ancient Synagogues

Esta obra colectiva reúne trabajos que, desde perspectivas diversas, abordan temas sugerentes y a la vez atractivos de la historia del Viejo Continente.
Investigadoras e investigadores de Francia, España, Italia y Argentina esbozan recorridos sobre poder político, construcciones religiosas y culturales, actividades socioeconómicas, disidencias y movimientos sociales, de la Antigüedad Tardía al Tiempo Presente. Las razones de estas travesías no son fortuitas. Cada uno de los textos que conforman estos Recorridos contienen notas distintivas y únicas que posibilitan su lectura independiente al mismo tiempo que permiten realizar un itinerario personal por los distintos capítulos del libro.

Italy’s synagogues provide a rich array of texts and materials. However, much of the evidence we have regarding Italy’s Jewish material culture from Roman times does not originate from within the synagogue itself. Instead, it can be observed in funeral art, where symbols are primarily, if not exclusively, associated with ritual practices. These practices seem to have evolved from the Temple liturgy to that of the synagogue. Additionally, there is the challenge of the time gap between the first references to Jews in Roman literature and the material evidence at our disposal, particularly concerning the 3rd to 6th centuries CE.

Elaborate murals identified in the assembly hall of the Dura-Europos synagogue dominate scholarship of the building, partly because no other decorated walls survive from other ancient synagogues. Disproportionate attention to the appearances of these paintings, however, has borne unintended consequences, rein scribing the primacy of the visual and the power of visuality for ancient visitors. This chapter takes a distinct approach.  Using scholarship from the history of the senses and the history of experience to differently interpret the remnants of visitors' tactile encounters with the synagogue, which include markings of graffiti and gouging they applied to its surfaces, it theorizes anew abut relationships--not just between ancient visitors to the synagogue and the paintings they regarded--but also between those visitors and the vibrant tactility, physicality, and plasticity of the spaces that surrounded them.

This article argues that Biblical Hebrew roots can be understood as composite compounds of letters, in parallel with the Chinese principle of 合體為字 (hé tǐ wéi zì), "characters formed by combining elements into a semantic whole." Just as Chinese characters like 明 (bright) are formed from the combination of ⽇ (sun) and ⽉ (moon), Hebrew words often emerge from the combination of two consonants that form a composite pictorial image. The case of ‫גל‬ (g-l) demonstrates this principle: ‫ג‬ (camel's back/curvature) + ‫ל‬ (staff/lengthy) together form a picture of a wooden log. From this base, Hebrew develops a family of roots ‫ַל(‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ָה,‬ ‫ֻלּ‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ִיל,‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ִיל,‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ַל,‬ ‫ְגּ‬ ‫ַל‬ ‫גּ‬ ‫ָה,‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫,)גּ‬ each emphasizing a different aspect of the log, with Galilee ‫ִיל(‬ ‫ָל‬ ‫)גּ‬ especially illustrating the role of the wheel at the crossroads of history. This cross-cultural lens shows how language encodes early agrarian and trade life in iconic, pictorial forms, later expanding into abstraction.

The presence of coins issued between the 2nd century BCE and the late 6th century CE has been observed on the floors and in the destruction layers in the Residential and Commercial Quarter at Stobi, where archaeological data reveal evidence of the last phase of the existence of the whole quarter. This paper attempts to suggest plausible answers related to aspects of the coins found there and, in particular, it
discusses questions about coin supply and coin use at the very end of Late Antiquity.

This article represents a comparative examination of two early Byzantine hoards discovered in the Veles region. The latest coins in these hoards belong to the 572/73 coin issue. The reason for their concealment was probably related to the immediate danger of a war, a characteristics shared by virtually all hoards deposited in the 6th century.

In 2010 a fragment of a flanged tile with menorah graffiti was found during the excavations of block 45 of medieval Chersonese (Crimea). It dates back to the 2 nd half of the 13 th-1 st half of the 14 th centuries. This archaeological finding gives grounds for a new discussion about the existence of the Jewish community in Chersonese in Byzantine times. The aim of our research is to determine a connection between the manufacture of tiles with Jewish symbols and Jewish community in Chersonese. We have proposed a methodology for the research, carried out a semantic and iconographic analysis of graffiti, localized tile production center where the flanged tile with menorah had been made, and identified other Jewish symbols on the tiles. The ceramic analysis ascertained that flanged tile with the menorah had been made in Chersonese workshops. The technology of tile production (argillous raw material processing) was unchangeable during the entire medieval period. However, Chersonese workshops introduced some shifting changes and variations in the technology of clay processing in the 2 nd half of the 13 th-1 st half of the 14 th centuries. The study of the Mountainous Crimea tile production centers showed that the variability and instability of clay formula in Chersonese was not connected with the relocation of tile makers within the SouthWestern Crimea in the 2 nd half of the 13 th-1 st half of the 14 th centuries. The analysis of the iconography of the graffiti and organization of the tile-making process showed that graffiti of menorah had an apotropaic meaning. Other relief marks that had been found on chronologically synchronous flanged tiles of the same tile production center had other Jewish symbols. This confirmed our conclusion that representatives of the Jewish community were involved in the tile production.

The Olba region in eastern Rough Cilicia is replete with ruins exhibiting the distinct feature of symbols carved in relief on architectural surfaces, beginning in the Hellenistic period. These so-called “Olbian Symbols,” associated with various deities, created a local tradition that continued through later periods until Christian crosses displaced the pagan symbols sometime in the Byzantine period. In this context, a unique symbol appeared between the late 2nd and early 5th centuries featuring a pair of lunate crescents supported by a stand and base, occasionally with a star above. Several scholars have interpreted this symbol, which we designate by the neutral term semeion, as a representation of a Jewish menorah and used its conjunction with other symbols to posit a Jewish-pagan syncretism in the region. This study presents the first systematic review and critical examination of the physical features, context with other symbols, and spatial distribution of all known semeion representations, including previously unpublished examples, to evaluate evidence for identification. Photogrammetric analysis conclusively demonstrates semeion reliefs do not conform to the shape nor function of a menorah. They invariably appear in pagan contexts, consistently in concert with the same two well-known symbols of Greco-Roman deities. Further, spatial analysis suggests they are distinct from the earlier “Olbian Symbols” both spatially and temporally. The re-evaluation and comparative evidence lead us to categorically reject the menorah identification and propose that the semeion represents a dual affiliation of two lunar deities sometime in the broad range of the late 2nd and early 5th centuries AD.
Author Contribution: The authors, designing the study; data collection; data analysis; writing the article (D.C.B. 50% and D.M. 50%).

Several ancient synagogues, active from the fourth to the sixth century of the Common Era, contained images of women with exposed body parts, against which the Talmudic sages legislated and deemed licentious. This paper suggests that despite the rabbinic legislation requiring women to cover certain parts of their body, segments of the Jewish society held different views as to what was considered indecent. Moreover, the fact that these images were discovered in synagogues proposes an even bolder assumption, that is, that these women's images were tolerated during the services.

Several ancient synagogues, active from the fourth to the sixth century of the Common Era, contained images of women with exposed body parts, against which the Talmudic sages legislated and deemed licentious. This paper suggests that despite the rabbinic legislation requiring women to cover certain parts of their body, segments of the Jewish society held different views as to what was considered indecent. Moreover, the fact that these images were discovered in synagogues proposes an even bolder assumption, that is, that these women's images were tolerated during the services.

The Olba region in eastern Rough Cilicia is replete with ruins exhibiting
the distinct feature of symbols carved in relief on architectural surfaces, beginning in the Hellenistic period. These so-called “Olbian Symbols,” associated with various deities, created a local tradition that continued through later periods until Christian crosses displaced the pagan symbols sometime in the Byzantine period. In this context, a unique symbol appeared between the late 2nd and early 5th centuries featuring a pair of lunate crescents supported by a stand and base, occasionally with a star above. Several scholars have interpreted this symbol, which we designate by the neutral term semeion, as a representation of a Jewish menorah and used its conjunction with other symbols to posit a Jewish-pagan syncretism in the region. This study presents the first systematic review and critical examination of the physical features, context with other symbols, and spatial distribution of all known semeion representations, including previously unpublished examples, to evaluate evidence for identification.
Photogrammetric analysis conclusively demonstrates semeion reliefs do not conform to the shape nor function of a menorah. They invariably appear in pagan contexts, consistently in concert with the same two well-known symbols of Greco-Roman deities. Further, spatial analysis suggests they are distinct from the earlier “Olbian Symbols” both spatially and temporally.
The re-evaluation and comparative evidence lead us to categorically reject the menorah identification and  propose that the semeion represents a dual affiliation of two lunar deities sometime in the broad range of the late 2nd and early 5th centuries AD.

Keywords: Rough Cilicia, Olba, Reliefs, Photogrammetry, Crescent Moon, Menorah, Selene.

De la Judée à la diaspora juive - Yigal Bin-Nun  MAI 14, 2025
L’historiographie constitue l’un des axes majeurs de cette étude. J’ai ainsi jugé essentiel de procéder à un réexamen critique de trois corpus littéraires fondamentaux, afin d’évaluer leur rôle dans la formation des religions, et plus spécifiquement du peuple juif ; il s’agit du Nouveau Testament, du Coran et de la littérature rabbinique. Ces œuvres ont profondément influencé la culture et les croyances d’une vaste partie du monde connu de l’époque, tandis que la littérature rabbinique a contribué à forger ce qui allait devenir l’identité du peuple juif. L’abondance des témoignages écrits ayant marqué l’histoire des Judéens sous la domination gréco-romaine cesse brutalement après la rédaction des œuvres de Flavius Josèphe. Cet historien judéen nous a laissé des récits riches et détaillés, où il n’hésite pas à relater tant des faits historiques que des mythes et légendes répandus à son époque.
Comme c’est souvent le cas dans les œuvres antiques, ces récits comportent parfois une certaine part d’exagération. Toutefois, grâce à notre connaissance des cultures gréco-romaine et proche-orientale, il est possible de les analyser avec un regard critique.
Jusqu’à présent, une critique historiographique rigoureuse de ces trois corpus littéraires fait défaut, contrairement aux travaux approfondis menés sur la Bible et d’autres textes antiques. Cette recherche vise donc à replacer ces écrits dans leur contexte historique et culturel, à poser les questions essentielles sur leur datation et à y apporter des réponses plausibles à travers une relecture critique et méthodique. Cependant, malgré tous ces efforts, le gouffre béant laissé dans notre compréhension du passé demeure évident. Aussi essentiels soient-ils, ces trois corpus ne peuvent à eux seuls combler le vide laissé par l’absence de sources historiques directes.

New excavations at the synagogue of ancient Korazim, conducted in 2020, have yielded significant discoveries that challenge previous assumptions about the building’s construction and history.
Probes beneath the current floor level and a comprehensive architectural survey revealed evidence of an earlier synagogue phase, including reused architectural elements—such as Doric capitals and column drums with protruding knobs—typical of the first century CE- the time of Jesus.
The investigation confirmed that the later structure was built in two distinct stages: an original late 4th-century phase and a major reconstruction in the early 5th-century. Stratigraphic fills containing architectural fragments, coins, and ceramics.
The renewed excavations also show that the synagogue’s floor plan and elevation were substantially altered in the second stage to enhance its architectural prominence within the village. These new findings refine the synagogue’s chronology and offer a more nuanced understanding of its function and development over time.

The coins retrieved during the excavation of the ancient diasporic synagogue at Phanagoria are discussed. Almost all the coins are bronze staters minted in the names of Thothorses (AD 285/286‒309/310), Rhadamsades (AD 309/310‒318/319) and Rhescuporis VI
(AD 318/319‒341/342). A hoard of 13 staters was discovered in a hidden compartment in the floor of the prayer hall. Two dozen coins were scattered under the floors of the synagogue. It is suggested that these low-value deposits were made ad hoc for apotropaic protection, which in Jewish tradition is called ayin ha-ra (‘evil eye’). Others came probably from a kuppah (charity box) as they were found with its cover in Room 2. In the middle of the sixth century the synagogue perished in a huge fire, as well as entire city.

Comte rendu de : David HAMIDOVIĆ, Simon C. MIMOUNI et Louis PAINCHAUD (éds), La « sacerdotalisation » dans les premiers écrits mystiques juifs et chrétiens. Actes du colloque international tenu à l’Université de Lausanne du 26 au 28 octobre 2015. Sous la direction de David HAMIDOVIĆ, Simon C. MIMOUNI et Louis PAINCHAUD. Turnhout, Brepols (coll. « Judaïsme ancien et origines du christianisme », 22), 2021, 277 p.

Who were the Libertini, mentioned in the Acts? A new historical Approach

In this analysis, we propose to explore the identity of the Libertini regarding the expression συναγωγή τῶν Λιβερτίνων (Synagogue of Libertini), in Act. Ap. VI 9. This Latin term possibly implied some kind of connection with former slaves - a group who built their own synagogue in proximity to the Jerusalem Temple.
Is there a remote possibility that a Jew who had endured life’s uncertainties, once liberated, would have been unable to attend the same synagogue as Jews who had always been freemen? This question might explain why former Jewish slaves would assemble at a different synagogue, separate from others in Jerusalem. we might equally propose an alternative question, whereby the Synagogue of the Libertini was attended by former pagan slaves, who had embraced the religion of their Jewish owners and consequently founded their own synagogue.
In these two initial stages of this study, we shall examine whether a statement establishing connection between former slaves and synagogues is supported by independent historical evidence or by religious imperatives. Considering, the research target we want to define if inherent incompatibility exists between status of former slave and participating a synagogue office.

The main purpose of this paper is to investigate the possibility that the Royal Stoa, a multipurpose building, which was erected by Herod the Great on the southern part of the Temple Mount, served also as synagogue. The first part shall focus on Josephus’s detailed description of the Royal Stoa in Antiquities, exploring various suggestions for the reconstruction of the building, amongst else the detailed study of Ehud Netzer, as well as its sources of inspiration in Hellenistic and Roman architecture Then, the paper shall discuss, using various passages of Josephus’s War, Antiquities, and especially his Life, as well as Rabbinic literature, the various functions of the Royal Stoa, a multipurpose building, as the seat of the city magistrates, maybe that of the city municipal council, or boulē, of the Sanhedrin, as well as the seat of the Temple mint. However, as hinted by Ehud Netzer, the main purpose of the building was to provide King Herod the Great, a layman, with a sacral space on the Temple Mount, till then exclusively the domain the High Priest. Thus, the article shall suggest the possibility, as hinted by a passage of the Mishnah, which describes the ceremony of the hak’el, when the Jewish king read from the Torah in front of his subjects, that the building served as the seat of the Herodian ruler as supreme judge. As such, it would provide a space, which would consecrate the lay king, giving him a position of supremacy even on the high priest. The last part discusses the influence of the Royal Stoa on two synagogue buildings, whose memory survived in a Rabbinic writings, the Great Synagogue of Alexandria and the Main Synagogue of Tiberias. Once more, both buildings could be associated to Jewish rulers, the Great Synagogue of Alexandria to the ethnarch, head of the Jews of Egypt, and the Main Synagogue of Tiberias to Herod Antipas or more likely Herod Agrippa II. In concluding, with the erection of the Royal Stoa, the Jewish ruler was no more associated just to the Temple and with its the sacrificial cult. His primacy was by now legitimized by the holiness of the Synagogue space and by his close involvement with Torah reading.

Excavations started in 2009, in the city of Andriake -one of the important ports of Lycia-, a synagogue from 5th-6th century A.C. was unearthed. During the excavations, it was revealed that the gaps between the main rock area under the floor of the apse section of the structure, were filled with the material brought from the ceramic waste area of the city. These materials brought from the disposal area are dated from the Hellenistic Period to the Byzantine Period. Especially Hellenistic and Roman ceramics were outnumbering. Hellenistic and Roman Period samples were evaluated. Among these ceramics the Terrasigillata's are higher in number. Through 193 pieces, there are East Sigillata's A, B, C, D groups, local productions, Sagalassos Red lining, Italian Sigillatas and Late Roman ceramics. DSA and DSD (Cyprus) ceramics from Eastern Sigillata groups were assessed in two separate studies. In this study, Western Anatolian production DSB, DSC groups will be evaluated from Eastern Sigillata's. Ceramics are classified according to their dough-lining constructions and their forms. Following this their container distributions and their numerical densities were evaluated. Depending on the examination of the Sigillata's in Andriake Harbor City, it has been tried to find out the trade-related connections between particular ports with particular cities, at different times. Specific to researches on the ceramics found in Andriake, the maritime trade in the Lycian region and the distribution of these ceramics to the inner regions were questioned.

Since the discovery of the Magdala Stone in 2009, numerous archaeologists and biblical scholars have weighed in with interpretations of the various images carved in low relief on this block of limestone. Of particular interest is the side with an extraordinary relief of a seven-branched Menorah (candelabrum), flanked with two amphorae and two columns. But what is the square object under the Menorah? This article will present an alternative suggestion for this object.

Many designs of lily flower (Madonna lily; French: Fleur de lis) were common in the Jewish art of the Second Temple period. The various models have basic structure of profiled flower cup consisting of two symmetrical bent out leaves, while the central leaf is upright. This primary model sometimes stylized by scrolled out leaves, added stamens, stems and rosettes of leaves. The model absorbed inspiration from several parallel artistic sources: Assyrian, Phoenician, Egyptian, Hellenistic and Roman, some ancient and some of the Second Temple period, for example, Palmette, Nymphaea and the lightning of Zeus. These foreign models were received into the Jewish art after adaptation process, while avoiding pagan symbols and while translated into a white lily flower, the beautiful large local flower. Those adaptations took place while keeping the decorative and symbolic power of the models. The model assimilated as a favorite motif in Jewish art and was identifiable with the lily flower, Lilium L. Candidum, geophyte who belongs to the Liliaceae family. Realistic design of the model shows the direct connection of the model makers with the surrounding nature, scrupulous observation of flora and the exact copy of morphological details. Nonetheless, the artists show

The known synagogue complexes throughout the Land of Israel dating to the Byzantine period are divided into three main geographical areas: The first area, from which most of the complexes are known, is the Galilee region which constitutes part of the northern expanse of the country; the second geographical region from which synagogue structures are known is the southern area; and the third region is the eastern part of the country. 1,2 In all complexes, without geographical distinction, the pattern of discovery of glass lamp-goblets indicates the practice of "focused illumination": according to this practice, a limited collection of lamp-goblets was discovered in a defined location within the building (in this case, the synagogue), aimed at illuminating a single area, focused within the building space that constituted the center of the religious ceremony which took place in that ritual structure. 1,3,4 In four of these complexes: at Eshtemoa, 5 Maoz Haim, 6 Capernaum, 7,8 and Sumaqa, 9,10 the goblets were discovered in the area of the main hall; in a single case, in the synagogue building at Gush Halav, 11 the lamp-goblets were found concentrated in one of the hall's colonnades, while in another case, in the southern synagogue at Maon-Nirim, 12,13 the goblets were discovered in the area of the apse wall. This may provide evidence for the location of the synagogue platform, or alternatively, evidence for the ritual focus that took place in this Jewish religious architectural space. Based on this assumption, it is evident that there was no uniformity in the spatial management of the religious ceremony, and it is possible that we see the consolidation of diverse local traditions according to different regions and sources of environmental influence. In two other cases: Kfar Misr and Beith She'an, the goblets were discovered in the storage room for synagogue

Sardismos is the name, in several Latin works of literary criticism, for a combination of more than one language or dialect in a sentence. Quintilian (first century C.E.) uses the term disparagingly; the Christian author Cassiodorus (sixth century C.E.) uses it positively. A similar term, sardîstôn, is found in the rabbinic work Exodus Rabbah 2, created in the sixthcentury Byzantine empire. This article is a short study of this term, the history of its misinterpretation and reinterpretation, its meaning in context, and its relationship to sardismos.

La definición, uso y demarcación de áreas, lugares o áreas (sean estos corporales, geográficos o simbólicos) son prácticas presentes en todas las culturas y que ayudan a mediar las relaciones entre todos sus miembros. También lo es su valoración, muchas veces de corte jerárquicos y aunque no siempre se coincida en ello, además del tipo de comportamiento que se espera en estos ambientes. A este fenómeno, vivenciado por todos los pueblos, se le llamado "proxemia" o "proxémica". En el marco de este concepto y la palabra que lo nombra, en nuestra concepción de quienes somos con respecto a otras personas, existen zonas o sitios, no solamente diferentes, sino hasta más importantes que otros. Y para comunicar esta singular distinción, las culturas, además de la terminología adecuada, crean límites, muchas veces comunicados por medio de señales, avisos, placas y mediaciones similares.

The violent events that led to the forced conversion of local Jews to Christianity and, consequently, the plausible appearance of “crypto-Judaism,” are revealed to us by an epistle sent to the hierarchy of the universal Church by bishop Severus of Minorca around the year 418. It was that the Christians, incited and directed by the bishop himself, who had been spreading anti-Jewish sentiments among his followers through his preaching for a long time, undertook the course of action that their ardent faith required: to “save that multitude.” Thus, they first harassed and persecuted the Jews, after which they burned and completely destroyed their synagogue, an action which apparently remained unpunished. Severus states that the Jews themselves, once converted to Christianity, contributed to the reconstruction of the building not only by contributing funds, but also with their own labor, carrying building material on their own backs. According to him, there could be no better proof of the triumph of the Church over the Synagogue, deliberately ignoring the phenomenon of falsa conversio.

It is well known that the institution of the synagogue was the religious and social centre around which the Jewish communities scattered throughout the Mediterranean in Roman times gravitated. It was a place of assembly, worship, teaching, study of the Law, but also a place of lodging for visitors. The combination of information provided by epigraphy, archaeological remains and written documentary sources confirms the existence of specific rooms for this function in many synagogues. Indeed, Jews making pilgrimages to the Temple in Jerusalem, to Mount Sinai or to the tombs of pious Jewish heroes rooted in the biblical tradition, or those visiting the most respected rabbis or teachers of the Law, often stayed in synagogues. There were cases, especially in Egypt, where the synagogues themselves became places of pilgrimage for Diaspora Jews.

¨The most important and comprehensive reconstruction of the origins of Christian anti-Judaism ... Standing on a brilliant and insightful reconstruction of Paul, and on a quite shocking (but perhaps compelling) reading of Mark-the author offers a number of original and, in some cases, quite compelling theoretical reconstructions of the context and purposes of early Christian texts... a work of sublime moral passion.'

The excavator of Mopsuestia interpreted  a site with mosaics of 2 Old Testament stories- Samson and Noah- as a church. Other scholars saw a
synagogue. Seventy years later there is no consensus, and except for the Noah mosaic, all the rest have been destroyed. This paper will explore all the physical evidence as well as the social and religious context in which they were created to come to a logical conclusion , untainted by supersessionism .

A Jewish ritual bath, or mikveh (plural mikva’ot), is one of the most prolific Jewish archaeological features. Due to its essential role in religious life, constructing a mikveh is one of the first projects undertaken when a Jewish community is established. Yet, historical mikva’ot have received less academic attention than contemporary synagogues and Jewish cemeteries. This paper presents examples of mikva’ot that operated in 19th- to early-20th-century US urban centers. The archaeological signatures of these features, as well as associated material culture and documentation, speak not only to the persistence of Jewish ritual practice following 19th-century waves of immigration to the US, but also to the challenges posed by mikveh practice in dense urban spaces.

The straight-branched pattern of the so-called “Rambam menorah” is today a ubiquitous presence on the Jewish street. This symbol of the Chabad Lubavitch movement has increasingly found a place among Jews across the ideological spectrum as a cipher for the biblical menorah. Samaritan art provides a surprising parallel to Maimonides’ schematic menorah drawing and its reception – limited as that was beyond the small circle of Yemenite scholars of Maimonides before the modern “publication” of a manuscript facsimile, its popularization in rabbinic circles by Rabbi Yosef Kapach, and its wide dissemination by the seventh Lubavitcher Rebbe, Menachem Mendel Schneerson, and his followers.

The straight-branched pattern of the so-called "Rambam menorah" is today a ubiquitous presence on the Jewish street. This symbol of the Chabad Lubavitch movement has increasingly found a place among Jews across the ideological spectrum as a cipher for the biblical menorah. Samaritan art provides a surprising parallel to Maimonides' schematic menorah drawing and its reception -limited as that was beyond the small circle of Yemenite scholars of Maimonides before the modern "publication" of a manuscript facsimile, its popularization in rabbinic circles by Rabbi Yosef Kapach, and its wide dissemination by the seventh Lubavitcher Rebbe, Menachem Mendel Schneerson, and his followers. The straight-branched "Rambam menorah" 1 is today a ubiquitous presence on the Jewish street. This old-new symbol of the Chabad Lubavitch movement has increasingly found a place among Jews across the ideological spectrum as a cipher for the biblical menorah. 2 The spread of this icon is the direct result of an amazingly successful campaign initiated in 1982 by Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson (d. 1994) to replace the historically stable round-branched menorah (figs. This article is dedicated in memory of Rav Yosef Kapach ‫,ז״ל‬ a great scholar and a very kind neighbor. I further dedicate this piece to all who died, were raped, tortured or were taken captive in the Hamas pogrom of October 7, 2023 and its aftermath. Many thanks to Lyubov Alexandrovna Shevtsova and the Department of Manuscripts of the

Case di vita. Sinagoghe e cimiteri in Italia, a cura di Andrea Morpurgo e Amedeo Spagnoletto, è un viaggio alla scoperta dei due luoghi sacri per eccellenza e della loro evoluzione in duemila anni di storia dell’ebraismo italiano. L’architettura delle sinagoghe e dei cimiteri accoglie in sé una molteplicità di risvolti e significati: rivela il complesso rapporto tra una minoranza e una maggioranza nella società italiana; racconta la progressiva costruzione del senso di comunità, i momenti di quotidianità e i riti di passaggio che scandiscono il ciclo della vita e stimola dibattiti ancora aperti sull’esistenza o meno di una architettura “ebraica”. I numerosi progetti, i preziosi documenti provenienti dagli archivi statali e dalle comunità ebraiche, gli oggetti che si tramandano di famiglia in famiglia e i prestiti prestigiosi intrecciano storie di città e umanità con un risultato sorprendente. Il volume si arricchisce di numerosi contributi di studiosi di storia ebraica e di storia dell'architettura che, partendo dalle prime attestazioni archeologiche fino ad arrivare alla contemporaneità, dimostrano come sinagoghe e cimiteri siano sempre stati spazi essenziali per la definizione dell’identità ebraica.

Houses of Life. Synagogues and Cemeteries in Italy, edited by Andrea Morpurgo and Amedeo Spagnoletto, is a journey of discovery of the two sacred places par excellence and their evolution over two thousand years of Italian Jewish history. The architecture of synagogues and cemeteries encompasses a multiplicity of implications and meanings: it reveals the complex relationship between a minority and a majority in Italian society; it recounts the progressive construction of a sense of community, the moments of everyday life and the rites of passage that mark the cycle of life; and it stimulates still open debates on the existence or non-existence of a 'Jewish' architecture. The numerous projects, precious documents from state archives and Jewish communities, objects handed down from family to family and prestigious loans weave together stories of cities and humanity with a surprising result. The volume is enriched with numerous contributions from scholars of Jewish history and architectural history who, starting from the earliest archaeological evidence up to contemporary times, demonstrate how synagogues and cemeteries have always been essential spaces for defining Jewish identity.

The tombstone bearing Jewish symbols such as menorah, shofar, etrog and lulav, accompanied by a Hebrew inscription reading shalom and an ancient Greek inscription comprising two lines, was found in the garden of two buildings belonging to H. M. Aydoğdu, in the locality designated "Omarcı (Ömerci) Village" situated in the district of Şarkikaraağaç, Isparta. With the type of stone of the artefact it is an uncommon find for Şarkikaraağaç, Yalvaç and its surroundings. At the beginning of the research, it was noted that the tombstone was presented by T. Drew-Bear in 1993 at the "XI th Survey Results Meeting", and it was determined that the original findspot of the tombstone was Afyonkarahisar / İscehisar. In 2004, the inscription was incorporated into a corpus by W. Ameling, which included Jewish inscriptions from Asia Minor. The studies that have been carried out thus far have not evaluated the reliefs and the iconography of the stele. Thus it would be beneficial to undertake a comprehensive revision of the work and present it to the scientific community in a more holistic manner, with a synthesis of both archaeological and epigraphic perspectives.

The tombstone bearing Jewish symbols such as menorah, shofar, etrog and lulav, accompanied by a Hebrew inscription reading shalom and an ancient Greek inscription comprising two lines, was found in the garden of two buildings belonging to H. M. Aydoğdu, in the locality designated "Omarcı (Ömerci) Village" situated in the district of Şarkikaraağaç, Isparta. With the type of stone of the artefact it is an uncommon find for Şarkikaraağaç, Yalvaç and its surroundings. At the beginning of the research, it was noted that the tombstone was presented by T. Drew-Bear in 1993 at the "XI th Survey Results Meeting", and it was determined that the original findspot of the tombstone was Afyonkarahisar / İscehisar. In 2004, the inscription was incorporated into a corpus by W. Ameling, which included Jewish inscriptions from Asia Minor. The studies that have been carried out thus far have not evaluated the reliefs and the iconography of the stele. Thus it would be beneficial to undertake a comprehensive revision of the work and present it to the scientific community in a more holistic manner, with a synthesis of both archaeological and epigraphic perspectives.

Gems have been discovered in Late Antique Palestine with the 'Aqedah, among other biblical narratives, and with the hand of God motif. "the turning of sun," which parallels an interpretation of the Greek inscriptions of ΤΡΟΠΗ, or tropi, that accompany the seasons as equinox or solstice, with regard to the beginning of a new month. 49 Therefore, Weiss is correct in his assertion that these season inscriptions combined with their representations "refer to the astronomical change, in the spirit of the Greek formulation but, at the same time, the season and the agricultural labors performed at that time of year." 50 Both the Hebrew tequfat and the Greek tropi then refer to a turning or change that occurs with relation to the seasonal agriculture and to cosmic shifting as evidenced by the zodiac. To encompass these multiple meanings, tequfat will be translated here as "period" rather than "season," and tropi will be referenced by "solstice" or "equinox," depending on the season. 47 All following inscriptions have been originally published in Weiss, The Sepphoris Synagogue. All author's changes and clarifications are noted. 48 Ibid., 212, lists synagogues that also say tequfat and are usually translated as "season." 49 Di Segni proposes that a conscious choice was made to use tropi instead of ὧρα, the commonly used word for "season" in literature. Weiss, The Sepphoris Synagogue, 213. My thanks to Charles Barber for clarifying the use of equinox and solstice in this instance. 50 Weiss, The Sepphoris Synagogue, 200. Di Segni disagrees, claiming instead that the

A horvátországi Isztria-félsziget számos ókori építménnyel büszkélkedhet. Közülük nem egy erős földrengések nyomait viseli. A porecsi Eufrasius-székesegyház, mely mai formáját a hatodik században kapta, az 1440-es földrengésben sérült meg súlyosan. Főhajójának déli fala, valamint a déli mellékhajó leomlott; ezeket az eredeti román helyett gótikus stílusban építették újjá. A főhajót szegélyező tizennyolc márványoszlop sérüléseit mértük föl: az oszlopfők és oszloplábak sérülései nagyjából észak-déli erős rázkódás következtében jöttek létre. Az apszis és a főhajó északi fala elcsavarodott; ezt a 15. századi rekonstrukció során nem javították ki. A mai, hatodik századi székesegyház padlószintje 1,9 m-rel van a legelső, 4. századi mozaikpadló fölött. Ez utóbbi ma mindössze 0,3 m-rel haladja meg a dagály szintjét. Nem valószínű, hogy a közvetlenül a parton álló püspöki székesegyházat árvízveszélyes helyre építettek volna-véleményünk szerint maga a partvidék süllyedt meg az építés óta. Ez a süllyedés a 4. és a 6. századi templom építése közé datálhatná azokat a régóta ismert, elmerült tengeri színlőket, melyek Trieszt és Zára között mintegy 240 x 80 km-es területen szegélyezik az Adria partjait. A pólai (Pula) diadalív (épült Kr.e. 29-27) rongálódása-ellentétben az amfiteátrum épségével-helyi talajrezonanciára enged következtetni. Ezeket az újonnan felismert jelentős földrengéseket fel kell venni a horvát szeizmikus katalógusba. A továbbiakban szükséges lesz a horvátországi földrengésveszélyes területek rendszerét egy isztriai zónával kiegészíteni.

gration2 019, p. 130, available online at , accessed April 26, 2020. 5T he number of refugees and asylum seekers increased by about 13 million between 2010 and 2017 (at an annual average rate of over 8per cent), while other migrants increasedatanannual rate of under 2p er cent between 2010 and 2019. for all these data and stats, see: United Nations, Department of Economicand Social AffairsReport, Population Facts,September 2019 No. 4/2019, p. 2, available online at (accessed may 3, 2020). 6E venIDPs do not havealegal definition, but the United Nations define them as (…) based on two components: 1) that the movement is coercedori nvoluntary (to distinguish from economic and other voluntarymigrants), and 2) that the movement stays withininternationally recognizedstate borders (to distinguish from refugees). While there is broad international agreement about a definition that includes these twocore components, interpretationsofthe definition and practical translationsv aries from state-to-state. (United Nations Eurostats Manuals and Guidelines, TechnicalR eport on Internally Displaced Persons, Current Practices and Recommendations for Improvement,M arch 2018, p. 15, available online at ), accessed May 3, 2020. 76 7%of all UNHCR refugees come from just five countries: Syria (6.7 Million), Afghanistan (2.7 Million), South Sudan (2.3 Million), Myanmar (1.1 Million) and Somalia (900.000). 8h ttps://www.unhcr.org/globaltrends2018/, last accessed February 6, 2020. 9S outh Africa after Apartheid,R wanda after the genocide againstt he Tutsis, and post WWII German-French relationships, just to nameafew. how to define and identifyreconciliation in the "real world" in an evident and, if possible, measurable way. Furthermore, the idea of the refugee, although difficulttocategorize,given the high number of situations that "produced" refugeesand, within these local conditions, the thousands of different cases, is connected to the concept of reconciliation from several different points of view (Fidian-Qasmiyeh, Eet al. 2014,V olkan 2017, Zito -Martin 2016) 10 . In contemporary literature, we can find several different definitions of reconciliation, depending on the researchers and the discipline belongs to: political scientists, religious scholars, theologians, or psychologists and researchers from other disciplines givedifferent definitions. One of the most innovativea nd challenging approaches to the theory of reconciliation is the one embraced by our Jena Center forR econciliationS tudies 11 in Jena, Germany. JCRS' is basedonthe definition that reconciliation is the creation of normal and if possible good relationships in the face of wars, civil wars,g enocides, dictatorships, apartheid, enslavement, colonialism, and graveh uman rights violations. It is conceived as ac omprehensivea pproacht ofind ar econciled peace with good relationships. Those relationships include the ones with the other(s), with your own group, with yourself, with nature and environment, etc. Relationships with transcendence or individual meanings of life are equally important. Reconciliationi salong-term process over several generations that includes many different approaches and practices. All of these practices are rooted in aw orldview and in ac oncept of the reconciliation process which canbeencapsulated by the following elements and basic convictions: 1-An orientation towards the past: the pastm ustb ed ealt with, if reconciliation is to take place. 2-The importanceoftruth: the truth mustbeknown andacknowledged by all, including the perpetrators. 3-The importanceo fc onserving the past: the past must be remembered by building museums, memorials, by books written by historians, by archives and by the conservation of thesites of suffering. 4-The importanceo fg uilt: the individual perpetratorh as done wrong through his free will. He is responsible and must confesshis guilt. 5-The importanceofwords of apology and forgiveness. Forgiveness demands the verbal expression of guilt andanapology from the perpetrator'sside.