for de- lineation. (Reprinted from the Journal of Historical Geography, Vol. 10, p. 253, 1984, with the permission of Academic Press.)
Figure 4.2. Comparison of the glyph map with a map of the actual floodplain and irrigation system made from aerial photographs. (Reprinted from the Journal of Historical Geography, Vol. 10, p. 254, 1984, with the permission of Academic Press.)
Figure 4.2. Comparison of the glyph map with a map of the actual floodplain and irrigation system made from aerial photographs. (Reprinted from the Journal of Historical Geography, Vol. 10, p. 254, 1984, with the permission of Academic Press.)
Figure 4.3. Diversion weir for floodplain irrigation. tion, numerous pre-Hispanic people not only made maps on a variety of materials (Glass 1975: 33-36), but also main- tained cartographic records of agricultural lands that were more detailed than European records of the time (Coe 1964: 93, 96; Harvey and Williams 1980). Although the exact agricultural procedures used prehistor- ically in the Valley of Sonora are not known, analogs drawn from present-day inhabitants who use traditional techniques and ethnohistoric comparisons with people from neighbor- ing areas offer probable parallels. Stone axes that were found during the survey and were uncovered during excavations probably were used to clear the riparian woodlands (Pen- nington 1980: 143). As mentioned in Chapter 3, fields were irrigated by canals leading from diversion weirs constructed across the river channel (Fig. 4.3). Weirs probably were built by driving short stakes into the riverbed to form a diagonal barrier across the flow of the river (Bahre 1984: 62). Branches were woven among the stakes, and low earth was mounded atop and downstream of the brush. Because gaps were left in these structures to allow excess water to escape,
Figure 4.3. Diversion weir for floodplain irrigation. tion, numerous pre-Hispanic people not only made maps on a variety of materials (Glass 1975: 33-36), but also main- tained cartographic records of agricultural lands that were more detailed than European records of the time (Coe 1964: 93, 96; Harvey and Williams 1980). Although the exact agricultural procedures used prehistor- ically in the Valley of Sonora are not known, analogs drawn from present-day inhabitants who use traditional techniques and ethnohistoric comparisons with people from neighbor- ing areas offer probable parallels. Stone axes that were found during the survey and were uncovered during excavations probably were used to clear the riparian woodlands (Pen- nington 1980: 143). As mentioned in Chapter 3, fields were irrigated by canals leading from diversion weirs constructed across the river channel (Fig. 4.3). Weirs probably were built by driving short stakes into the riverbed to form a diagonal barrier across the flow of the river (Bahre 1984: 62). Branches were woven among the stakes, and low earth was mounded atop and downstream of the brush. Because gaps were left in these structures to allow excess water to escape,
Figure 4.4. Remnant channel-botton weir ter- race; site Son K:8:63 OU, Appendix B.
Figure 4.4. Remnant channel-botton weir ter- race; site Son K:8:63 OU, Appendix B.
Figure 4.5. A series of channel-bottom weir terraces; site Son K:4:114 OU, Appendix B. (Reprinted from the Geographical Review, Vol. 70, p. 334, 1980, with the permission of the American Geographical Society.) Floodwater farming involving weir terraces and irrigated floodplain farming are at opposite ends of the agricultural in- tensity continuum. Today arroyo-located runoff farming and water harvesting have evolved incrementally out of floodwa- ter farming. Agricultural ecosystems associated with these kinds of temporales represent intermediate forms of agricul- ture. They have characteristics of floodwater fields in that Ethnographic comparisons suggest that labor inputs for ar- royo agriculture were relatively low (Doolittle 1984b). Weirs probably required no more than a few days for initial con- struction. Like similar features used in the valley today, con- struction may have been incremental, taking place automati- cally, without any direct labor input, as rocks were cleared during the cultivation of the field. Maintenance of weirs was probably minimal. The forming of terraces required no labor because it resulted from the natural process of silt deposition
Figure 4.5. A series of channel-bottom weir terraces; site Son K:4:114 OU, Appendix B. (Reprinted from the Geographical Review, Vol. 70, p. 334, 1980, with the permission of the American Geographical Society.) Floodwater farming involving weir terraces and irrigated floodplain farming are at opposite ends of the agricultural in- tensity continuum. Today arroyo-located runoff farming and water harvesting have evolved incrementally out of floodwa- ter farming. Agricultural ecosystems associated with these kinds of temporales represent intermediate forms of agricul- ture. They have characteristics of floodwater fields in that Ethnographic comparisons suggest that labor inputs for ar- royo agriculture were relatively low (Doolittle 1984b). Weirs probably required no more than a few days for initial con- struction. Like similar features used in the valley today, con- struction may have been incremental, taking place automati- cally, without any direct labor input, as rocks were cleared during the cultivation of the field. Maintenance of weirs was probably minimal. The forming of terraces required no labor because it resulted from the natural process of silt deposition
Table 4.1. Index of Agricultural Technology Source: Turner and Doolittle (1978).
Table 4.1. Index of Agricultural Technology Source: Turner and Doolittle (1978).
Figure 5.1. Population growth.
Figure 5.1. Population growth.
Table 5.1. Population Distribution in the Valley of Sonora Each relic house is used as a surrogate for a household averaging 6.1 persons.
Table 5.1. Population Distribution in the Valley of Sonora Each relic house is used as a surrogate for a household averaging 6.1 persons.
Table 5.2. Land Support Units per Household in the Valley of Sonora
Table 5.2. Land Support Units per Household in the Valley of Sonora
Figure 6.1. Stepwise development of agriculture.
Figure 6.1. Stepwise development of agriculture.
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (Rio Sonora Project, William E. Doolittle, principal surveyor)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (Rio Sonora Project, William E. Doolittle, principal surveyor)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (continued)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (continued)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (continued)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (continued)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (Rio Sonora Project, William E. Doolittle, principal surveyor)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (Rio Sonora Project, William E. Doolittle, principal surveyor)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (continued)
Data from the 1977 and 1978 surveys in the Valley of Sonora, Mexico (continued)
Figure C.1. Sites near the present-day pueblo of Banamichi in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.1. Sites near the present-day pueblo of Banamichi in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.2. Sites near the present-day pueblo of Huepac in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.2. Sites near the present-day pueblo of Huepac in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.3. Sites near the present-day pueblo of Aconchi in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.3. Sites near the present-day pueblo of Aconchi in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.4. Sites near the present-day pueblo of Baviacora in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.4. Sites near the present-day pueblo of Baviacora in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.5. Sites near the present-day congregacion of La Capilla in the Rio Sonora Valley.
Figure C.5. Sites near the present-day congregacion of La Capilla in the Rio Sonora Valley.
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EthnohistoryArchaeologyAnthropologyAmerican antiquityLatin American Anthropology
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