conflict & Development

Purpose of the Study: To assess the influence of decentralization on democracy, participation, good governance, and service quality in the Kassena Nankana Municipal, Ghana. Statement of the Problem: Decentralization is intended to enhance grassroots participation, democracy, good governance, and efficient service delivery. However, the current administrative, legislative, and political arrangements in Ghana allow the Central Government to usurp local authorities' powers, preventing the realization of these goals to a substantial level. Methodology: The study employed a mixed methods approach with purposive sampling techniques to select respondents. Data were analyzed using both inferential and descriptive methods, presented with IBM SPSS software version 20. Data collection methods included questionnaires, interviews, focus group discussions, and observations. Findings: The study revealed that, to a moderate extent (Mean = 3.3333), decentralization is effective in Kassena Nankana Municipal. While there have been successes, complete success in decentralization policy implementation has not been achieved. Challenges include the central government's retention of significant control and the lack of elected Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs). Recommendations: To safeguard and improve decentralization in Ghana, the study recommends ensuring sufficient funding for all responsibilities, regularly building capacities, strengthening sub-district structures, electing MMDCEs through universal adult suffrage, enhancing participatory governance and citizen engagement, and remunerating Assembly Members and Unit Committee Members. Additionally, addressing gender disparities requires structural adjustments to support more women in the decentralization process, including tailored networking initiatives, inclusive representation through quotas, partnership building, advocacy, and promoting women's economic empowerment

To assess the influence of decentralization on democracy, participation, good governance, and service quality in the Kassena Nankana Municipal, Ghana. Statement of the Problem: Decentralization is intended to enhance grassroots participation, democracy, good governance, and efficient service delivery. However, the current administrative, legislative, and political arrangements in Ghana allow the Central Government to usurp local authorities' powers, preventing the realization of these goals to a substantial level. The study employed a mixed methods approach with purposive sampling techniques to select respondents. Data were analyzed using both inferential and descriptive methods, presented with IBM SPSS software version 20. Data collection methods included questionnaires, interviews, focus group discussions, and observations. The study revealed that, to a moderate extent (Mean = 3.3333), decentralization is effective in Kassena Nankana Municipal. While there have been successes, complete success in decentralization policy implementation has not been achieved. Challenges include the central government's retention of significant control and the lack of elected Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Chief Executives (MMDCEs). To safeguard and improve decentralization in Ghana, the study recommends ensuring sufficient funding for all responsibilities, regularly building capacities, strengthening sub-district structures, electing MMDCEs through universal adult suffrage, enhancing participatory governance and citizen engagement, and remunerating Assembly Members and Unit Committee Members. Additionally, addressing gender disparities requires structural adjustments to support more women in the decentralization process, including tailored networking initiatives, inclusive representation through quotas, partnership building, advocacy, and promoting women's economic empowerment

The role of traditional Authorities in local governance was the subject of the study. The research design consisted of various methods of data collection including in-depth face-to face interviews, document reviews and observations. One technique that was used throughout the research to get information from all traditional role players was the appreciative technique. The population was made up of opinion leaders, settlers, chiefs, fetish priests, identified group leaders, tengdamba (land owners), family heads and local government staff. The instruments were pretested for reliability The analysis consisted of describing qualitative data while quantitative data was analysed using SPSS (statistical package for social sciences). It emerged that traditional institutions have more good to offer the District Assembly in local governance than their limitation of the work of the Assembly. The institutions have remained resilient in the face of modern challenges because of the confidence and ...

T he Oxford India Short Introductions are concise, stimulating, and accessible guides to different aspects of India. Combining authoritative analysis, new ideas, and diverse perspectives, they discuss subjects which are topical yet enduring, as also emerging areas of study and debate.' This statement, which appears in every Short Introduction, is the only series introduction that the reader gets. It is open-ended enough to accommodate a range of unconnected topics-Natural Disasters and Indian History, The Poverty Line and The Indian Constitution. A closer look at four books in the series, Affirmative Action in India (AA) by Ashwini Deshpande, Panchayati Raj (PR) by Kuldeep Mathur, The Right to Information in India (RTI) by Sudhir Naib and The Civil Services in India (CSI) by S.K. Das-all published in 2013-confirms the claims made in the 'series introduction'. The writers are well-known experts and their analysis is authoritative. They present their themes clearly, and locate them in their historical contexts. They outline the current debates in their subject areas and provide their own perspectives on these debates. The small-sized books are compact-each is roughly 200 pages long, but in an easy to read format. They are reliable and provide detailed introductions to the topics they deal with. Each book is bound to be appreciated by the general reader who wants to be better informed, and by students of the book's theme. But more importantly, in a discipline like management, a selection from the list, or perhaps chapters from the various titles, can be put together to provide students, administrators, and practitioners with a fairly deep understanding of the socio-political contexts in which management operates. For instance, chapters from the titles on caste, affirmative action, panchayati raj, Indian cities, the Indian Constitution and the civil services would make for an interesting set of readings on the sociocultural environment in which we operate. Add titles dealing with the poverty line, trade and environment, water resources, capital flows and exchange rate management, and one has a fairly comprehensive coverage of the macroeconomic environment. Postgraduate programmes in management would do well to use this series to teach an under-emphasized area in management education-the social, political and economic contexts in which our formal and informal enterprises operate. The books are moderately priced, around `200 to `250, making them attractive to the average reader.

This article provides an in-depth exploration of the complex relationship between traditional leaders and the democratic processes in Ghana. It begins by tracing the historical roots of traditional leadership in Ghana, highlighting the evolution of their roles and their historical involvement in politics. The article then transitions into an examination of the contemporary roles of these leaders in Ghanaian society, their political affiliations, and their influence on the political landscape. The core of the article is a critical analysis of the impact of traditional leaders on Ghana's democratic processes. Through a series of case studies, it scrutinizes the ways in which these leaders have shaped political outcomes, discussing both the potential benefits and drawbacks of their involvement in politics. The article concludes with an exploration of the challenges and opportunities presented by the participation of traditional leaders in politics, offering suggestions for managing their influence to ensure the continued growth and stability of Ghana's democracy. This comprehensive review contributes to the understanding of the intricate dynamics between tradition and politics in Ghana, shedding light on the role of traditional leaders as influential stakeholders in the country's democratic landscape and their impact on socio economic development as a whole.

This article provides an in-depth exploration of the complex relationship between traditional leaders and the democratic processes in Ghana. It begins by tracing the historical roots of traditional leadership in Ghana, highlighting the evolution of their roles and their historical involvement in politics. The article then transitions into an examination of the contemporary roles of these leaders in Ghanaian society, their political affiliations, and their influence on the political landscape. The core of the article is a critical analysis of the impact of traditional leaders on Ghana's democratic processes. Through a series of case studies, it scrutinizes the ways in which these leaders have shaped political outcomes, discussing both the potential benefits and drawbacks of their involvement in politics. The article concludes with an exploration of the challenges and opportunities presented by the participation of traditional leaders in politics, offering suggestions for managing their influence to ensure the continued growth and stability of Ghana's democracy. This comprehensive review contributes to the understanding of the intricate dynamics between tradition and politics in Ghana, shedding light on the role of traditional leaders as influential stakeholders in the country's democratic landscape and their impact on socio economic development as a whole.

This paper strongly corroborates the widely held claim about the democracy and freedom "deficit" in the Arab world and asks the natural question as to why has the Arab world experienced such a deficit. The estimation results of an extended "modernity" model of democracy (measured by the Polity IV global index) suggest that after controlling for a host of economic, social and historical variables a negative and highly significant Arab dummy effect remains. This suggests, therefore, that the modernization theory does not fully account for the democracy deficit of the Arab world. Controlling for the modernity and other determinants, oil is negatively associated with democracy while the net effect of regional conflicts in the Arab world was negative, suggesting that conflicts in the Arab world promote authoritarianism in contrast with other regions where regional wars have been associated with democratic transitions. Moreover, and very significantly the Arab dummy was no longer significant as a stand alone effect though it remains significant when interacted with regional wars.

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This paper strongly corroborates the widely held claim about the democracy and freedom "deficit" in the Arab world and asks the natural question as to why has the Arab world experienced such a deficit. The estimation results of an extended "modernity" model of democracy (measured by the Polity IV global index) suggest that after controlling for a host of economic, social and historical variables a negative and highly significant Arab dummy effect remains. This suggests, therefore, that the modernization theory does not fully account for the democracy deficit of the Arab world. Controlling for the modernity and other determinants, oil is negatively associated with democracy while the net effect of regional conflicts in the Arab world was negative, suggesting that conflicts in the Arab world promote authoritarianism in contrast with other regions where regional wars have been associated with democratic transitions. Moreover, and very significantly the Arab dummy was no longer significant as a stand alone effect though it remains significant when interacted with regional wars.

The Chieftaincy institution has been an important arm of local governance since colonial times. The British colonial policy used the chieftaincy structure in implementing an indirect-rule system of governance. However, the chieftaincy institution has had varying roles in local governance in post-independent Ghana. The study examined the nature of collaboration between the chieftaincy institution and formal local government actors in the Sissala-East District of the Upper West Region of Ghana. To do this, the study employed techniques such as questionnaire administration, interviewing and focus group discussions to gather data for analysis. Written documents were also relied upon in the development of the study. The results show that, notwithstanding the constitutional limitations on chiefs not to take part in active partisan politics, chiefs have collaborated with local and formal local government actors to bring development to their people in the areas of infrastructural developmen...

International treaties and local legislation that carry out these accords serve as the definition of international drug trafficking.

There was no drug trafficking prior to the Hague Convention of 1912.There were, of course, laws prohibiting the use and subsequent trafficking of specific drugs in a number of nations, but there were no globally enforceable accords. Depending on the state or country, which drugs were lawful or illegal?

Trafficking has received a lot of attention over the past ten years from the media and the development community. Particular UN agreements have been created to address trafficking in drugs, armaments, and people. There are classifications for particular types of trafficking (like human trafficking), but there isn't a generally agreed-upon method to describe
trafficking as a whole, and it's not often apparent how it differs from other illicit actions like smuggling.

The Berghof Dialogue Series is an offshoot of the Berghof Handbook for Conflict Transformation. Each topic in the series is chosen because it is particularly relevant to societies in conflict and the practice of conflict transformation, and because it raises important issues at the present time. In each dialogue, practitioners and scholars critically engage and debate in light of their experience. Typically, a Dialogue includes one lead article from key experts, and four commentaries from practitioners and others. Rather than presenting a single analysis, these practitioner-scholar dialogues stimulate debate, integrating different perspectives, challenging prevailing views, comparing research findings with experiences and insights on the ground. Importantly, Dialogues, as works of broad relevance, are also distributed in print version. We invite readers to respond to the papers (as to all articles). Interesting and original contributions can be added to the web version of the Dialogue.

The events known collectively as the "Arab Spring" the series of demonstrations, upheavals, and eventually sectarian, ethnic and civil wars in the Middle East-had a variety of causes. While the demands for human dignity and relief from unemployment and low living standards were among the most explicit, the call for the elimination of corruption was equally important and organically linked to the other demands. Thus, it is interesting to note that the very first spark for the uprising occurred with public demonstrations against one of the most notoriously corrupt Arab regimes, the one headed by Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia. The unrest quickly spread to the Egyptian, Libyan, and Yemeni hereditary or monarchical republics (terms that in and of themselves indicate almost institutionalized corruption), 1 and culminated in the prolonged Syrian civil war that some critics attribute to the reaction against the "corruption, nepotism and cronyism of 42 years of Assad fami...

In this extension of her important 2002 article in American Anthropologist, Lila Abu-Lughod examines the problematic nature of the western discourse surrounding Muslim women. In particular, she is interested in how western political programs in countries like Iraq and Afghanistan use the status of girls and women to validate their claims to occupy, colonize, or otherwise meddle in Muslim countries' internal affairs. Abu-Lughod shows how the human rights discourse surrounding grim situations (often aggravated or caused by western interventions and other maneuverings) relies on a kind of one-downtrodden-Muslim-female-fits-all scenario. This book analyzes the "idea of the Muslim woman," a character often in need of western liberation, and argues that the lives of Muslims are more complicated and nuanced than the popular media would have us believe. Abu-Lughod begins her Introduction by reflecting on her fieldwork as an anthropologist in Egypt, an experience that taught her a great deal about the lives of Muslim women and has influenced her view that there is a "disjuncture between my experiences and these public attitudes" (p. 4). In other words, what the West thinks about Muslim women-their hopes, dreams, aspirations, and experiences-is radically different than what Muslim women actually experience. These fantasies, much like the fantasies about Muslim men as irrational and hopelessly violent, "rationalize American and European international adventures across the Middle East and South Asia" (p. 7). Muslim women are represented as lacking agency, a result in part of the alignment of sexual freedoms with personal liberation, about which Wendy Brown has written. Abu-Lughod sets off on her project to deconstruct and analyze the intersection among feminism, human rights language, and politics with the hope that the actual complicated, diverse, and multifaceted lives of Muslim women can contribute to a critical reflection on the growing movement for women's rights. In chapter 1, the author sets her sights on Afghanistan, a state well known for its violence and poverty, not to mention the mass suffering of the general population. As she skillfully points out, the plight of Afghan girls and women serves a foundational role in arguments for American intervention. While the Taliban certainly deserve the demonization they have received in the press, so do the numerous other factions that target women as well as religious minorities and ethnic groups like the Hazara. As she reminds us, some of these groups are in "the U.S. backed government" (p. 29).

This paper proposes to explore “the issues of exclusion and inclusion in decentralized local governance institutions in India”. It also tries to explore how the marginalized groups are excluded in the decentralized democratic process. It further tries to examine an important area relating to exclusion of Panchayat institutions in situations of political conflict or economic contestation. It also examines in detail the provisions for reservations for SCs, STs, OBCs and women; it analyzes the various dimensions of the interrelated concept of inclusion and exclusion. It also examines the problem of why the local governance institutions get excluded from the process of development and governance. Further it assesses the marginalized groups’ awareness of Panchayati Raj, their perception of Panchayati Raj, their participation in Panchayati Raj programmes as functionaries and as beneficiaries and the extent to which they are benefited in different areas of operation of Panchayati Raj insti...

The political economy of civil wars has acquired unprecedented scholarly and policy attention. Among others, the International Peace Academy's programme on Economic Agendas in Civil Wars (EACW) has aimed to contribute to a better understanding of the complex dynamics of civil war economies and has identified areas for policy development critical for improved conflict prevention, conflict resolution, and post- conflict peacebuilding. While much of the earlier debate on the economic dimensions has been polarized around the 'greed versus grievance' dichotomy, there is now a better understanding of how economic dynamics can influence the onset, character, and duration of armed conflicts. This paper discusses key research findings and their policy relevance, provides a preliminary assessment of policy efforts to address the economic dimensions of conflict and conflict transformation, and offers some issues for further research and policy action.

It is widely argued that chiefs do not play any meaningful role in local government in Ghana as they used to; since there is an existing structure which is responsible for local governance in Ghana. In recent times, this debate has been raging on ferociously to the extent that people want the chieftaincy institution to be abolished. This qualitative study uses the institutional framework to assess the role of chiefs in local government. The article found that chiefs play a critical role in socioeconomic and cultural development in Ghana and should be given a prominent role in local government administration in Ghana.

While talking about traumatic experiences is considered central to psychological recovery, little is known about how these conversations occur in daily life. We investigated spontaneous injury talk among parents and children in the aftermath of a child's hospitalisation due to physical trauma, and its relationship with children's socioemotional functioning. In a prospective naturalistic observation study, we audio-sampled the daily life of 71 families with the Electronically Activated Recorder after their child (3-16 years old) was discharged from hospital. We collected close to 20 000 snippets of audio information, which were double-coded for conversation characteristics, and measured children's socioemotional functioning with the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) at 6 weeks and 3 months postinjury. The children were involved in injury talk for, on average, 46 min/day, 9 min of which referred to emotions. Children had significantly more injury conversations...

The political economy of civil wars has acquired unprecedented scholarly and policy attention. Among others, the International Peace Academy's programme on Economic Agendas in Civil Wars (EACW) has aimed to contribute to a better understanding of the complex dynamics of civil war economies and has identified areas for policy development critical for improved conflict prevention, conflict resolution, and postconflict peacebuilding. While much of the earlier debate on the economic dimensions has been polarized around the 'greed versus grievance' dichotomy, there is now a better understanding of how economic dynamics can influence the onset, character, and duration of armed conflicts. This paper discusses key research findings and their policy relevance, provides a preliminary assessment of policy efforts to address the economic dimensions of conflict and conflict transformation, and offers some issues for further research and policy action.

The political economy of civil wars has acquired unprecedented scholarly and policy attention. Among others, the International Peace Academy's programme on Economic Agendas in Civil Wars (EACW) has aimed to contribute to a better understanding of the complex dynamics of civil war economies and has identified areas for policy development critical for improved conflict prevention, conflict resolution, and postconflict peacebuilding. While much of the earlier debate on the economic dimensions has been polarized around the 'greed versus grievance' dichotomy, there is now a better understanding of how economic dynamics can influence the onset, character, and duration of armed conflicts. This paper discusses key research findings and their policy relevance, provides a preliminary assessment of policy efforts to address the economic dimensions of conflict and conflict transformation, and offers some issues for further research and policy action.

Prior to colonial rule, governance in Africa rested on chiefs. However, colonialism and other currents of social change reduced the powers and functions of chiefs. Critics tagged the chieftaincy institution as anachronistic and even predicted its demise during the struggle for independence. However, chieftaincy has persisted after several years of Ghana’s independence. The paper specifically seeks to answer two fundamental questions: Is chieftaincy anachronistic? And, how relevant is chieftaincy in Ghana’s democratic dispensation. The paper is a desk review examining the instrumentality of the chieftaincy institution in the midst of a web of reputational challenges in contemporary Ghana. The study unearthed that the anachronistic label is pivoted on the undemocratic nature of chieftaincy institution and, chieftaincy and land disputes. Despite the above label, it was also found that chiefs are instrumental in conflict resolution, governance and administration, promotion of education ...

The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) is an independent research institute based in Kabul that was established in 2002 by the assistance of the international community in Afghanistan. AREU's mission is to inform and influence policy and practice by conducting high-quality, policy relevant, evidence-based research and actively disseminating the results and promote a culture of research and learning. Since 2020, AREU organization is registered with Ministry of Economy (MoEc) as a non-profit NGO. As the top think-tank in Afghanistan and number three in Central Asia according to the Global Go To Think Tank Index Report at the University of Pennsylvania, AREU achieves its mission by engaging with policy makers, civil society, researchers and academics to promote their use of AREU's research-based publications and its library, strengthening their research capacity and creating opportunities for analysis, reflection and debate. AREU is governed by a Board of Directors comprised of representatives of donor organizations, embassies, the United Nations and other multilateral agencies, Afghan civil society and independent experts.

This paper examines racial capitalism through the lens of housing and urban development. We compare two disparate places Kabul, Afghanistan and Boulder, Colorado in order to illustrate the commonalities of property rights regimes, and the (ill)logics of economic development that reinforce racial-economic privilege. By ex- ploring housing specifically, this paper explicates the ways in which availability, affordability, and desirability are intertwined with racialized conceptualizations of space. Both Kabul and Boulder are dominated by legacies and contemporary practices of white privilege and economic inequality based on neoliberal racial capitalism. Housing in Kabul has been a key part of international and national economic development programs, while the influx of international funds and workers included a form of gentrification that significantly marginalized local- Afghans from several spaces in the capital city. In Boulder, property values have increased exponentially in recent decades due to the growth of information technology jobs and influx of wealth. The racial and economic marginalization of nonwhite and low-income persons in Boulder remains consistent within housing and work sectors. The racialization of Afghans by international development workers in Kabul, and the racialization of poverty and marginalization of nonwhite minorities in Boulder explicate the tensions and conflicts between property rights regimes and the “right” to be housed. This paper examines the ways in which discursive re- presentations of wealth and poverty become geopolitical and geo-economic tools of racialized socioeconomic ostracism. Analyzing these disparate places through the lens of racial capitalism explicates the common forms of reductionism used to reinforce market privilege over the lives and livelihoods of bodies racialized as “other”. While the specific histories of domination differ by location, the effects of racial capitalism are visible in each, particularly through relations of private property.

Responsive parenting is known to lead to multiple positive child outcomes, including sociomoral development. We examined the extent to which additional caregiving practices are also critical for positive sociomoral outcomes in early childhood. We looked specifically at what we call the evolved developmental niche (EDN), as described for young children by anthropologists, which includes frequent touch, breastfeeding, caregiver responsiveness, multiple adult caregivers, play, and natural childbirth. We collected behaviour and attitude data on these practices from 383 mothers of 3-year-olds in China using a self-report maternal survey. Mothers also completed standardized measures of their child's behaviour regulation, empathy, and conscience. We found significant effects for most caregiving practices and attitudes on child outcomes after controlling for maternal income and education, and most effects remained significant after controlling for responsivity. These findings suggest that practices representative of the evolved developmental niche may be important, above and beyond responsivity alone, for fostering sociomoral development.

This research project is to find out the best guidelines of the conflict prevention and management in water consumption and use for all stakeholders, who are being affected by EEC (Eastern Economic Corridor) development and other development plans in the EEC area as well as its association, according to the water resources management issue between the demand for domestic, agricultural and industrial uses. The study area covers 5 provinces in the east of Thailand, including Chachoengsao, Chonburi, Rayong, Chanthaburi, and Sa Kaeo. The research objectives are to 1.Study the contextual differences of the targeted areas, area backgrounds, and area-based water resources management models defined by the government as well as the local community. 2.Forecast models and conflict conditions for water resources management which would be existed in the study areas. 3.Define appropriate guidelines for conflict resolution and management upon the contextual differences of the targeted areas. There are 3 significant questions for the study to be tracked down which are 1.What are the contextual differences of the targeted areas? 2.What are the foreseen models and conflict conditions for water resources management in the study areas? 3.What are the appropriate guidelines for conflict resolution and management upon the contextual differences of the targeted areas that would be accepted by local communities to support the future development policies issued by the Thai government?
PAR (Participatory Action Research) is applied along with the main study. The finding is about the management issue in water consumption and the use of the targeted areas, as the result of huge demands for water reservoirs to catch the monsoon rains for the uses in the dry season. They required the water grids between the reservoirs via a complex piping system. The water demand for industrial use in the EEC area was remarkably higher each year while the water reservoirs in the ECC area were inadequate to supply. The cross-catchment management to get the water from other reservoirs outside the EEC area is finally adopted to increase the water consumption in the EEC area with a big warning for the unfair resources management against the stakeholders who use the water reservoirs outside the EEC area on daily basis. This issue can be solved by designing the water resources management system to supply these stakeholders as the first priority. Through the meaningful public participation of these stakeholders, they are able to justify the rest water consumption bringing to the EEC area without conflict. The research provides the main argument that we shall have guidelines for the conflict prevention and management in water consumption and use based on 2 levels which are 1.Operation level in the targeted areas; it is the area-based guideline in the boundary of province or sub-basin. It can be divided into two guidelines. One is water demand management, the other is water quality management. 2.Policy level at the big picture or at the basin level; It is the policy definition asking for every section and every level who shall collaborate to move in the same direction. It can be classified into two principles. One is the principle of the mega water development/management project impact assessment, the other is the principle of meaningful public participation for the water resources management by all stakeholders with conflict minimization.

This article analyzes how the category of “Afghan women” and discourses of precarity intersect within the women’s empowerment regime in Afghanistan. By examining an NGO that seeks to empower women through writing, I argue that staff members draw upon precarity as a go-to logic to describe the state of Afghan women writers’ successes under conditions of insecurity and limited communication. Specifically, it is writers’ desires to subvert their social orders and to carve out their own futures that staff members and writing coordinators frame as subject to potential destruction. While recent work has highlighted the importance of recognizing the precarious lifeworlds of vulnerable populations, this article points to the potential implications of a hyper-recognition of precarity – namely, the obscuring of the complexities of individual women’s past and present realities. Through analyzing the pedagogies of one empowerment NGO working with women in a post-9/11 Afghanistan, I show how the logic of precarity is concerned with the vulnerability of women’s desires and sentiments, rather than their material and political vulnerabilities. It is thus deeply inflected by a historically situated “common sense” about which potentialities and aspirations are inherent to Afghan women.

The visual relationships between a proposed development and the existing urban setting have become increasingly controversial in the past two decades. Protecting and enhancing visual attributes of the current urban environment is regulated by a range of performance-based policies and regulations. However, every year many development conflicts occur between developers, local councils and residents resulting in costly delays in the development process. Visual amenity and character are two of the most contentious issues in these conflicts.
Currently, conflict resolution based on these policies relies on experts’ interpretation of what appears to be visually significant. Although visual amenity experts aim to provide an impartial and objective assessment of visual effects of proposed developments, their evaluations are sometimes mixed with personal judgments and lack enough centrality and reliability. The problem is compounded by the fact that there are no consistent approaches within and between localities and experts as to what is considered visually significant. The uncertainties and inefficiencies created by performance-based planning policies, to regulate the protection of urban visual quality, highlights the importance of developing reliable, measurable and repeatable approaches to analyse visual environments and to describe the urban character.
Based on a postpositivist approach, a range of research methods using exploratory and descriptive approaches was used to answer the stated research questions. Therefore, the research design is split into three stages. The first stage involved reviewing the planning court cases in Brisbane from 2000 to 2012 to identify the overall different types of conflicts within the city. These conflicts were analysed spatially to determine their distribution and to look for any significant spatial patterns. Based on this review, four case studies were selected, and three measurable methods were developed to provide a higher level of quantitative assessment of visual properties of the urban character. In the last stage, the technical methods were evaluated by a panel of three visual amenity expert witnesses to investigate the effectiveness, usefulness and potential of these methods to be applied in expert assessments and court case resolutions.
This research focuses on urban visual amenity conflicts in the city of Brisbane, Queensland, Australia and identifies the gaps and recurring issues inherent in expert assessments and judgments. Based on this knowledge, quantitative methods to assess visual amenity and character, with greater objectivity and reliability than existing methods, have been developed. The outcome of this research contributes to the field of visual assessment and character studies in landscape planning and assists decision makers and Environmental and Planning Courts to determine development conflicts with more objectivity and reliability.

Despite its claim to large reserves of resources, Africa remains the poorest continent in the world. The incidence of poverty in Africa is multifaceted and cannot be traced to a single cause. This paper examines and reviews some potential causes of poverty in Africa. Many factors including corruption, poor governance and leadership, weak Institutions, intractable wars and conflicts, unfavorable trade policies (World Bank and IMF policies), among others are discussed as causes of poverty on the continent. With the causes identified, finding feasible solutions to poverty remains a great challenge for African leaders and countries. It is proposed here that any step toward addressing poverty on the continent should begin with drastic reduction in corruption which, according to Transparency International, costs the continent $150 billion annually. I suggest that inclusive, responsive and accountable governments are a necessity for combating corruption. The importance of strong institutions and reasonably fair distribution of resources are also emphasized. Finally, there must be long term plans (which transcend regimes) to address poverty.

Using the case studies of the DRC, Lesotho and Kenya, this article compares different approaches to electoral mediation to establish their effectiveness or lack thereof.These countries present unique political and geographical settings, ideal for a comparative analysis. For example, located in the central African region and due to its sheer size, politics in the DRC has a spill-over effect on the Great Lakes region and beyond. Kenya, on the other hand, is known for its ethnic-based predatory politics – which, given its geographic location in East Africa, has an effect on the stability of the entire sub-region.2 Lastly, Lesotho is the only country in Africa that is entirely landlocked by another country, South Africa. Its politics and economy are largely influenced by what happens in South Africa and, therefore, mitigation of any political instability is necessarily South Africa’s concern.

On November 13, 2017, the Zimbabwe National Army intervened to launch Operation Restore Legacy, which was brought an end on December 18. 2 The operation resulted in the resignation of former President Robert Mugabe on November 22 and the installment of Emmerson Mnangagwa as President of Zimbabwe on November 24. Elections are on track for and schedule to take place in 2018. Zimbabwe is important because of the role it plays within the region and the global transformation taking place among the communist parties across the globe. It is within that context that this educational piece is written. Part one examines religion, ethnicity, tribalism, and identity politics. Identity politics are at the heart but not the cause of the challenges facing Zimbabwe. As the existing literature highlights, Zimbabwe is multicultural, multilingual, multi-religious, and has diverse ethnic and racial groups. Yet, the national narratives put forward have tended to exclude rather than include the others, and the political parties and politicians have used the politics of exclusion and division to their benefit rather than for the people. Part two looks more closely at the game played by the two dominant political parties, namely the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the nature of political fragmentation along the religious, ethno-tribal, geographical (urban/rural), and generational cleavages. It concludes that focusing on and blaming the so-called " other " will not bring about transformation, stability and peace. Rather, the keys to them requires a focus on issue areas as the point for discussion, and from that strategies for transformation, stability and peace can be developed. Finally, part three looks more closely at transformation, stability and peace, but from a generalist perspective and not per se within the context of Zimbabwe. This was intentional on my part because the discussion on them within the context of Zimbabwe truly should be led by Zimbabweans.

This article is on the use of cartooning by the media in Africa in order to put across  political satirical messages without being intimidated .Intimidation of practitioners has dominated African nations especially on politically related issues

While the international community has in the last several years appreciated the close links between conflict and natural resource exploitation, current efforts to transform war economies in postconflict peacebuilding fall short of the goal. This article charts the pervasive effects of war economies -and specifically lootable resources such as diamonds and timber -in post-conflict contexts, as well as the inclusion of natural resources in the language and implementation of United Nations mission mandates in countries where economic predation has played an important role. This preliminary mapping exercise of Cambodia, Angola, Sierra Leone and Liberia highlights certain innovations in the UN's approach, yet demonstrates that post-conflict war economies continue to jeopardise expensive and well-intentioned reconstruction activities like disarmament, demobilisation and reconstruction programmes, transitional justice and security sector reform.

Governments of national unity (GNUs), power sharing arrangements or the so called 'inclusive' governments have become a common feature in Africa especially in post-crisis territories. The African Union and her regional organizations seem to have adopted the power-sharing concept as a quick-fix solution to pacify conflict-ridden areas. What has become worrisome is that this solution has now become a one-size-fits-all where its application has run from war-zones, genocidal cases to even disputed elections where these power-sharing arrangements end up undermining the democratization process on the African continent. Most power-sharing arrangements are also pushed for and refereed by outsiders who act as 'guarantors' while the concerned electorate is reduced to 'watching from the terraces'. As a result the whole exercise is lacking in democratic principles and devoid of a nationalistic feeling and flavor. It is therefore characterized by politics of exclusion, usurpation of popular sovereignty and politics of power retention. Using Kenya and Zimbabwe as case studies, this paper is going to argue that the 2008 and 2009, Governments of national unity in the two respective countries were 'foreign arrangements' forced on their respective electorate. Their main purpose therefore served as 'power-retention' vehicles for losers which they used first, to stay in power, second, as a breather to re-invigorate and re-strategize. Thirdly, in Zimbabwe this power-retention mechanism was used at political party level while in Kenya it was used both at political party and individual levels. Resultantly, Zimbabwe experienced politics of intimidation and intransigency where the former ruling party used all means possible to regain control of state power while in Kenya developed politics of conspiracy and collusion as individual politicians negotiated the political spaces to remain relevant in the matrix of power.

Julie Billaud's Kabul Carnival offers a well-researched examination of gender politics in Afghanistan broadly and within Kabul specifically. This ethnographic study explores the multiple complications experienced by young women attending university and attempting to be modern while also adhering to (or pushing back against) patriarchal structures and socially conscripted gender roles. Billaud uses the concept of carnival as a method for expressing the complexities and contradictions of post-Taliban Kabul and the extensive presence, interventions, influence, and militaries of inter-nationals. She states: " This sudden inversion of the 'old order' for a new one based on Western models of (neo)liberal democracies is marked by a schizophrenic state of uncertainty that has forced many Afghans to adapt and play roles in order to fit the dominant narrative of national reconstruction " (13). By analyzing the performative aspects of international intervention and by describing the city as " carnivalesque " (12), she illustrates how the spaces of Kabul have been overturned in ways that are unsettling because

Forty-four pre-schoolers (ages 4.3 to 5.8 years) and their primary caregivers participated in a study on the connections between parent-child emotion communication and a narrative assessment of pre-schoolers' attachment. Children completed the Separation Anxiety Test (SAT), a narrative assessment of children's responses to attachmentrelated separations (including self-reliance, avoidance, attachment and coherence scores). Several aspects of parent-child discussions of emotion-eliciting events were also assessed in the Emotion Communication Task. Results indicated that SAT coherence was positively related to SAT attachment and negatively related to SAT avoidance. Furthermore, SAT coherence was positively related to parental scaffolding and negatively related to parental and child negativity during the Emotion Communication Task. Parental scaffolding and child reciprocity were positively related to each other and, in general, were negatively related to parental and child negativity. Discussion focused on the potential contributions of children's interactions with caregivers to the development of children's attachment narratives and emotion-related understanding.

The paper reviews the economic motivations of the Arab Spring. After examining the possible relationships between the Arab riots and the global economic crisis started in 2007, the analysis focuses on some structural aspects characterizing North Africa and Middle East Countries, such as their demographic structure, the profound social inequalities, and the discrepancy between the education levels, of youth in particular, and the civil and political rights accorded to the populations. The combination of youth demographics, high unemployment rates, and high educational levels, coupled with an unrepresentative political system, increases the likelihood of social unrest.

This paper uses the Wenchi District as a case study to generate a nuanced understanding of the interactive process between decentralized government structures and traditional authority in the context of Ghana's highly touted democratic achievements within the African continent. Qualitative methods involving focus group discussions of 159 males and 98 females aged between 18 to 72 years in 8 communities were used to facilitate insightful discussions and reflections. The focus group discussions (FGDs) were complemented with key informant interviews (n ¼ 8) and direct observations. Using grounded theory, the results reveal that the interaction between traditional authorities and government decentralized institutions within Ghana's emerging democracy are characterized by competition for power and legitimacy. This has led to mistrust and the inability to take advantage of the potentially synergistic effects between the two systems of local governance for accelerated development. Furthermore, the findings reveal that a predominant culture of fear of authority within different hierarchical levels, is stifling genuine participation, further reinforcing a lack of accountability by authorities from both sides. We conclude that if decentralization policies are to be effective in Ghana, it may be Int. J. of Dev. and Conflict Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com by THE UNIV OF WESTERN ONTARIO on 02/26/13. For personal use only.

Sixty-three mother-toddler dyads took part in a 6-month prospective study that examined how differences in the frequency and nature of early mother-toddler conflict related to individual differences in children's subsequent socioemotional development. When the children were 30 months, mothers and children participated in a series of laboratory tasks and in a 1.5-hr unstructured home observation. All episodes of verbal conflict between mothers and their children were identified from these sessions, transcribed, and coded for certain elements (e.g., strategy, discussion of emotion, and resolution). At 36 months, children participated in measures of emotional understanding, social competence, and early conscience development. Mothers' use of justification, resolution, and mitigation in conflict at 30 months predicted high levels of socioemotional development at age 3. These findings suggest that conflict may be an important context for children's socioemotional development.