Theory of Mappings Research Papers

In brevi tabella. Thinking with diagrams in late antiquity

2024, The Routledge Handbook of Cartographic Humanities, edited by Tania Rossetto and Laura Lo Presti

Late Antiquity (c. 250–750 CE) marks an important moment in the history of geography and mapmaking. Maps took a more prominent role in intellectual life, and geography was largely integrated into school curricula. Drawing upon both... more

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Joan Bresnan Object Asymmetries in Lioba Moshi Comparative Bantu Syntax

by Lioba Moshi

2023

ing away from the effects of the relative animacy of passivized subject and object markers, we see that object markers can generally cooccur with passives. This is not true in Chiche wia: the object marker never appears on a passive verb... more

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Theorems about includings for multivalued mappings

by Maxim Tkachuk

2023

This paper is devoted to studying of some properties of multivalued mappings in Euclidean space. There were proved theorems on a fixed point for multivalued mappings whose restrictions to some subset in the closure of a domain satisfy... more

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The Passive and Stative Constructions in Ndebele 1 : A Comparative Analysis

by Langa Khumalo

2023

This paper presents a comparison between the passive and the stative derivations. The stative derivation, which is variously referred to in the literature as the neuter, neuter-passive, quasipassive, neuter-stative, metastatic-potential,... more

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Using LFG a-structure to determine the subcategorization frames of Setswana verbs

by Ansu Berg

2023, Nordic Journal of African Studies

The verb lexicon, and more specifically verb subcategorization frames, forms an integral part of any computational grammar. In building a Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) computational grammar for Setswana, it is therefore necessary to... more

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Representing Paths of Motion in VerbNet

by annie zaenen

2023

12.1 Introduction Rich, explicit semantic representations are necessary elements in the automatic interpretation and processing of natural text. VerbNet, a lexical resource that incorporates both semantic and syntactic information, has... more

Although LOCATION roles in examples 6 and 8 specify the trajectory along which the THEME moves, the creators of this class chose to treat (8) as a case of viaQ instead of Prep() as seen in (6). The motivation behind this treatment was likely a syntactic one — the LOCATION in (6) is found in a prepositional phrase, while the same role appears as the noun phrase in (8). The predicate via() appears in two other classes, vehicle-51.4.1 (e.g., She skated the canals.) and nonvehicle- 51.4.2 (e.g., She rowed the canals.); both of which are also classes where the syntactic frame in which the path of motion appears is taken into account in the creation of the semantic frames. Less frequent representations of the path of motion are the direction() and the via() predicates. Like location() and Prep(), they are used in conjunction with the motion() predicate. The following is an exam- ple of the use of the direction() predicate:

However, given the configurations in (29), none of these definitions cor- rectly discriminates among the three cases: it is impossible to distin- guish the acceptable nesting cases from the unacceptable crossing ones with VV f-precedence, or the acceptable non-overlapping cases from the unacceptable crossing ones with V4 f-precedence. SV f-precedence dis- tinguishes none of the cases. 11.5 Redefining the problem

TABLE 1 Abbreviations used for Manhattan neighborhoods

FIGURE 1 Distribution of stimulus animacy types by verb (collapsed)

6 As demonstrated in Her (1999, 2010), while languages like English allow this option, languages like Chinese do not. The LMT model proposed here can account for this distinction; due to space limitations, I will not go into this interesting typological issue. Tmt: ... et De a, a a ee ee ee, ee ae ee: ee ‘This analysis does not bring in the co-variation in word order associated with this construction. See Siewierska and Hollmann (2007) for a corpus-based study.

FIGURE 1 Facets and Dimensions across Frameworks FIGURE 2 Cross-framework Analyses of Coordination: left: HPSG (upper), LFG (lower); right: CCG (upper), LTAG (lowe:

TABLE 1 Acceptability Judgments for New Impersonal in (1a)

TABLE 2 Age-related Variation in Acceptability Judgments for the NI Example in (1a) ing ground. Because this is an on-going change, it provides historical linguists with a rare opportunity to observe and document a syntac- tic change at a relatively early stage; the evidence available in written records can be complemented with native speaker judgments of ac- ceptability. On-going research supports the hypothesis that the NI is acquired by young children and not adopted by adults. Forty of the sub- jects tested by M&S in 1999-2000 were retested in 2010; children who acquire the NI do not seem to outgrow it (Thrainsson, Sigurjonsdottir and Eythorsson, 2010).

TABLE 4 Acceptability judgments for NI of a verb that does not form the canonical passive

TABLE 5 Impersonal Passive of Reflexive Verb

Instead, we use the definition of fcommand in (38). However, this definition does not always make the right predictions when two attributes share the same value, which is the situation we ar« interested in (R. Kaplan, p.c.; Dalrymple 2001). In (37), the f structure f does not f-command the f-structure g, because there is an f-structure h that contains f but does not contain g.

The operator O2 is the value of the upF attribute (Unbounded De- pendency Function: Asudeh 2010, 2012; see also Alsina 2008), and is also the object of play. There is no constituent in the c-structure that corresponds to O2. This means that the suprRiorITy relation between operators cannot be defined in terms of position in the c-structure tree; the relevant relation must be /-command, a hierarchical relation de- fined at f-structure. The standard definition of fcommand, shown in (36), works for many cases.

The specification of path in terms of location() allows for VerbNet to specify that the THEME is at the specified location at the start of the event (i.e., the table), is set in motion during (i.e., during(E)) the event, and is located at DESTINATION (i.e., the floor) by the end of the event. However, it is not always the case that only change of location type events will have location() predicates marked as the start or end of an event. In the example sentence in (5), the predicate location () is used as a means of indicating that the decoration (i.e., THEME; the name) is made on the ring (i.e., DESTINATION) and does not indicate In general, for classes in which the realized piece of the path refers to either endpoint of the change of location, VerbNet makes use of the location() predicate in conjunction with the motion() predicate to represent path information. Consider the slide-11.2 class:

The most obvious problem is that unlike the location() predicate that represents the location of an event, the Prep() predicate, on its own, does not represent a specific meaning. That is, given the Prep() predicate alone, it is difficult to determine what relationship THEME and LOCATION have with each other and how they relate to event E. Even if we set this problem aside, this representation of path is some- what problematic since the same predicate Prep() is used to represent a static location of an object such as in the corner in the sentence “The statue stood in the corner” (spatial_ configuration-47.6), which is unlike the trajectory Prep( as used in example 6. The way to distinguish such instances is seemingly to look for the motion() predicate along with the Prep(). However, such a heuristic is not fail-safe either. Consider example 7 as a comparison to example 6, in which the representation (e.g., the use of the Prep() in the presence of motion()) seems to look If the sentence expresses the trajectory of the motion, rather than the starting or ending location, VerbNet currently tends to favor the use of the Prep() accompanied by the motion() predicate as seen in exam- ple 6:

The direction() predicate is generally found to represent the mean. ng of the trajectory in a given path of motion as seen in example 9 [his representation is comparable to the one for (6). One advantage thi ‘epresentation has over the use of Prep() is that while with Prep() th ictual preposition is instantiated from the context, the direction( specifies that the THEME is directed towards the LOCATION during she event. Outside of this factor, it is not clear that VerbNet needs tc listinguishes the path information in (9) from that in (6). VerbNet, as discussed above, currently does not have an established method of representing the path of motion. The representations for source, trajectory and destination are currently spread over several dif- ferent representations, and they are generally specific to the needs of the class in which they are found. Furthermore, another difficulty in representing path of motion comes from the fact that VerbNet classes Jo not contain the necessary semantic roles to properly represent the path of motion. For example, consider the run-51.3.2 class seen in ex- umple 6. Currently this class specifies AGENT, THEME and LOCATION. allowing for sentences such as The horse jumped over the river or The horse jumped onto the shore. However, when more than one piece of the path of motion is realized, these roles are no longer adequate.

The path() predicate, thus, would replace both the Prep() (see ex. 6) and the via() (see ex. 8). With the replacement of Prep(), we are achieving a more semantically explicit representation of the path. The replacement of via() allows us to represent the semantics of the tra- jectory independently of the constituent’s syntactic expression. The proposed predicate includes the event EF that links the path to the E of the motion() predicate, and by association, the THEME in motion. Additionally, the path() predicate includes all three roles that indicate the different parts of the path of motion, namely, the SOURCE, TRAJECTORY and DESTINATION roles. The path() predicate would al- low for the representation of all possible combinations in the expression of path, which thus far has not been possible in VerbNet. Here is the revised view of the run-51.3.2 class:

Finally, the advantage of a consistent and explicit representation of path of motion is that we get the desired change of location inferences for free. In other words, in the sentence in example 4, the inference we want to retrieve is that the the book is on the table before the event begins and is no longer there at the end of the event. In the same way. the book is not on the floor before the event, but is there at the end of the event. Currently, VerbNet generally, albeit inconsistently, handles this by using the start() and end() predicates to show where the THEME is located at the specified point in time. Take the banish-10.2 class as an example:? Furthermore, the path usage of the location() predicate (as op- posed to the static location usage as shown in ex. 5) and the direction () predicate would be united under the same representation.

TABLE 2 A special LMT analysis of present and its Hungarian counterparts

Both (5) and (6) have the same structure, since they differ only in the valence that the author assigns to the experience of day in the first two nodes. Yet, although the text never indicates explicitly at the sentence level what those sales figures were like, we have no trouble

References 204 / LiviA POLANYI AND MARTIN HENK VAN DEN BERG

FIGURE 2 Multidimensional scaling (MDS) of Manhattan neighborhods based on word space similarities Figure 2 is a multidimensional scaling (MDS) of the 16 x 16 similarity matrix of the 16 neighborhoods shown in Table 1.

TABLE 1 Animacy categories with examples 26 / BETH LEVIN AND JASON GRAFMILLER

TABLE 1 Distribution of postverbal bare plural subjects. The mismatch between the PVBS test and the GCC test for unac- cusatives can be accounted for in semantic terms. Postverbal bare plu- ral subjects can appear with telic predicates like regresar, desaparecer, arrojarse, or asfixiarse, but not with verbs like heder, trabajar, arras- trarse, or reflejarse. which are atelic. This is summarized in Table 1.

TABLE 2 Distribution of predicates in the generic causee construction.

Dowty, thematic roles are sets of entailments, determined by the lexi- cal semantics of the predicate. The two prototypical thematic roles, or proto-roles, are characterized by the following entailments: In a sentence with two arguments (i.e. a transitive verb), the subject will display a heavier proportion of proto-agent properties than the ob- ject. This principle allows for different combinations of semantic prop- erties, defining degrees of prototypicality for agents and patients. This approach can be extended to account for patterns of split intransitivity. Subjects of unergative verbs, Dowty says, normally have more proto- agent properties than subjects of unaccusatives. The subject of a verb like run, often classified as unergative, must be volitionally involved in the event, and has the property of moving. A verb like die, on the other hand, which is typically unaccusative, is associated with the entailment that its subject undergoes a change of state, and is not volitionally in- volved in the event.

TABLE 1 Model parameters for the American and Australian ratings for communication verb double object datives

TABLE 2 Model parameters for the American and Australian ratings for transfer verb double object datives 100 / MARILYN FoRD AND JOAN BRESNAN

TABLE 3 Model parameters for all main effects and 2-way interactions for Australian RTs at the determiner after the recipient in double object datives THEY WHISPERED ME THE ANSWER / 103

TABLE 4 Model parameters for all main effects and 2-way interactions for American RTs at the noun after the recipient in double object datives

TABLE 3 Syntactic properties of constructions in Polish and Ukrainian

TABLE 1 Instrumentals in the Corpus of Contemporary American English

[TABLE 2 Social verbs in the Corpus of Contemporary American Englis] for the lemma only (including all inflected forms), and then for ‘verb lemma plus with’ sequences. The results are summarized in Table 2.

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Polysemy and the applicative verb construction in Chishona

by Patricia Mabugu

2021

This thesis explores the semantic and syntactic properties of the Chishona applica¬ tive construction. In particular, it explores the possibility of providing a polysemous analysis of the different semantic interpretations associated with... more

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Spatial Ideologies: Understanding a Medieval Armenian Mappamundi

by Siri Benn

2017

When one looks for Armenia on modern maps of the Middle Ages in popular art history survey textbooks, it is difficult to locate. 1 The country and people are often cut off when looking at maps that privilege medieval western Europe and... more

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Modeling the mapping from 'conceptual structure' to syntax

by Annie Zaenen

2016

Prepublication version of paper that app read in Hypothesis A / Hypothesis B : Linguistic Explorations in Honor of David M. Perlmutter by Gerdts, Donna B., Moore, John C., Polinsky, Maria Many linguistic theories have a component that... more

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LA INVENCIÓN DE UN ARCHIPIÉLAGO.pdf

by Cesar Adolfo Ávila Royert

2016

Los mapas construyen realidad, no sólo pretenden representarla. Uno de los muchos episodios en el que se evidenció esto en la temprana Modernidad, fue aquel que hizo entrar en el escenario cartográfico al archipiélago de Tierra del Fuego.... more

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Nested and Crossed Dependencies and the Existence of Traces

by Mary Dalrymple

2016

Constraints on long-distance dependencies have long fascinated syntacticians. Recent work in constraint-based syntax has explored the issue of the existence of traces, and many arguments for traces have been convincingly refuted (Kaplan... more

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2013. Anchoring Time-Space Mappings and their Emotions: The Timeline Blend in Poetic Metaphors. Language and Literature 22:1, 45-59

by Cristóbal Pagán Cánovas

2015

Conceptual Integration theorists have recently revised the time is space conceptual metaphor, and proposed a more complex structure of mappings. The result of that network of mappings is a particular event of motion through space,... more

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2015. Like the machete the snake: Integration of topic and vehicle in poetry comprehension reveals meaning construction processes. Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts.

by Cristóbal Pagán Cánovas and

2015

Metaphor and simile research has traditionally focused on the projection of content from vehicle to topic, thereby revealing new meaning in the topic. We show that the meaning of vehicles also changes during figurative language... more

purpose of the study. Each coder measured one half of the responses.

make the temporal construal of the snake. Temp: participants who make the temporal construal

who do not make the temporal construal of the snake. Temp: participants who make the temporal
construal of the snake.

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The theorems on a ﬁxed point for multivalued mappings

by Bogdan Klishchuk

2015

This paper is devoted to studying of some properties of multivalued mappings in Euclidean space. There were proved theorems on a ﬁxed point for multivalued mappings whose restrictions to some subset in the closure of a domain of Euclidean... more

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Blending in Metaphor

by Line Brandt

2014

Excerpt from The Communicative Mind (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013), pp. 231-323, incuding an updated and expanded version of the 2005 Brandt & Brandt paper 'Making sense of a blend. A cognitive-semiotic approach to metaphor'. In F.... more

In order to apprehend the utterance as a metaphor, two more spaces need to be set up: a Presentation space and a Blended space. The Presentation space is highly figurative and also contains force-dynamic structure (most of which does not become salient until later in the process). In the blended space, the referent (T) is presented as if it were identical with the content in Presentation space (S). By definition this identity link is virtual; if itt were actual, only one space would be needed (a Reference space). It is in this virtual sense that T can be said to be S: in the blend, T is S. I propose it is this virtuality that makes a blend a blend. By virtuality I mean the very as-if-ness that characterizes the blend of a Reference space and a Presentation space. The space-building is deictic; the Reference space is set up by an explicit and deictic space-buildet (“this surgeon”). In other instances it might be built from contextual, non-verbal cues (if, for example. the surgeon believed to have caused the scar enters the visual field of the speaker and she mutter: “Butcher!”, or “Here comes the butcher!”’). This step in the space-building process corresponds to step 1 in the above specification of five distinguishable levels of meaning. A subject of predication is singled out:

As previously mentioned, the inputs to the blend are functionally distinct. This asymmetry is reflected in the distinct labels for the two spaces. The Presentation space and Reference space are two types of spaces. In the case of metaphor, the target scenario is represented in the Reference space and the source in the Presentation space. The distinct functionality in question is clear in our example. The surgeon is ‘ n Figure 3-3, the (actual) subject — ‘this surgeon’ — is blended with the metaphoric predicate — ‘a butcher’ — in a virtual blend. One entity is seen as the other. The conceptualization, at this stage, consists in a crude mapping between the two input spaces and projections from these inputs to a Virtual space. These projections are rudimentary and not yet selective, so at this point there is no emergent meaning to be understood. What is understood, however, is that the predication is metaphoric. This amounts, not to a recategorization, but to an understanding that the surgeon is a butcher with respect to particular aspects of his character or profession — aspects not explicitly mentioned. At this stage in the analysis corresponding to the 2™ level of meaning comprehension: metaphoric space-building) it has not yet been specified how the surgeon is a butcher.

a EI ES EE IES a oe Figure Be 4 represents the cognitive process s believed to be ‘involved in selective projection of semantic content to the butcher-surgeon blend, as described above (cf. situational relevance). The salient part of the scenario in Reference space is the patient, who is deictically given (she is the J that can say look what he did to me), and so the surgeon is said to be a butcher particularly with respect to how he has (mis)treated the patient, leaving a scar that is deemed unpleasing to the eye — an outcome which, importantly, is thought to have been avoidable. The surgeon evidently did not prioritize making

3.1.2.3.6 Meaning space In extension of previous re flections on the relations holding between the Semiotic base space and t Relevance space, a number of dimensions of relevance may be distinguished, corresponding to t suggested stratification of t three types of phenomena. what is happening in the reassurance is felicitously he Semiotic base space. Relevance can be seen as composed of (at lea’ The expressive base is the origin of i/ocutional relevance, determined performed. The situational base creates situational relevance — here t framing of the inputs, including the focally salient scar. Finally, the pheno-world is the origin of t argumentational relevance t hat motivates description and evaluation — here, the ethical schema. ongoing discourse. In the present example, a speech act of requesting he he st) bY ne ne The Meaning space is the properly framed Virtual space: a post-emergent-meaning space (the blend structured by the ethical schema). The completion offered by the dynamic schema is crucial to the emergent meaning, which does not emerge in the blend “by magic” (recall Vega Moreno’s critique, cf. section [3.1.2.2])°° but by virtue of this interpretive process, grounded in the circumstances shaping the production of the metaphor. Were the argumentational relevance altered and the dynamic schema replaced by a different schema, the meaning of the utterance would change.”

Figure 3-9. The evaluative emergent meaning occasions certain inferences that project back to the interactior between speaker and addressee. The addressee interprets the use of the metaphor as concurrently communicating a request for reassurance and infers what he should do and say next, in response. Figure 3-9 shows the conceptual integration network in its entirety. Were the question What does that mean? asked in response to the utterance, it could be answered at five different levels of explanation, and each of these replies would be appropriate, depending on what part of the network needed filling in.®' The speaker could explain (1) what the lexical entry “butcher” means (or any other words or phrases appearing in the sentence); (2) that it is a metaphor; (3) that the surgeon handled her anaesthetized body the way a butcher would handle the body of a dead animal (this sort of explanation would greatly reduce the affective potency, replacing emphatic evaluation of the act with mere description; (4) that the surgeon should have thought of her as someone who would have to live with the scar for the rest of her life; or (5) that she would like the addressee to help her believe the harm is not as detrimental to her existence as she presently happens to feel.

The model below (Figure 3-10) illustrates the structure of semiosis in terms of mental spaces™, a general structure hypothesized to be active in cognition of blends occurring for expressive purposes. In the blend, the Object (O) virtually is the Representamen (R), and so (R) may stand for (O).

%° A blend in which, quoting Fauconner & Turner, “someone unwittingly does the wrong thing, and ultimately fails.” (Fauconnier & Tumer 2002, p. 132) “[F]igurative digging of one’s own grave is conceived as unintentional misconstrual of action.” (italics added) 8! See Fauconnier & Turner 2002, pp. 131-135. (See also Turner & Fauconnier 1995b and Fauconnier & Turner 1998.)

(A broken line barrier represents the lowering of the barrier; the broken line traces the motion of the lowering) The ‘ideal program’ of S1 Figure 3-13. eventually lead to a desirable outcome. This is S1’s ‘ideal program’™, diagrammed in Figure 3-13. His task is to lower the barrier of the parents’ skeptic attitude towards him by convincing them of his good intentions, promoting and defending a flattering image of himself.

Blonde, blue-eyed California women are airheads who are only good for a one-night stand Daughter is a blonde blue-eyed California woman. Daughter is an airhead who is only good for a one-night stand. Figure 3-15. The conclusion to this simple syllogism will be assessed as valid unless the premises are weakened. S1 would have to make a disclaimer, within a limited time window, against the premise (that blondes are airheads etc.), or he would have to insist that the daughter is an exception to the rule, or that she has set an example proving him wrong. Instead of grasping this opportunity for escape, however, he gives the deductive force an extra “push” by repeating what was said on the video clip. At first the insult is a potential act that is yet preventable. By letting the insult become manifest (cf. Figure 3-16), S1 makes a virtual grave for himself.

As in the metaphor with the butchering surgeon, where the force applied in surgery is amplified due to the inappropriate attitude of the agent toward the patient (see section [3.1.2]), the narrativization of the referential content is experienced in exaggerated form due to the force-dynamic magnitude and figural concretization of the presentation which, through the superposition in the virtual blend, is predicated of the referent. An understanding of metaphor in terms of experienced enhancement of dynamic features may provide a cognitively realistic explanation for the affective response that metaphors are known to elicit and hence for their power to persuade.” Acting rationally implies the capacity to be self-aware, as if seen from the outside, and the inclination to act in one’s own interest, furthering rather than undermining one’s own enterprise, avoiding obstacles. S1’s behavior, “talking himself into his grave”, so to speak, is irrational given his objective: to be on good terms with the “folks”, hyperbolically presented as staying alive. His lack of self-awareness makes him an irrational agent, a disposition that renders him needlessly vulnerable and is therefore perceived as laughable (see Figure 3-19").

3.1.3.3 Digging the hole deeper Applying to situations of unwitting self-sabotage, the gravedigging metaphor gives rise to a range of expressive (e.g. verbal) variations” on this conceptual integration network, with its two contrastive viewpoints and presentational causal logic (as described in the two preceding sections). An article in the Times Literary Supplement quotes a retrospective use of the digging-your-own:- grave metaphor from the dust jacket of a book on Galileo:

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Conceptual mappings and neural reuse

by Cristóbal Pagán Cánovas and

2014

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Map of Theoretical and Conceptual Streams for Discourse Analysis and Their Authors.

by Ismar Lima

2014

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From Quirky Case to Representing Space: Papers in Honor of Annie Zaenen

by Valeria de Paiva

2013

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Representing Paths of Motion in VerbNet

by Annie Zaenen

2013

12.1 Introduction Rich, explicit semantic representations are necessary elements in the automatic interpretation and processing of natural text. VerbNet, a lexical resource that incorporates both semantic and syntactic information, has... more

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Curriculum Vitae and Bibliography

by Annie Zaenen

2013

17 Curriculum Vitae and Bibliography Annie Zaenen Education 1 1961 Kandidatuur in Romance Philology, Rijksuniversiteit Gent, Gent, Belgium 'with great distinction' 1967 Licentie in Philosophy, Rijksuniversiteit Gent Gent, Belgium 'with... more

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Down with obliques?

by György Rákosi

2012, In Tracy Holloway King & Valeria de Paiva eds. From Quirky Case to Representing Space: Papers in Honor of Annie Zaenen. Stanford: CSLI. 127-138.

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Theory of Mappings

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