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Table 21.3. Demonstratives in Ubykh (Fenwick 2011: 79) Third, in some languages, adnominal demonstratives are restricted in their inflectional behaviour compared to the inflection of demonstrative pronouns (e.g. Kambaata, Lezgian, Menya, Trumai, Turkish, Wolaytta, Kolyma Yukaghir). In Kambaata, for example, demon- strative pronouns indicate number and gender and occur with nine different cases, whereas adnominal demonstratives are only marked for gender and confined to three cases (Treis 2019). Similarly, in Evenki, demonstrative pronouns are always inflected for case and gender, whereas adnominal demonstratives ‘usually do not agree in case with the head, though they are always inflected for number (Nedjalkov 1997: 83). In the extreme case, adnominal demonstratives do not have any of the inflectional properties of demonstrative pronouns. In Lezgian, for example, demonstrative pronouns occur with case and number suffixes, whereas the demonstrative determiners are uninflected particles that precede an inflected noun (see Table 21.4) (see also Turkish). C21P28

Table 21 3. Demonstratives in Ubykh (Fenwick 2011: 79) Third, in some languages, adnominal demonstratives are restricted in their inflectional behaviour compared to the inflection of demonstrative pronouns (e.g. Kambaata, Lezgian, Menya, Trumai, Turkish, Wolaytta, Kolyma Yukaghir). In Kambaata, for example, demon- strative pronouns indicate number and gender and occur with nine different cases, whereas adnominal demonstratives are only marked for gender and confined to three cases (Treis 2019). Similarly, in Evenki, demonstrative pronouns are always inflected for case and gender, whereas adnominal demonstratives ‘usually do not agree in case with the head, though they are always inflected for number (Nedjalkov 1997: 83). In the extreme case, adnominal demonstratives do not have any of the inflectional properties of demonstrative pronouns. In Lezgian, for example, demonstrative pronouns occur with case and number suffixes, whereas the demonstrative determiners are uninflected particles that precede an inflected noun (see Table 21.4) (see also Turkish). C21P28

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Table 21.1 Word-class typology of demonstratives C21T1 21.3 DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS a aaa ae a i In order to distinguish the two cases, I will restrict the above proposed categories to demonstratives in different structural positions that are formally distinct from one an- other, and I will use the terms ‘pronominal; ‘adnominal;, ‘adverbial; ‘identificational, and ‘verbal’ for demonstratives in particular structural positions irrespective of their morpho- logical forms or any other structural properties that may or may not distinguish them (see Table 21.1).
Table 21.1 Word-class typology of demonstratives C21T1 21.3 DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS a aaa ae a i In order to distinguish the two cases, I will restrict the above proposed categories to demonstratives in different structural positions that are formally distinct from one an- other, and I will use the terms ‘pronominal; ‘adnominal;, ‘adverbial; ‘identificational, and ‘verbal’ for demonstratives in particular structural positions irrespective of their morpho- logical forms or any other structural properties that may or may not distinguish them (see Table 21.1).
Table 21.2 Demonstratives in Awa Pit (Curnow 1997: 87) Second, adnominal demonstratives are frequently reduced to clitics. In my sample, there are eleven languages in which adnominal demonstratives may cliticize to an adjacent noun (or attribute), whereas the corresponding pronouns are expressed by free forms (e.g. Anywa, co-occurring noun semantically, but their syntactic function has been subject to debate (see Diessel 1999: 62-71). As we will see, not alladnominal demonstratives qualify as determiners. In many languages, adnominal demonstratives have the same forms as demonstra- tive pronouns, but in about 30% of the world’s languages, adnominal and pronominal! demonstratives are formally distinguished (Diessel 2005). In the current sample, there are 47 languages with a particular series of demonstrative determiners distinct from demonstrative pronouns. The distinction concerns different aspects of linguistic structure. To begin with. there are 14 languages in which the stems of demonstrative determiners differ from those o! demonstrative pronouns, as for instance in French (see ce [DET] vs celui [PRO]) and Awa Pit (see Table 21.2).
Table 21.2 Demonstratives in Awa Pit (Curnow 1997: 87) Second, adnominal demonstratives are frequently reduced to clitics. In my sample, there are eleven languages in which adnominal demonstratives may cliticize to an adjacent noun (or attribute), whereas the corresponding pronouns are expressed by free forms (e.g. Anywa, co-occurring noun semantically, but their syntactic function has been subject to debate (see Diessel 1999: 62-71). As we will see, not alladnominal demonstratives qualify as determiners. In many languages, adnominal demonstratives have the same forms as demonstra- tive pronouns, but in about 30% of the world’s languages, adnominal and pronominal! demonstratives are formally distinguished (Diessel 2005). In the current sample, there are 47 languages with a particular series of demonstrative determiners distinct from demonstrative pronouns. The distinction concerns different aspects of linguistic structure. To begin with. there are 14 languages in which the stems of demonstrative determiners differ from those o! demonstrative pronouns, as for instance in French (see ce [DET] vs celui [PRO]) and Awa Pit (see Table 21.2).
Table 21.4 Demonstratives in Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993<: 190) Finally, demonstrative pronouns may contain an extra morpheme that does not occur in the (corresponding) determiners. For example, above, we have seen that demonstrative pronouns in French include a third person pronoun that has merged with a preceding de- monstrative. Similar types of demonstrative pronouns occur in several other languages of the sample, as, for instance, in Ambulas (8a)-(8b) (see also Nivkh, Tidore, and Togabaqita). C21P29 pronouns in French include a third person pronoun that has merged with a preceding de-
Table 21.4 Demonstratives in Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993<: 190) Finally, demonstrative pronouns may contain an extra morpheme that does not occur in the (corresponding) determiners. For example, above, we have seen that demonstrative pronouns in French include a third person pronoun that has merged with a preceding de- monstrative. Similar types of demonstrative pronouns occur in several other languages of the sample, as, for instance, in Ambulas (8a)-(8b) (see also Nivkh, Tidore, and Togabaqita). C21P29 pronouns in French include a third person pronoun that has merged with a preceding de-
Table 21.7 Demonstratives in Pohnpeian (Rehg 1981: 150-153) 21.6 DEMONSTRATIVE IDENTIFIERS The demonstrative in (22a) functions as subject pronoun of an intransitive verb. As can be seen (in Table 21.11), demonstrative pronouns are inflected for number, but the sin- gular forms are also used as spatial demonstrative adverbs (see (22b)). In addition to Ca1P55 The demonstrative in (22a) functions as subject pronoun of an intransitive verb. As can
Table 21.7 Demonstratives in Pohnpeian (Rehg 1981: 150-153) 21.6 DEMONSTRATIVE IDENTIFIERS The demonstrative in (22a) functions as subject pronoun of an intransitive verb. As can be seen (in Table 21.11), demonstrative pronouns are inflected for number, but the sin- gular forms are also used as spatial demonstrative adverbs (see (22b)). In addition to Ca1P55 The demonstrative in (22a) functions as subject pronoun of an intransitive verb. As can
Table 21.8 Demonstratives in Uduk (Killian 2015: 152-162) _ Like Pohnpeian, Uduk has a particular morphosyntactic class of demonstrative identifiers (Killian 2015: 149-166). The demonstrative system is very complex in Uduk. Table 21.8 shows only a subset of the available forms. Since demonstrative identifiers occur in verbless clauses (see (23)), Killian characterizes them as ‘verb-like’ elements. They are accompanied by the ‘identificational particle’ a but do not conjugate like ordinary verbs for tense and aspect. C21P58 In Pohnpeian and Uduk, demonstrative identifiers have particular stems that distinguish them from demonstratives in verbal clauses (see also Maori, Musqueam, Pangasinen, Demonstrative identifiers are similar to deictic presentatives such as French voici and voila or Russian vot and von. Both types of expressions serve to focus interlocutors’ attention onto a referent in the surrounding situation and are frequently accompanied by a pointing gesture. However, in contrast to identifiers, presentatives are not associated with a particular construction. Identifiers are defined by their occurrence in nonverbal or copular clauses, whereas presentatives are typically used alone or in loose combination with a co-occurring clause or phrase. Nevertheless, there is no clear-cut distinction between deictic presentatives and demonstrative identifiers: When presentatives are used together with a noun, they are often strikingly similar to demonstrative identifiers in nonverbal clauses (e.g. Voici ton train ‘Here comes your train’).
Table 21.8 Demonstratives in Uduk (Killian 2015: 152-162) _ Like Pohnpeian, Uduk has a particular morphosyntactic class of demonstrative identifiers (Killian 2015: 149-166). The demonstrative system is very complex in Uduk. Table 21.8 shows only a subset of the available forms. Since demonstrative identifiers occur in verbless clauses (see (23)), Killian characterizes them as ‘verb-like’ elements. They are accompanied by the ‘identificational particle’ a but do not conjugate like ordinary verbs for tense and aspect. C21P58 In Pohnpeian and Uduk, demonstrative identifiers have particular stems that distinguish them from demonstratives in verbal clauses (see also Maori, Musqueam, Pangasinen, Demonstrative identifiers are similar to deictic presentatives such as French voici and voila or Russian vot and von. Both types of expressions serve to focus interlocutors’ attention onto a referent in the surrounding situation and are frequently accompanied by a pointing gesture. However, in contrast to identifiers, presentatives are not associated with a particular construction. Identifiers are defined by their occurrence in nonverbal or copular clauses, whereas presentatives are typically used alone or in loose combination with a co-occurring clause or phrase. Nevertheless, there is no clear-cut distinction between deictic presentatives and demonstrative identifiers: When presentatives are used together with a noun, they are often strikingly similar to demonstrative identifiers in nonverbal clauses (e.g. Voici ton train ‘Here comes your train’).
Related topics:
Spatial deixisWord Classes
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