Unrecognized States

On 19th July 2024 the International Court of Justice delivered its advisory opinion on the legal consequences arising from Israel’s policies and practices in the OPT. The opinion deals with issues of extreme sensitivity in international law and, among them, with the obligation not to recognize as legal the situation appealing to the use of force for the acquisition of territory.
The obligation in question is much debated in jurisprudence and doctrine under several viewpoints. Contrary to the tendency of these recent years, the Court has shown a greater degree of openness in attempting to clarify certain practical aspects of the obligation de quo, particularly as regards its content, dating back even to 1971.
Compared with its previous jurisprudence, the effects of the obligation of non-recognition are weaker in relation to the law of treaties and diplomatic relations, even if practice shows a broader scenario in these fields than those considered by the Court. Conversely, more extensive effects have been identified for economic and trade relations, despite practice does not support them. Moreover, it is unclear the omission related to the invalidity of acts adopted by the occupying State in the occupied territory.

The E.U.'s role as an international player began to upgrade alongside the effort to coordinate its external action by adopting a common foreign and security policy (CFSP). As a result, the E.U. has developed a wide range of activities that extended from "the traditional field of external trade to democracy promotion and cooperation in various policy areas falling under its legislative competence" (Lavenex & Schmimmelfenning, 2009: p. 791). After the end of the Cold War, the European Union addressed the challenges arising from the emergence of post-conflict states, a considerable number of which were in its neighborhood. Peacebuilding and state-building interventions were necessary for the post-conflict transition and socioeconomic rehabilitation of these fragile states with contested sovereignty. The EU supported countries with contested statehood both in consolidating peace and building a modern state with political and economic means. Moreover, the EU has adjusted its interventions to the realities and conditions prevailing in each country. Since the impact of the E.U.'s integrated intervention on contested states remains a research concern, the present dissertation aims to address whether the E.U., as a global power, has the mechanisms and appropriate political skills to face up to the challenges presented in countries with contested statehood.

The phenomena of unrecognized and partially recognized governments offer intriguing case studies in international relations with the post-Soviet space being significantly affected. Even though these places are not well known, this essay examines their unique dynamics and how they handle the complex web of regional and international interactions. In a nutshell, Unrecognized or Partially Recognized States are entities that declare independence but are subject to full recognition by the UN or possibly global powers (Frear 2014). In the post-soviet space, these areas which include Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria, Ngolo Karabakh, and Donetsk/Luhansk are excellent illustrations of the struggles for legitimacy and statehood. By examining historical contexts and ongoing conflicts, this essay aims to shed light on how unrecognized governments undermine conventional notions of sovereignty and affect regional and global relations, and the sociopolitical variables that contribute to their existence. Furthermore, our research will not only deepen our comprehension of these anomalies but will also address the thought-provoking question regarding the definition of statehood and the future of international law in a society where prestige equals power. Therefore, understanding how these states engage in para diplomacy, their influence in international relations as well as governance sustenance is our prime focus as we delve into this essay.

У статті, на основі конструктивістського підходу та поняття "образу", розглянуто особливості сприйняття Болгарії в суспільній думці Російської імперії на прикладі газети «Киевлянин». В роботі стверджуєеться, що проголошення незалежності Болгарії не мало однозначних оцінок у публікаціях газети «Киевлянин». Країна могла одночасно отримувати як співчуття через конфлікт зі своїм османським сюзереном, так і нищівну критику щодо різкого рішення проголосити незалежність. Амбівалентне сприйняття події було пов'язане з суперечністю двох важливих тенденцій, які впливали на публікації видання: вкоріненими в суспільстві панславістськими уявленнями та негативним сприйняттям Османської імперії з одного боку, а з іншого-необхідністю враховувати чинні зовнішньополітичні пріоритети Російської імперії. Відтак конструювалися два цілком протилежні образи Болгарії. Образу сильної та суверенної держави, а також образу країни з обмеженим суверенітетом, яка діє на користь інших держав усупереч власним інтересам.

Nakon površnog pregledavanja vijesti iz Anchorage (Enkoridž) na Aljasci sve je kristalno jasno. Svi koji su nazivali susret predsjednika Donalda Trumpa i Vladimira Putina historijskim duboko su pogriješili. Bio je to u stvari ponižavajući susret za američkog predsjednika Donalda Trumpa, a pobjednički za Vladimira Putina. Ništa se zapravo nije promijenilo.

Opsežna studija koja umnogome nadilazi opis grčkog rata za nezavisnost i umereno, racionalno i jasno zadire u brojne naučne discipline. Pravo bogatstvo оvе monografije је u tome što jednako može intrigirati stručnu javnost, baš kao što se može uzeti za početno štivo čitaocu zainteresovanom za grčku istoriju. Sasvim sigurno se može naći i među univerzitetskom literaturom u oblasti balkanologije. Najposle, svojom metodološkom vrednošću, može biti i putokaz za dalja istorijska istraživanja ovog podneblja.

The phenomena of unrecognized and partially recognized governments offer intriguing case studies in international relations with the post-Soviet space being significantly affected. Even though these places are not well known, this essay examines their unique dynamics and how they handle the complex web of regional and international interactions. In a nutshell, Unrecognized or Partially Recognized States are entities that declare independence but are subject to full recognition by the UN or possibly global powers (Frear 2014). In the post-soviet space, these areas which include Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria, Ngolo Karabakh, and Donetsk/Luhansk are excellent illustrations of the struggles for legitimacy and statehood. By examining historical contexts and ongoing conflicts, this essay aims to shed light on how unrecognized governments undermine conventional notions of sovereignty and affect regional and global relations, and the sociopolitical variables that contribute to their existence. Furthermore, our research will not only deepen our comprehension of these anomalies but will also address the thought-provoking question regarding the definition of statehood and the future of international law in a society where prestige equals power. Therefore, understanding how these states engage in para diplomacy, their influence in international relations as well as governance sustenance is our prime focus as we delve into this essay.

This Article offers analysis of the diplomatic aspects delivered by the President of Somaliland's speech. The article studies how a recent speech given by the President of Somaliland uses diplomatic language to strengthen the region's campaign to be recognized by the world. The analysis is based on international relations theories and the framework of current diplomatic approaches and shows that the speech used public diplomacy, recognition diplomacy, soft power diplomacy, preventive diplomacy and Track One and Track Two diplomacy, as well as regional diplomacy and symbolic diplomacy. To explore this, the article compares statements by the President to various diplomatic approaches. In consequence, the book explains that the speech was made to emphasize Somaliland's peaceful, democratic and independent nature before global communities.

De facto states seek international recognition. But do patron states that extend such recognition to their de-facto state clients treat them differently than they would have done otherwise? Will patrons, having extended official recognition, be more inclined to treat their clients as 'regular' states? Or does recognition only make the client more beholden to the patron? To investigate this, we explore whether granting recognition affects the degree of patron-state penetration of two sectors critical to the de facto state for retaining (internal) sovereignty and agency: the executive branch, and the military.

The African Union (AU) was founded on the principles of self-determination, peace, unity, and regional stability. Yet, it finds itself at a crossroads when it comes to Somaliland—a de facto state that has spent over three decades building a stable democracy, upholding the rule of law, and maintaining peace in a region marked by turmoil. Despite its remarkable achievements, Somaliland remains excluded from AU discussions, development initiatives, and regional decision-making.

Recognizing Somaliland through Observer Status is not just a matter of political diplomacy—it is a moral imperative and a strategic necessity. Somaliland represents the very ideals the AU seeks to promote: democracy, stability, and self-reliance. By granting Somaliland a seat at the table, the AU would send a powerful message that African nations that prioritize good governance, security, and economic development will not be ignored.

This article makes the legal, historical, and political case for Somaliland’s inclusion in the AU, explores how this move would benefit the African continent, and outlines concrete steps for African and global leaders to support this long-overdue decision.

In recent months, significant activity has been observed among revanchist forces both within Armenia and abroad. These forces primarily aim to overthrow the current Armenian government and reclaim the Azerbaijani territories over which Armenia lost control in 2020 and 2023. It is noteworthy that the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) leads all efforts to foster revanchist tendencies within Armenian society. As a result of the measures taken in this direction:
• active support has been provided for maintaining the “state” institutions of the illegal separatist regime Armenia installed in the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan during the occupation period (1991-2023)
• efforts to keep the Karabakh issue on the international agenda have gained support, driven by revanchist tendencies
• calls have been made to foster revanchist sentiments among the Armenian public

The article discusses the losses of the museum fund in the Zaporizhzhia region in Ukraine
due to Russian-Ukrainian war from February 2022 to May 2024. It outlines the well-known
facts about the theft of museum collections in the territories of the Zaporizhzhia region occupied by Russian armed forces, particularly from the collections of the Melitopol Museum
of Local History and Polohy District Museum of Local History, the National Historical and
Archaeological Reserve “Kamyana Mohyla” and the Vasylivka Historical and Architectural Museum-Reserve “Popov Manor House”. Instances of the destruction of Ukrainian museums
due to shelling by Russian military forces are listed.
The consequences of the technological disaster caused by the explosion of the Kakhovka
hydroelectric power station (Kakhovka Dam) by Russian forces for Ukraine’s cultural
heritage and museum collection have been already described. It must be emphasized that
a significant number of archaeological sites that have ended up in the drainage area in the
occupied territories will never be included in museum collections again – they are either
washed away by water, are under the threat of looting, or could have been destroyed due to
natural factors. There are many examples of how Russian occupation administration has
used museums as instruments of Russian propaganda in the occupied territories of Ukraine.
It is noted that museum propaganda in the territories of Ukraine occupied by Russia is
aimed at destroying the national and civic identity of Ukrainian citizens and “re-educating”
children and youth in accordance with the ideas of the so-called “Russian world”.
This propaganda occurs in the context of physical and informational isolation of the population under occupation.
In conclusion, it is stated that the actions of the Russian Federation regarding the destruction
of Ukrainian museums, the theft of their collections, and the use of museums in the occupied
territories for propaganda purposes are elements of genocide against the Ukrainian people.

Bu ayki bültenimizde Afrika diasporasına dair yazılar kaleme aldık. AKEM
Araştırmacılarının yanında ORDA Araştırmacılarını da bültenimizde konuk
ettik. Bültenimizi keyifle okumanızı temenni ederken mübarek Ramazan
ayının hayırlara vesile olmasını diliyor, bayramınızı da en içten dileklerle
kutluyoruz.
Keyifli Okumalar

The conflict in Cyprus remains unresolved in the realm of international conflict resolution. Following Turkey's military intervention and the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), the international community, particularly the European Union, implemented isolation and embargo measures against the TRNC. These policies have persisted for over 40 years, causing the Turkish Cypriot community to live under isolation. Only Turkey recognizes Northern Cyprus as an independent nation, and since its declaration in 1983. Many international institutions, such as the Universal Postal Union, the International Civil Aviation Organization, and the International Air Transport Association, refuse to engage with the Turkish Cypriot community. Exports and flights from Northern Cyprus are dependent on Turkey, and direct international flights are banned. Additionally, Turkish Cypriots encounter embargoes in sports and cultural fields, where they are prohibited from playing in international matches or competitions, and some international musicians' concerts in Northern Cyprus have been canceled.
This study aims to explore the impact of the isolation and embargo policies enforced after the 1974 intervention on Northern Cyprus and peace negotiations. It argues that the isolation policies target the community rather then political actors and these long-term strict isolation is not good for any actor in the region.

Despite the distance, Ukraine and Taiwan share parallels in the domain of geopolitical struggle and identity issues. Both are experiencing an ongoing process of national identity strengthening and redefinition. External factors, such as Russia's 2014 occupation of Crimea and the subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine and China's increasing pressure on Taiwan, have shaped both Ukrainian and Taiwanese identities and people's attitudes. On the one hand, this paper explores the transformation of Ukrainian identity in the wake of Russian aggression, focusing on how the invasion has influenced the strengthening of civic attachment among Ukrainians. On the other hand, we explore the development of Taiwanese identity in the context of growing distinctions from mainland China, primarily focusing on Taiwan's ongoing democratization process and developing a self-confident national identity distinct from the mainland. The rise of Taiwanese identity coincided with growing sympathy for Taiwan's independence. Additionally, we consider the evolving nature of civic and national identities, emphasizing their fluidity and adaptability in response to political and social complexity.

This blog features an analysis of the common threads that link three recent ECtHR judgments related to the Russia-controlled parts of Georgian territory – the de facto entities of Abkhazia and South Ossetia –with the Court’s existing case law. Particularly, the blog focuses on the conflation of the jurisdiction and attribution tests, the Court’s approach to the domestic ‘law’ of de facto entities, and the direct and indirect confirmation of their status as part of Georgia under general international law. The judgments in the cases of O.J. and J.O. v. Georgia and Russia, Matkava and Others v. Russia and the inter-State case Georgia v. Russia (IV), upheld and further developed the Court’s previous jurisprudence concerning the de facto entities, particularly as established in Mamasakhlisi and Others v. Georgia and Russia (regarding human rights violations in Abkhazia before the 2008 Russia-Georgia War, see the analysis here) and Georgia v. Russia (II). The three recent judgments are likely to be relevant to the future case law concerning other de facto entities, particularly in eastern Ukraine.

The monograph "De facto States in the post-Soviet Space. The Cases of Abkhazia and South Ossetia" addresses the issue of de facto states in the post-Soviet space. The problem of unrecognized or partially recognized states is a topical issue in the fields of political science, security studies, international relations, and legal studies. The author analyzes the cases of Abkhazia and South Ossetia—separatist regions that formally constitute an integral part of Georgia—based on conducted field research. The monograph also explores issues related state creation and state extinction, secession, ethnic separatism, armed conflicts, and the international protection of human rights.

The Court of Citizens of the World (CCW), a People’s Tribunal, said to be a quasi-judicial organization that aims to bridge gaps in access to international justice by holding political and military leaders to account through considering allegations of violations of specific standards of international law in light of documentary and oral evidence presented in formal proceedings.

The CCW has so-called charged Xi Jinping, President of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) , with crimes of aggression, under the Rome Statute against Taiwan. The tribunal addressed allegations related to aggression in Taiwan.

However, with this so-called charge, the CCW violated gravely the UN Charter, to which the CCW must be bound in terms of its legitimacy.  The CCW gravely violated the UN Charter as any violation targeted Article 2.4 of the UN Charter creates a threat to World`s peace and security.

U radu se upućuje na doprinos literaturi o komparativnoj demokraciji Arenda Lijpharta s podjelom na većinske i konsenzusne demokracije. Posebna pozornost posvećena je njegovoj teoriji konsocijalizma čiji aranžmani omogućuju ublažavanje sukoba u duboko podijeljenim društvima. Kao primjer nedjelotvornosti primjene toga obrasca demokracije i potvrda Horowitzeve postavke da je konsocijacijski aranžman nemotivacijski za vođe većinskih zajednica, prikazan je slučaj Cipra. U radu se analiziraju nepremostiva polazišta za postizanjem ravnoteže u podjeli moći između dominantnih preferencija ciparskih Grka za jedinstvenom državom i ciparskih Turaka za prepoznavanjem zasebnih političkih entiteta. Dolazi se do zaključka da je krahu konsocijacijskih postavki presudila nepovoljna ravnoteža snaga među segmentima, uz nesposobnost međunarodnih čimbenika da postignu djelotvorne poticaje za suradnju među dvjema podijeljenim zajednicama.

This study explores the problems related to university teaching and academic research within de facto states in the context of their non-recognition via an analysis of the current situation in the higher education sector of Northern Cyprus. It reveals that although Northern Cyprus is a world leader in terms of the number of universities per capita, as well as the proportion of international students and the proportion of higher education students in its population, its higher education system nevertheless faces numerous problems. Among the most serious of these are the inconsistent and often very low quality of Northern Cyprus's universities, the politicisation of and lack of confidence in the accreditation authorities responsible for the quality and sustainability of the higher education system, and the unregulated activities of "agents" who recruit new students.

Ce chapitre est une version abrégée et traduite en français de la publication effectuée dans le cadre de l’atelier universitaire d’histoire urgente « Guadalajara, pasados insumisos », coordonné par Elisa Cárdenas Ayala, professeure d’histoire à l’Université de Guadalajara.

The establishment of the state is the main aim of each nation as a main mechanism of its safety, prosperity and natural development, but is everything that smooth in real life? After the collapse of the Soviet Union more than two dozens of countries declared their independence and had to undergo a unique process throughout the history of mankind: post-Soviet transformation. The societies of these countries faced unprecedented challenges along the way of formation of statehood and stateness, as neither experience, nor knowledge of previous decades was applicable, at the same time being compelled to cope with another not less intricated transformational process: globalization. But the problem is even more complicated for the group of those countries, which haven't been recognized yet, as there exist additional difficulties for stateness (particularly, conditioned by stringent limitation of international relations).

Why do some immigrant groups succeed in getting the U.S. government to impose economic sanctions on their former dictators, while others do not? This paper begins by noting that the president is the pivotal player in sanctions policy and that presidents cater to voters in swing states. Therefore, a diaspora's proportion of the swing-state electorate should determine whether the American government imposes sanctions on their former homeland. Considering dictatorships from 1946 to 2005, this paper finds that a one-percentage-point increase in the diaspora's proportion of the swing-state electorate increases the probability of regime-change sanctions by 11 percentage points. It then calculates causal estimates of the effectiveness of these sanctions on regime change. Using the diaspora's proportion of the swing-state electorate as an instrumental variable for the presence of economic sanctions, it finds that sanctions do not have a positive, statistically-significant impact on regime change while a negative impact is plausible.

The E. U.'s role as an international player began to upgrade alongside the effort to coordinate its external action by adopting a common foreign and security policy (CFSP). In this context, the EU has developed a wide range of policies and policy instruments that fall within its areas of legislative competence and extend from external trade and bilateral relations to the support of democratic institutions and international cooperation. After the end of the Cold-War, the European Union addressed the challenges arising from the emergence of post-conflict states, a considerable number of which were in its neighborhood. The E. U. pursuit of addressing challenges related to contested states has evolved over the years and varies significantly depending on the conflict, the bilateral relations, and the geopolitical context. Peacebuilding and state-building interventions were necessary for the post-conflict transition and socioeconomic rehabilitation of these fragile states with contested sovereignty. The E. U. supported countries in consolidating peace and building a modern state with political and economic means. Moreover, the E. U. has adjusted its interventions to the realities and conditions prevailing in each country. Since the impact of the E. U.'s integrated intervention on contested states remains a research concern, the present dissertation aims to address whether the E. U., as a global power, has the mechanisms and appropriate political skills to face the challenges presented in countries with contested statehood.

In this study, we analyzed the main tendencies of the digitization of the tax and customs administration in Russia and worldwide. The main focus of this study is on the determination of the role of customs payments in the enhancement of the budget efficiency of the Russian Federation. For this purpose, we carried out an analysis of the collectability of the customs payments over 18 years according to their different types. Our research showed that further development of the use of digital technologies in customs payments administration will be carried out in the informational exchange systems between the tax and customs authorities. We conducted an expert evaluation of the predictive model parameters to define the basic technological points of the project for the modernization of the digital information exchange system between the customs and tax authorities. The use of the suggested management decisions makes it possible to form a balanced view of the key values to perfect the cust...

Politički i ekonomski aspekti svake zemlje međusobno su isprepleteni i uslovljeni. Od njihovog balansa, kratkorčnih ciljeva i dugoročnih vizija, zavisi i raspodjela nacionalnog suvereniteta u svim njegovim aspektima. Priključivanje procesu evropske integracije za zemlju kao što je Velika Britanija bio je izazov koji se našao u direktnoj suprotnosti sa njenim jako izraženim osjećajem za nacionalni identitet. Ekonomski napredak zajedničkog tržišta na Starom kontinentu uticao je da početkom sedamdesetih godina prošlog vijeka nacionalni identitet bude djelimično žrtvovan u korist ekonomskog rasta i odluku da se Velika Britanija priključi Uniji. Međutim, osjećaj posebnosti i okrenutost, u političkom i kulturnom smislu, ka anglosaksonskoj tradiciji uzrokovali su stalno tinjajući evroskepticizam. Globalna recesija i potreba za jačanjem međusobne solidarnosti u evropskom prostoru intenziviraće preispitivanje ispravnosti odluke o članstvu u Uniji. Unutrašnji politički odnosi su sa svoje stra...

Geological features and hazards have no geographical and political boundaries. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has been funding several international Earth Science research projects in Central Asia and the Caucasus over the last ten years. The projects are aimed at improving the security of people and the safety of infrastructures, and fostering peaceful scientific collaboration between scientists from NATO and non-NATO countries. In the present work, we show how Earth Science can contribute to improving scientific collaboration also among countries that are politically in tension, and how it can also play a key role in preventing situations that may escalate into conflicts. This paper showcases the main results, partially unpublished, of three different research projects that have been aimed at assessing, through an interdisciplinary approach, different geohazards affecting important infrastructure and lifelines of a number of countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus. For each region, we also describe the societal relevance of the research, considering possible geopolitical issues that might be brought about by natural disasters. The research efforts have focused on geohazards threatening: i) the Enguri hydropower plant, located partly in the Republic of Georgia and partly in the disputed territory of Abkhazia, ii) the Toktogul water reservoir, in Kyrgyzstan, and iii) the Caspian oil and gas pipelines crossing the Republic of Georgia.

In the paper, the basic problems of ensuring the food security of the
unrecognized states are studied. It is revealed that the food security of the
unrecognized or partially recognized states remains a little-studied
problem. It is shown that unrecognized states are more exposed to risks
and threats to food security because of the low level of subjectivity as well
as limited trade and economic ties with the world markets. The issues of
food security of the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic) that
arose as a result of a large-scale war with Azerbaijan in 2020 are
presented. The main approaches and principles to the definition of the
concept of ''food security'' are analyzed, and features of assessing the
significance of food security in international law are identified.

Modern Kosovo faces many challenges in post-conflict economic recovery and development. The current international and regional agenda significantly complicate the recovery process. It is a combination of both chronic underdevelopment and post-conflict reconstruction. Such a mix produces limited state governance, a vast shadow economy and criminal networks, massive unemployment, and widespread poverty worsened by original Kosovo's problems such as gender disbalance in the labor force, ethnic discrimination, and unsettled rights of local property owners. The article highlights the current results of internal and external efforts to enhance the ability of Kosovo's authorities to provide economic and physical security for local households and businesses. It focuses on international support through direct financial aid and external investments and argues that this support challenges the political independence and viability of this self-declared polity. Kosovo is still on the list of Europe's poorest and most vulnerable regions. Reforms are proceeding slowly. A large share of state-owned enterprises is unprofitable. The private sector is fragmented, and microenterprises dominate. Kosovo's economy relies heavily on imports and excessively depends on the trade sector. Financial discipline, efficiency, and transparency of the resource's distribution, optimization of intersectoral interaction, fight against corruption-all these issues are still on the current economic and political agenda, as they were ten years ago, despite Kosovo's ranking as one of the top twenty most improved economies in the world. Financial dependence becomes a formidable barrier to Kosovo's membership in the European Union.
Самопровозглашенная Республика Косово сталкивается со множеством проблем постконфликтного восстановления экономики. Текущие политические повестки глобального и регионального уровня значительно усложняют этот процесс. Трудности обусловлены сочетанием хронической социально-экономической отсталости политики и общими вызовами постконфликтного урегулирования. Такое сплетение приводит к ограничениям опций государственного управления, созданию обширной теневой экономики и криминальных сетей. Существующие проблемы дополняются массовой безработицей и широко распространенной в регионе бедностью, усугубляемой такими традиционными проблемами Косово, как гендерный дисбаланс рабочей силы, этническая дискриминация и неурегулированные права собственности. В статье освещаются результаты внутренних и внешних усилий по повышению способности косовских властей обеспечивать социально-экономическую безопасность местных домохозяйств и предприятий. Основное внимание уделено международной поддержке посредством прямой финансовой помощи и внешних инвестиций. Сделан вывод о том, что эта поддержка ставит под сомнение политическую независимость и жизнеспособность самопровозглашенного государства: Косово по-прежнему входит в список беднейших и наиболее уязвимых регионов Европы. Реформы продвигаются медленно. Большая доля государственных предприятий убыточна. Частный сектор фрагментирован, доминируют микропредприятия. Экономика Косово в значительной степени опирается на импорт и в целом чрезмерно зависит от торгового сектора. Финансовая дисциплина, эффективность и прозрачность распределения ресурсов, оптимизация межсекторального взаимодействия, борьба с коррупцией – все эти вопросы по-прежнему стоят в текущей экономической и политической повестке, как и десять лет назад. Финансовая зависимость от поддержки извне, общая экономическая несамостоятельность являются препятствием на пути членства Косова в ЕС.

У статті досліджено особливості функціонування сучасних невизнаних держав, виокремлено їх визначальні ознаки. Висвітлено різні підходи до трактування можливостей невизнаних держав на міжнародній арені. Зазвичай державам важко розвиватися в умовах обмеженого визнання. Головним чином вони розраховують на гуманітарну допомогу міжнародної спільноти, а відносини з іншими державами розвиваються стихійно. Усі невизнані або частково визнані держави, за винятком Тайваню, слабкі економічно. Причинами цього є неефективне державне управління, тіньова економіка, обмеженість інвестування, зумовлена недовірою іноземних бізнес­структур, руйнування території та інфраструктури внаслідок воєнних дій. Попри це населення більшості невизнаних держав під впливом пропаганди підтримує від’єднання від материнської держави. Ступінь демократії в невизнаних державах різний, а демократичні інститути і процедури в них можуть мати лише зовнішні ознаки. Зовнішні покровителі суттєво впливають на життєдіяльність неви...

The judgment rendered by the Second Section of the Court in Mamasakhlisi and Others v. Georgia and Russia relates to the allegations of human rights violations by the de facto Abkhaz authorities in Abkhazia before the 2008 Russia-Georgia War and Russia’s recognition of Abkhazia. In this case, filed against Russia and Georgia, the Court found both States exercising jurisdiction in the relevant period; ultimately, only Russia was held responsible for violating Article 3 ECHR, Article 5 (1)(a)(c) ECHR and Article 6 (1) and 6 (3)(c) ECHR. Unfortunately, it took almost 20 years for the Court to deliver the judgment – two out of three original applicants have passed away since filing the application. Moreover, in light of Russia’s expulsion from the Council of Europe following Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and its lack of communication with the Court since March 2022, the prospect of compliance with the judgment is rather illusory.

Development in Hargeisa. Her research focuses on critical understandings of technocratic statebuilding and conceptualizations of the state. She has also published on the process of postconflict statebuilding in Somaliland and is the author of Understanding Statebuilding: Traditional Governance and the Modern State in Somaliland (Ashgate 2014).

Defence date: 23 July 2020 (Online)Examining Board: Professor Jennifer Welsh (EUI, Supervisor); Professor Dorothee Bohle (EUI); Professor Nina Caspersen (University of York); Professor Eiki Berg (University of Tartu)One of the most fundamental principles underpinning the post-World War II order, on which there is a broad and long-held consensus, is that once admitted into the club of universally recognized states, a political entity’s territory and borders become sacred. The phenomenon of the “contested state,” however, stubbornly challenges this sacred consensus, by suggesting that the current membership in and territorial configuration of the international society may not be entirely fixed. With three standalone substantive chapters, this thesis investigates three different aspects of contested states’ relationship with the existing society of states. In Chapter 1, I attempt to make sense of the existence of these entities alongside other actors in the international system. By emp...

In order for the Court to have jurisdiction over international issues, the disputing parties must accede to the Court's jurisdiction. Ukraine has independently brought its case before the International Court of Justice in its dispute with Russia. This calls into question both the Court's ability to resolve the issue and its own jurisdiction over it. Article 36, clauses 1-3, and article 41 of the Statute of the ICJ will be referenced in order to respond to these inquiries. This article uses a normative methodology. The research objective is to examine the effectiveness of the international court's decision. The method used in this research is normative. The approach method used is deductive. The research results show that the Court of International Justice does not have jurisdiction to issue a final decision but only has jurisdiction to issue a Provisional Measures. However this Provisional Measures will not be effective because the security council resolution as a means ...

This article examines recent Great Powers’ revisionist attempts at challenging the post–World War II norm of territorial integrity. These attempts may invigorate sovereignty claims in the old-time fashion of buying, swapping, or annexing territories. We show that recent dynamics in international politics speak a language that challenges the status quo consensus in territorial matters. While the article focuses mainly on the evidence during the period of Trump presidency, it concludes that this is not only about “Trump just being Trump.” The article shows that despite changes in domestic power in the United States, no changes in, or challenges to, Trump's decisions and proposals regarding territorial revisionisms have taken place. With several brief illustrative examples on board, the article tries to assess how the contemporary international order based on fixed territorial entities and inviolability of borders is contrasted by representations manifested in contemporary sovereig...

Показано, що право України на протидію російській агресії визначається на основі міжнародного та внутрішнього законодавства, а також на підставі прав та обов'язків, які встановлені в міжнародних договорах. Це право гарантує Україні право на захист від будь-яких агресивних дій росії та інших держав, які загрожують національній безпеці та суверенітету України.

It is demonstrated that Ukraine's right to counter Russian aggression is defined based on international and domestic legislation, as well as on the rights and obligations established in international treaties. This right guarantees Ukraine the right to defend itself against any aggressive actions by Russia and other states that pose a threat to Ukraine's national security and sovereignty.

Somaliland has come a long way in the past thirty years, and its achievement in state and peacebuilding and reinstituting governance, are impressive. This is no small triumph considering the fact that Somaliland lies in one of the most dangerous regions in the world. Perhaps Somaliland's achievements can best be understood when contrasted with Somalia's failures. For instance, Somaliland, has established a relatively functioning, effective and stable polity. To achieve this, one of the things that it has worked on is the puzzle of how to fit a traditional leadership and elected governance system together. The emerged polity combines customary institutions, in particular the council of elderlies (Guurti), and the election based modern state institutions, such as a House of Representative and a president. That said, Somaliland's journey is not one without challenges and setbacks. Thus, this study sought to address the broad question of how effective governance can be re-established in the wake of serious societal conflict or war. In particular, this study was an attempt to understand the major challenges that Somaliland faced and still faces in its quest to build an effective and inclusive governance system that can deliver sustainably the services which the citizens need, and maintain peace and equitable growth. Thus far, the study found out that Somaliland has four major challenges to tackle: absence of international recognition as juridical state; constitutional challenges to the democratization efforts; structural challenges and limitations; and lastly, cultural challenges that hamper Inclusivity.

De facto states constitute an interesting anomaly in the international system of sovereign states. No matter how successful and efficient they are in the administration of their territories, they fail to achieve international recognition. The main priority is given to maintaining their existence and to an effort to convince domestic and international actors of their right to independence. Currently, most scholars consider only six entities as de facto states: Somaliland, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria and Northern Cyprus. The aim of this article is to determine which legitimization strategies for the right to independent statehood are applied by Somaliland representatives. The research is conducted through an analysis of official government documents supplemented with an interview with Abdillahi Duale, Somaliland's former Minister of Foreign Affairs, and two representatives of the African Union.

Regional convergence is one of the greatest strategic challenges for the Russian Federation. Socio-economic zoning directly affects the regional policy in Russia, as most administrative and political practices are reproduced within a federal district or an economic region. This study is aimed at identifying steady clusters or, in other words, groups of Russian regions, based on quantitative data on socio-economic development. The study relies on the methods of spatial econometrics. The authors also aim to compare the results of their study to the macro-regions suggested by the Strategy of Regional Development of the Russian Federation and therefore to the current administrative practices. The paper determines 12 clusters continual in space, based on 62 regional development indicators and reflecting the statistical resemblance of the regions within a cluster. The study has not found stable macro-regions of similar values except in Siberia and the Far East. Thus, the authors conclude ...

This article examines the secession of Somaliland by exploring its historical, political, and legal foundations. It argues that secession was an inevitable result of the structural, political, and cultural context of the emergence and unification of the post-independence Somali state. The historical perspective helps explain not only the secession of Somaliland, but also how Somalia became a textbook example of a failed nation-state. The article starts with a general background on the modern social history of the Somali peninsula and analyses key moments, starting from the history of the formation of the modern state in British Protectorate Somaliland and Italian Somaliland until the establishment of Somalia as a unified nation-state. The article also discusses the motives of and obstacles to Somaliland's separation from Somalia in 1991 and evaluates the stances of the international community toward this secession.

Aneksija Krima od strane Ruske Federacije 2014. godine predstavlja jedno od najkontroverznijih
pitanja međunarodne zajednice. Aneksija Krima nedvojbeno je potaknula nezaustavljive promjene
unutar međunarodnih odnosa u svijetu i unutar dotadašnjeg unipolarnog momenta Sjedinjenih
Američkih Država. Iako je Ruska inkorporacija teritorija Krima tek djelomično priznata od strane
međunarodne zajednice, gotovo svi instrumenti međunarodne zajednice kojima bi se mogli
obuzdati Ruski ciljevisu iscrpljeni. Slabost i nemoć međunarodne zajednice da zaustavi novu krizu
međunarodnih odnosa uzroci su situacije u kojoj su se države skeptične prema Zapadnoj
hegemoniji počele okupljati oko Rusije i Kine, čime možemo svjedočiti formiranju novog Istočnog
bloka.
https://www.bib.irb.hr/1217476

The issue of Cyprus remains one of the longest unregulated international dis­putes. For nearly half a century of the island’s de facto division, it has been one of the factors destabilizing the situation in the eastern Mediterranean. It has periodically led to tensions, not only between members of the two Cypriot communities, the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, but also between Greece and Turkey, and finally, Turkey and the European Union. The purpose of this article was to present the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as an exam­ple of a so-called unrecognized state and to assign it to an appropriate type of unrecognized states. The selected case was examined on the basis of the attributes of an unrecognized state, formulated by a leading researcher of this issue, Nina Caspersen, and a selected typology of unrecognized states.