protest cycles

In 2017, it was estimated that over 87,000 families—around 270,000 people—
lived in squatted properties in Spain. Such figures, often used by the media to stigmatise residential occupations and generate moral panic, give an ill-defined yet powerful indication of the prevalence of squatting within and outside organised housing movements. From these came the question: How to elevate the “minor knowledges” of precariously housed people in an ethical, engaged, and situated way, in dialogue with a coordinated activist push to reframe squatting as a political strategy? Based on the experience of the first “strategic positivist” survey about squatting in Catalonia, we offer a situated reflection on the tensions and contradictions of militant research in a shifting political terrain. The urgency and ethics that guided our process made it necessary to operate through methodological openness and to consider method as politics, advancing a broader agenda of movement-relevant research supporting non-speculative forms of inhabitation.

Recently, students' political movements are emerging in the world. In countries other than Japan, students often play important roles as political actors. On the other hand, in Japan student movements are failed, and it is often argued that the reason lies in young people's low political awareness. However, this article argues that the political awareness of young people in Japan is not low, and that the problem lies in the difficulty of access to politics for the young. This article investigates student movements around the world focusing on age of eligibility to run for election. In countries and regions where university students reach the age of eligibility to run for election during their school years, student movements to develop into political parties, and core members can become politicians while they are still university students. On the other hand, in Japan, the late age of eligibility to run for election means that students cannot enter politics during their time in university. In addition, given the Japanese traditional employment system, there is a significant risk involved in stopping regular employment to become a politician, which is not permanent employment, as it is dependent on election results. Thus, Japanese university students who are interested in politics are less likely to sustain that interest and become politicians after graduating from university.

have portrayed East Asia's entirely different images in their edited volume Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia: Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth. From civil society to protests and political parties to social inclusion, 12 chapters of this volume deal with the region's three democracies: South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan. Chiavacci and Grano start the book by outlining the high economic growth and rapid industrialisation that were the national priorities among elites in all three democracies, allowing the 'East Asian miracle of economic growth and public policy' (p. 12). This 'developmental citizenship' generated rampant pollution and resulted in environmental protection movements. It also created the problem of an ageing population. After providing a brief introduction about the economic growth, social movements, and challenges in an era of civil society and state in the Eastern democracies, the volume focuses on three significant issues, namely environmental matters, identity politics, and neoliberal and social inclusion. Simona Grano mainly focuses on environmental civil society and the state during two recent governments in Taiwan. She interviewed many activists, and examines the impacts of Taiwan's environmental movement (p. 37) and various environmental laws. She opines that quality of life, fairness, justice, and inclusiveness were the most critical issues for people who voted for Tsai Ing-wen in 2016. Mary Alice Haddad discusses the networking of environmental organisations throughout East Asia by providing a brief history of environmental politics, including the '26 degree campaign' that started in Beijing (p. 70). Haddad describes three hub-and-spoke, horizontal, and vertical networks with an inductive examination of advocacy for ecological policy in East Asia. She uses snowball sampling in analysing the three networks among the ngo s of the region. Environment issues in East Asia are incomplete without discussing the 2011 Fukushima nuclear plant incident. Therefore, Tabias Weiss focuses on the campaign for nuclear power before and after this catastrophe. He observes the emergence of various 'pro-nuclear consumer and environmental groups' in the 1990s and early 2000s (p. 94). He finds it difficult to evaluate their influence book reviews

This paper critically examines an influential strand in research on civil society. It argues that the so­called political­institutional­approach, proposed by Pharr, Pekkanen, Schreurs, and others, has several blind spots, for its methodology rests on problematic assumptions on human agency. Following these assumptions, the specific form of com­ mon practices vital for making sense of civic actions, is shut out. Consequently, this paper suggests an alternative notion of human agency; it argues that the political­ institutional­approach has to be complemented by a hermeneutically grounded account that avoids the shortcomings of the former in that it takes into account the social imaginary of a given society. Social imaginary denotes the background understanding which provides the normative framework within which the purposes of civic action take shape. Taking into account the intrinsic purposes of civic action allows for ac­ knowledging the culturally inflected shapes of the modern in...

Although the interactions between media communication and movement activism have been widely acknowledged, much remains to be understood about how they operate in East Asia, where centralized authority and Confucius ideology prevail. This Special Section collected articles to examine the latest trends of activist media communication and reflect critically on their impact on civic-political participation and social change in the region. Some of the articles focus on the role of media practices in the emergence and proliferation of popular protests in East Asian societies, such as Hong Kong and Japan, where a tradition of political activism and radical protest had been lacking. Others analyze communication strategies and networks for engaging potential supporters and appealing to citizens in China, Taiwan, and Thailand. By highlighting the multiplicity of media forms, ranging from press media to social media and street performance, in the course of mobilization and activism, this Spec...

Este artículo analiza, desde una perspectiva socio-histórica, los procesos de movilización de los pescadores artesanales en la conflictividad territorial del río Paraná en la provincia de Santa Fe entre los 2000 y 2020. Se utiliza herramientas analíticas de las corrientes teóricas de la acción colectiva y los movimientos sociales, el estudio reconstruye históricamente las condiciones de posibilidad de estos procesos de movilización. Para ello, se presta atención a los ciclos de protesta y los repertorios de acción colectiva que dan cuenta de la paulatina organización sectorial de los pescadores y su inscripción en el entramado contencioso de protestas eco-territoriales de los últimos veinte años en Argentina. En términos metodológicos, el artículo se basa en la lectura e interpretación histórica de una serie compuesta por notas periodísticas y la realización de entrevistas en profundidad con pescadores artesanales de la provincia. La experiencia analizada permitió observar hasta qué...

Este artículo analiza, desde una perspectiva socio-histórica, los procesos de movilización de los pescadores artesanales en la conflictividad territorial del río Paraná en la provincia de Santa Fe entre los 2000 y 2020. Se utiliza herramientas analíticas de las corrientes teóricas de la acción colectiva y los movimientos sociales, el estudio reconstruye históricamente las condiciones de posibilidad de estos procesos de movilización. Para ello, se presta atención a los ciclos de protesta y los repertorios de acción colectiva que dan cuenta de la paulatina organización sectorial de los pescadores y su inscripción en el entramado contencioso de protestas eco-territoriales de los últimos veinte años en Argentina. En términos metodológicos, el artículo se basa en la lectura e interpretación histórica de una serie compuesta por notas periodísticas y la realización de entrevistas en profundidad con pescadores artesanales de la provincia. La experiencia analizada permitió observar hasta qué punto las identidades de los actores sociales y ambientales están atravesadas por las dinámicas políticas y estatales en el marco de un conflicto territorialmente situado. Además, cómo dichas dinámicas moldearon y permitieron la emergencia de actores colectivos cuyas prácticas se encontraban tradicionalmente restringidas a la escala local-comunitaria.
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From a socio-historical perspective, this article analyzes the mobilization processes fishermen of the Paraná River in the province of Santa Fe (Argentina) between 2000-2020. It uses analytical tools related to collective action and social movements. The study historically reconstructs the conditions of possibility of these mobilization processes. The attention is focused on the cycles of protest and the repertoires of collective action that account for the gradual sectoral organization of fishermen and their inscription in the contentious network of eco-territorial protests of the last twenty years in Argentina. In methodological terms, the article is based on the reading and historical interpretation of a series of newspaper articles and interviews with artisanal fishermen. The article shows how the identities of social and environmental actors are traversed by political and state dynamics in the framework of a territorially situated conflict. Furthermore, show how these dynamics shaped and allowed the emergence of collective actors whose practices were traditionally restricted to the local and communitarian scale.
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Este artigo analisa, a partir de uma perspectiva sócio-histórica, os processos de mobilização dos pescadores artesanais no conflito territorial do rio Paraná na província de Santa Fé entre 2000 e 2020. Utilizam-se ferramentas analíticas das correntes teóricas da ação coletiva eos movimentos, o estudo reconstrói historicamente as condições de possibilidade desses processos de mobilização. Para isso, presta-se atenção aos ciclos de protesto e aos repertórios de ação coletiva que dão conta da gradativa organização setorial dos pescadores e sua inscrição no quadro contencioso dos protestos ecoterritoriais dos últimos vinte anos na Argentina. Em termos metodológicos, o artigo baseia-se na leitura e interpretação histórica de uma série composta por notas jornalísticas e entrevistas em profundidade com pescadores artesanais da província. A experiência analisada permitiu observar em que medida as identidades dos atores sociais e ambientais são atravessadas por dinâmicas políticas e estatais no quadro de um conflito territorialmente situado. Além disso, como essas dinâmicas moldaram e permitiram o surgimento de atores coletivos cujas práticas eram tradicionalmente restritas à escala local-comunitária.

He utilizado una experiencia de campo entre comunidades neorurales de los Pirineos Ibèricos y una experiencia directa de vida entre okupas urbanas en Barcelona para redactar mi tesis doctoral en Ciencias Ambientales. Analizo dos metodologìas (la observaciòn participante y la lògica de la investigaciòn etnogràfica) y discuto su aplicaciòn con referencia al estilo y al contexto particular de la investigaciòn.

Studies on how to frame a political place render a broad perspective over identity making processes. Frames construct alternative realities based on the ideological culture (idioculture) of a movement and political place, and they position opposing and/or alternative identities within that place while setting the subject position of the narrator. This study deals with identity making within critical discursive psychology through the place frame of squatters who participated in Turkey's most famous and recent (open between 2013-2015) urban political squatting incident at the Don Quijote Social Centre in Kadiköy, Istanbul. An analysis of 13 semi-structured in-depth interviews with the actual participants of the squat yields results which illuminate opposite identity positionings (between opposing positions of organized and unorganized/anti-political individuals) and contradicting place frames. Categorized under three argumentative repertoires (squat as an alternative, an orderly place, and a space with limited ideology), the findings reveal how political action and place are politicized by focusing on different place frames which the participants rhetorically make based on their subject positions. While people make use of the same repertoire and are part of the same movement, they make framings in an opposing way in order to position themselves and others into certain subject positions. In conclusion, the present study focuses on in-group relations and identity making in this commoning incident. In the conclusion, arguments like the novelty of these kinds of movement that fall under the category of New Social Movements, their genuine alternativeness, the topics they introduce to the political arena and other ways of collective identity formation are debated upon.

Japan has witnessed the rise of nativist demonstrations and hate crimes since the late 2000s, leading the Diet to enact the country's f irst anti-racism law in 2016. The aim of this chapter is to examine the pro-establishment nature of Japan's nativist movement. The movement often criticizes the ruling right-wing establishment but should be regarded as a detachment force of the establishment in two ways. First, Japanese nativism is a variant of historical revisionism and the emergence of nativist violence is a 'by-product' of the rise of historical revisionism among the right-wing establishment in post-Cold War Japan. Although the nativist movement and the right-wing establishment are not directly associated with each other, the former took full advantage of the discursive opportunity opened by the latter. Second, the general public favours the nativist movement as part of the conservative establishment.