climatic changes-- Government policy

L'objectif de notre these vise a evaluer les resultats engranges par les marches du carbone. Afin de pouvoir explorer differents aspects des marches du carbone a un niveau mondial et en raison de la diversite des instruments qui se cachent derriere ce vocable, nous avons choisi de realiser une these par article. Sur base de nos analyses empiriques nous avons pu verifier dans quelle mesure les avantages et les limites theoriques des marches du carbone se sont realises en pratique. Une hypothese forte des marches du carbone dotes d’un systeme de plafonnement est qu’ils permettraient de garantir le respect des objectifs climatiques. Cette hypothese ne s’est pas revelee exacte. En generant plus d’un milliard de credits, dont un nombre important de credits issus de projets, et en ne parvenant pas a empecher des defections, le systeme mis en place par le Protocole de Kyoto n’est pas parvenu a garantir le plafonnement des emissions dans les pays developpes. Il en va de meme pour les sy...

The conference brought together 68 academics, practitioners, policy makers, representatives of environmental NGOs and postgraduate students from 19 countries on 4 continents. Delegates travelled from Australia, India, Israel, Japan, Turkey, and the US, in addition to 13 European nations, to attend. The two-day conference included 3 key note presentations, 6 paper sessions and 2 poster sessions in which 23 papers and 13 posters were delivered, debated and discussed. This special issue brings together a selection of the papers that were presented at this event to showcase the latest research in the area of climate change and sustainable urban transport policy.

More than one hundred executive departments and agencies operate through systems of regional offices strategically located around the country. Currently, these regions are misguidedly viewed as mere enforcers and implementers of central policies. We propose two alternative visions of federal regions—regions as mediators and regions as coordinators. These two visions have deep roots in the rich but forgotten history of U.S. public administration. In the New Deal era, federal regions were understood as mediating entities between the central government’s centralizing efforts and regional needs and conditions. With the expansion of federal programs and agencies in the 1950s and 1960s, federal regions were gradually reconceived as vehicles for coordination among the different branches of the administration as well as between the federal government and the states. Since the 1980s, however, federal regions have been seen as part of the oversized federal government and have thus been mistru...

The international efforts to safeguard the global climate have led to a dynamic process aimed at developing a legal regime which will ensure the adequate and effective protection of mankind against the adverse effects of climate change caused by human activities. The purpose of this study is to review the main developments which have occurred since the Government of Malta took the initiative to raise the question of climate change at the 43rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly. The problem of climate change is a complex and intricate one. Clearly it is impossible, in this study, to discuss or even attempt to deal with the scientific aspects of the issue. In this respect, the reader would do well to refer to the proceedings of conferences and scientific literature which have dealt with the phenomenon of climate change.peer-reviewe

The conference brought together 68 academics, practitioners, policy makers, representatives of environmental NGOs and postgraduate students from 19 countries on 4 continents. Delegates travelled from Australia, India, Israel, Japan, Turkey, and the US, in addition to 13 European nations, to attend. The two-day conference included 3 key note presentations, 6 paper sessions and 2 poster sessions in which 23 papers and 13 posters were delivered, debated and discussed. This special issue brings together a selection of the papers that were presented at this event to showcase the latest research in the area of climate change and sustainable urban transport policy.

The 2009 Africa Mining Vision (AMV) provides guidance for the industrialization of African countries by leveraging their mining sector. However, the global context has changed since its adoption. As a result, it does not include guidance on how governments should embrace the climate change agenda as an opportunity for better and further industrialization, deeper linkages, and sustainable development. There are many ways to look at the implications of international climate change policy for Africa, including through the increased extraction of minerals needed in clean energy application and the greening of mines. The localization of global value chains—induced by a rising carbon cost and by the desire to build resilience in supply chains in light of increased pandemic risks—provides another set of opportunities. Seizing this momentum will require policy guidance to ensure that the relocation of industries in global value chains occurs upstream (closer to mineral sources) rather than ...

This paper explores climate change adaptation within national policy priorities in a least developed country (LDC). The premise of the article is that when considering food security, climate is an exogenous trigger, while the deeper causes lie in social problems. Therefore, adaptation is subordinate to poverty alleviation. The paper examines how these two goals, climate adaptation and poverty alleviation, can be combined. Recent studies have shown that the most effective way to adapt to changing climate conditions in a poor country is to rely on local institutions that have established sustainable mechanisms to deal with extreme climatic conditions. This research analyzes the stakeholder model, which calls for the participation of both governmental and non-governmental institutions, and how it is applied to climate change adaptation activities in Ethiopia. The study includes field research to analyze how local institutions are used to strengthen the resilience of communities in chan...

The Sabin Center for Climate Change Law develops legal techniques to fight climate change, trains law students and lawyers in their use, and provides the legal profession and the public with up-to-date resources on key topics in climate law and regulation. It works closely with the scientists at Columbia University's Earth Institute and with a wide range of governmental, nongovernmental and academic organizations.

The most important authority derives from the Clean Air Act (CAA). As the Supreme Court held in 2007 in Massachusetts v. EPA, greenhouse gases (GHGs) fall within the definition of “air pollutant” under the CAA, and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has the authority to regulate them. Exercising that authority, EPA in December 2009 issued an “endangerment finding” that GHGs endanger public health and welfare (a prerequisite to further action). It then proceeded to promulgate a series of regulations, including standards for GHG emissions for automobiles, and rules concerning the prevention of significant deterioration program for new and modified stationary sources. These actions were the subject of more than 100 challenges filed with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. That court combined the cases and, on June 26, 2012, dismissed them all, finding that EPA was acting well within its statutory authority. Unless the Supreme Court grants certiorari, EPA now ...

When French foreign minister Laurent Fabius brought down the gavel on the Paris Agreement on 12 December 2015, the international community reached a goal that had eluded it for six years: an updated and universal climate change agreement. It owed much to France’s diplomacy over the preceding 12 months, together with efficient, firm and innovative handling of the conference itself. Fundamental to the success of the Conference of the Parties (COP21) was the commitment at all levels from President Hollande down to engage with the broadest range of parties and non-state actors. The fruits of France’s engagement were nowhere more apparent than in the small island states’ comment in the final plenary that this was the first time they felt they had been listened to at a COP.

Room to move: Building flexibility into investment treaties to meet climate-change commitments * by Rachel Thrasher ** Science and society speak loud and clear on climate change. Time is running out, and a massive transformation is needed to align our economic lives with the world's climate needs. Countries worldwide have adopted new laws to incentivize the renewable energy sector and encourage energy transitions, while discouraging the reliance on fossil fuels. Concurrently, developing countries, in particular, must balance this transition with the development needs of their constituents. These new laws, often called "green industrial policy," are also relevant for foreign investors, prompting them to put their money in green energy while also contributing to the diversification of the local economy. The World Bank, the IMF and other international institutions have begun, albeit inconsistently, to support these laws through institutional policies prioritizing climate-friendly development projects. But the international investment regime simply lags behind science, society and even international financial institutions. The vast majority of investment treaties focus on protecting investment, while remaining neutral on the impact of that investment. As a result, these treaties discourage measures favoring climate-friendly (or discouraging climate-harmful) investment. New treaty language only marginally increases policy flexibility. Some new treaties address climate change by reaffirming commitments in various multilateral climate accords (e.g., Brazil-Chile, Ecuador-EFTA). These provisions demonstrate an encouraging orientation by governments, but generally do not allow treaty parties to hold each other accountable to these commitments. Other new treaties contain investment provisions that tackle climate-change challenges through investment-facilitation provisions-seeking to increase investment in environmentally friendly goods and services (e.g., EU-Japan, EU-Singapore). Facilitation language, however, only goes part of the way and still puts liberalized investment regimes over governments' right to regulate key sectors. Still others preserve the right to roll back certain investment incentives, even if investors' interests are adversely affected (e.g., CETA, EU-Vietnam), but they have yet to be tested and often (paradoxically) omit any direct mention of climate change.

More than one hundred executive departments and agencies operate through systems of regional offices strategically located around the country. Currently, these regions are misguidedly viewed as mere enforcers and implementers of central policies. We propose two alternative visions of federal regions—regions as mediators and regions as coordinators. These two visions have deep roots in the rich but forgotten history of U.S. public administration. In the New Deal era, federal regions were understood as mediating entities between the central government’s centralizing efforts and regional needs and conditions. With the expansion of federal programs and agencies in the 1950s and 1960s, federal regions were gradually reconceived as vehicles for coordination among the different branches of the administration as well as between the federal government and the states. Since the 1980s, however, federal regions have been seen as part of the oversized federal government and have thus been mistru...

In recent years, there has been a marked increase in the number of lawsuits seeking to hold governments and private actors accountable for failure to take action on climate change. Climate change attribution science—which examines the causal links between human activities, global climate change, and the impacts of climate change—plays a central role in many of these lawsuits. Attribution science is rapidly evolving, both in regards to attributing impacts and extreme events to climate change and in attributing greenhouse gas emissions to particular actors—and so too is its role in the courtroom and in policymaking. Armed with a growing body of evidence linking increases in atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations to specific harmful impacts, plaintiffs are pursuing more ambitious claims against governments and emitters for their contribution to, or failure to take action on, climate change. The Law and Science of Climate Change Attribution examines how attribution science is used in...

More than one hundred executive departments and agencies operate through systems of regional offices strategically located around the country. Currently, these regions are misguidedly viewed as mere enforcers and implementers of central policies. We propose two alternative visions of federal regions-regions as mediators and regions as coordinators. These two visions have deep roots in the rich but forgotten history of U.S. public administration. In the New Deal era, federal regions were understood as mediating entities between the central government's centralizing efforts and regional needs and conditions. With the expansion of federal programs and agencies in the 1950s and 1960s, federal regions were gradually reconceived as vehicles for coordination among the different branches of the administration as well as between the federal government and the states. Since the 1980s, however, federal regions have been seen as part of the oversized federal government and have thus been mistrusted, their role confined to that of mere enforcers.

Federal climate change policy in the United States has fallen woefully short of what is necessary to achieve the temperature goals enshrined in the Paris Agreement. In the absence of meaningful federal policy, many states have pursued clean energy policies ranging from Renewable Portfolio Standards to Zero Emission Credits. The limits of these state policies have become apparent due to court challenges and recent decisions by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. This Note argues that a National Clean Energy Standard (NCES) is critical to harmonize state clean energy policies while also providing them with legal certainty.Recent studies have shown that even with rapid deployment of clean energy resources, Negative Emissions Technologies (NETs) will be necessary to keep global greenhouse gas emissions within safe levels. NETs represent a broad range of technologies many of which are yet to achieve technical viability, let alone commercial maturity. This Note puts forward an NCES ...

Room to move: Building flexibility into investment treaties to meet climate-change commitments * by Rachel Thrasher ** Science and society speak loud and clear on climate change. Time is running out, and a massive transformation is needed to align our economic lives with the world's climate needs. Countries worldwide have adopted new laws to incentivize the renewable energy sector and encourage energy transitions, while discouraging the reliance on fossil fuels. Concurrently, developing countries, in particular, must balance this transition with the development needs of their constituents. These new laws, often called "green industrial policy," are also relevant for foreign investors, prompting them to put their money in green energy while also contributing to the diversification of the local economy. The World Bank, the IMF and other international institutions have begun, albeit inconsistently, to support these laws through institutional policies prioritizing climate-friendly development projects. But the international investment regime simply lags behind science, society and even international financial institutions. The vast majority of investment treaties focus on protecting investment, while remaining neutral on the impact of that investment. As a result, these treaties discourage measures favoring climate-friendly (or discouraging climate-harmful) investment. New treaty language only marginally increases policy flexibility. Some new treaties address climate change by reaffirming commitments in various multilateral climate accords (e.g., Brazil-Chile, Ecuador-EFTA). These provisions demonstrate an encouraging orientation by governments, but generally do not allow treaty parties to hold each other accountable to these commitments. Other new treaties contain investment provisions that tackle climate-change challenges through investment-facilitation provisions-seeking to increase investment in environmentally friendly goods and services (e.g., EU-Japan, EU-Singapore). Facilitation language, however, only goes part of the way and still puts liberalized investment regimes over governments' right to regulate key sectors. Still others preserve the right to roll back certain investment incentives, even if investors' interests are adversely affected (e.g., CETA, EU-Vietnam), but they have yet to be tested and often (paradoxically) omit any direct mention of climate change.

Room to move: Building flexibility into investment treaties to meet climate-change commitments * by Rachel Thrasher ** Science and society speak loud and clear on climate change. Time is running out, and a massive transformation is needed to align our economic lives with the world's climate needs. Countries worldwide have adopted new laws to incentivize the renewable energy sector and encourage energy transitions, while discouraging the reliance on fossil fuels. Concurrently, developing countries, in particular, must balance this transition with the development needs of their constituents. These new laws, often called "green industrial policy," are also relevant for foreign investors, prompting them to put their money in green energy while also contributing to the diversification of the local economy. The World Bank, the IMF and other international institutions have begun, albeit inconsistently, to support these laws through institutional policies prioritizing climate-friendly development projects. But the international investment regime simply lags behind science, society and even international financial institutions. The vast majority of investment treaties focus on protecting investment, while remaining neutral on the impact of that investment. As a result, these treaties discourage measures favoring climate-friendly (or discouraging climate-harmful) investment. New treaty language only marginally increases policy flexibility. Some new treaties address climate change by reaffirming commitments in various multilateral climate accords (e.g., Brazil-Chile, Ecuador-EFTA). These provisions demonstrate an encouraging orientation by governments, but generally do not allow treaty parties to hold each other accountable to these commitments. Other new treaties contain investment provisions that tackle climate-change challenges through investment-facilitation provisions-seeking to increase investment in environmentally friendly goods and services (e.g., EU-Japan, EU-Singapore). Facilitation language, however, only goes part of the way and still puts liberalized investment regimes over governments' right to regulate key sectors. Still others preserve the right to roll back certain investment incentives, even if investors' interests are adversely affected (e.g., CETA, EU-Vietnam), but they have yet to be tested and often (paradoxically) omit any direct mention of climate change.

The key aspects and features of the United Nations climate change negotiations (the 15th Conference of the Parties or COP 15) held in early December, 2009 are discussed. Several observations and recommendations made at COP 15 are highlighted.