Syrian Refugees in Turkey

Göç olgusu; tarihin her döneminde toplumları doğrudan ve dolaylı olarak etkileyen temel olgulardan biri olagelmiştir. Her dönem, hayat şartlarının değişmesi yeni gereksinimleri ortaya çıkarmakta ve meydana gelen yeni gereksinimler ise toplumsal yaşam üzerinde olumlu ya da olumsuz değişiklikler yaratarak; insanların yaşadığı coğrafyadan başka coğrafyalara doğru yer değiştirmesine neden olmuştur (Buz, 2004:6). Uluslararası göç hareketleri son yıllarda beş kıtayı etki alanı içine alan, birçok faktöre dayanan, ulus kavramını sorgulamayı sürdüren, demografik açıdan milyonlarca insanı kapsayan bir süreç olmaya devam etmektedir

This study goes beyond explaining Syrian migrant child labor solely in terms of economic deprivation and offers a multi-layered analysis within the framework of transformation in the family structure, social reproduction processes and the subjectivity of childhood. Child labor is addressed not only as a phenomenon that emerges in Syrian migrant families out of concern for livelihood, but also as a historical and cultural practice that gains meaning through intra-family responsibility relations, cultural norms and perceptions of childhood. In the study, the inclusion of children in the labor market is evaluated both as a result of a structural necessity and as a reproduction of historical norms within the family. While child labor is evaluated as an element of social reproduction, it is also examined as a field of agent where children actively participate in this process and reposition themselves. In this context, the study takes a holistic approach to Syrian child labor in Southeastern Anatolia at the intersection of migration, family and class dynamics. This study is literature review that various data, statistics and the results obtained from similar studies written on the subject. In addition to these, the researcher has worked as a humanitarian aid worker in various non-governmental organizations in Gaziantep, Şanlıurfa and Mardin and has blended the cases, events and situations he has witnessed in the last decade with the content of the study with a reflexive method.

The phenomenon of [international] migration, which is defined as the spatial expression of the processes of control and conflict over power and parts of geographical space, has become a means of marginalization. Human mobility, which increases especially in different regions due to political and geographical developments such as war, terrorism, and climate change, leads to multidimensional opportunities and problems both in the source geography of migration and in the countries where migration takes place. At this point, Turkey has become the center of migration flows occurring in different geographies due to its geopolitical position. It has also become a country where problems arising from migration have increased in sociopolitical, cultural, and economic terms. In this context, this study aims to analyze local and international students' perception of the marginalization of Afghan and Syrian migrants in the relationship of political geography and migration. In the study, which is based on the quantitative research method, a total of 335 students, 217 Turkish citizens and 118 foreign nationals, from 16 different cities of Turkey, were included using non-random sampling. The survey data obtained from local and international students, using the scale of immigrant perception, were analyzed using SPSS software. The research revealed a significant difference in the perceptions between local participants and international students towards Afghan and Syrian immigrants. At this point, it was determined in the study that local participants came to the fore with the negative dimensions of marginalization (danger and social exclusion), while international students with the positive dimensions (humanism and social inclusion). In addition, there was a significant difference between local and international participants in t-test averages.

The need for foreign language learning has been increasing due to emerging demands, primarily in the fields of business and education, as well as for reasons such as tourism, security, wars, and migrations. Consequently, individuals' motivations for learning a foreign language vary significantly. This diversity determines learners' motivation and their priorities in language acquisition. Considering the increasing population of refugees in Türkiye, especially for the integration of Syrians in business and social life in Türkiye, learning the Turkish language is of great importance. When teaching languages to refugees, issues such as the level at which the language will be taught, what will be taught, and which linguistic skills will be emphasized come to the agenda. In this context, determining the language needs of Syrian refugees is important in terms of determining the content of the courses to be organized for them and organizing the educational environment according to their needs. Long (2005) states that language needs analyses help determine curriculum design, the development of language skills required for specific needs, the preparation of learning activities, and the selection of language teaching materials and tools. Accordingly, identifying the needs of learners in teaching Turkish as a foreign language plays a crucial role in the preparation of curricula, the development of textbooks and instructional materials, and the implementation of effective teaching techniques and methods. The civil war in Syria since 2011 has led to a significant influx of refugees into Türkiye, with 3,195,185 Syrians registered under temporary protection as of July 21, 2022 (Presidency of Migration Management, 2024). The concentration of this population in specific regions, such as İstanbul, Gaziantep, Şanlıurfa, Hatay, and Adana, highlights the need for education and skills development among adult refugees to facilitate their access to employment and social opportunities (Presidency of Migration Management, 2024). Recognizing the importance of learning Turkish for labor market access, various

In Rousseau's key works, including Émile or Treatise on Education (1918), and Reveries of a Solitary Walker (1992),the author examines the dimensions of communication, emphasizing engagement with oneself, others, and nature through silence.This paper utilizes Laverty's (2011) analysis of Rousseau's philosophy, which categorizes communication into three voices:articulate, melodic, and accentuated, representing different listening modalities,particularly in education.A central question emerges regarding the relationship between the self and the external world.I will compare Rousseau's model with Hannah Arendt's views on thinking and selfhood from The Human Condition, ultimately grouping their communication models into two categories: (i) the listening self (Rousseau) and (ii) the performative self (Arendt).Both authors contribute unique insights into communication and the role of silence.In conclusion, I propose the term "tacet sui," or "soundless self," to describe a form of storytelling relevant to both models,drawing on Moskalewicz's (2024) interpretation of Arendt's storytelling.

Kendilerine dijital dünyada dezenformasyonla mücadele etme görevi biçen teyit/doğrulama platformları, kimi kesimlerce hakikat bekçileri olarak görülse de işleyişleri, işlevsellikleri ve uluslararası kuruluşlardan aldıkları fon-hibe destekleri üzerinden eleştirilerle de karşı karşıya kalmaktadırlar. Bu çalışmada da teyit/doğrulama platformlarına ekonomi politik açıdan yaklaşılmakta ve aldıkları fon veya hibelerin 'hakikati tayin ederken' platformların politikalarına etki edip etmediği konusu tartışmaya açılmaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında eşik bekçiliği modeli temel alınarak Doğruluk Payı platformu ile İsveç Başkonsolosluğu arasındaki hibe ilişkisi sorgulanmaktadır. Çalışmada nitel içerik analizi yöntemi kullanılarak Doğruluk Payı platformunda İsveç ile ilgili yapılan 12 teyit analize tabi tutulmuştur. Doğruluk Payı'nın İsveç ile ilgili içerikler konusunda nasıl bir 'seçme' işlemi uyguladığı ve söz konusu teyitlerin Türkiye'de olumlu bir İsveç imajı oluşmasına katkı sunacak ya da İsveç ile ilgili oluşması muhtemel olumsuz bir algının önüne geçebilecek bir nitelik taşıyıp taşımadığı araştırılmıştır. Nitekim bulgular neticesinde platformun içerikleri seçerken nasıl bir süzgeç uyguladığını açıkça belirtmediği saptanmıştır. Ayrıca söz konusu teyitlerin büyük bölümünün Türkiye'de İsveç'e yönelik olumsuz bir algı oluşmasını engelleyecek nitelikte olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Müslümanların yoğun olarak yaşadığı Türkiye'de, İsveç ile ilgili 12 içerikten 5 tanesinin inançsal bağlamlı olması da özellikle göze çarpmaktadır. Yine İsveç imajına pozitif yönde katkı sunabilecek teyitlere de rastlanılmıştır.

Rather than focusing on the agency that refugees (re)gain in the host country, this paper uses the pre-displacement occupation as an indicator to analyse the change and continuity of their occupational pathways from home to host for demonstrating their agency. From an iterational perspective, their pre-displacement occupations reflect the agency underlying their job-seeking efforts and self-reliance. The findings show that while many refugees struggle to find employment, many can use their previous work experience and skills to pursue new careers in their respective fields. Their occupational composition is diverse, including individuals employed across various sectors-blue-collar, white-collar and entrepreneurial. Based on interviews with 110 Syrian refugees in Turkey, I argue that considering refugees' pre-displacement socioeconomic context is crucial for examining their agency in host countries and for shaping refugee policies, as the development of their occupational pathways is closely linked to their pre-displacement occupations and may reflect either continuity or change.

Bu çalışma, Türk toplumunda yabancılara yönelik sosyolojik bakışı incelemektedir. Özellikle 2011 Suriye iç savaşı sonrasında Türkiye’nin yoğun göç almasıyla birlikte yabancıların toplumda nasıl sınıflandırıldığı, önyargılara ve ötekileştirmeye maruz kaldığı ele alınmaktadır. Araştırmada gönüllü ve zorunlu göç ayrımı üzerinden yabancıların yaşadığı sorunlar, ekonomik ve sosyal etkiler ile toplumsal algılar tartışılmıştır. Bulgular, Suriyeliler ve Orta Doğu’dan gelen göçmenlerin çoğunlukla olumsuz kalıplarla etiketlenirken, Avrupalı göçmenlerin idealize edildiğini göstermektedir. Ayrıca artan işsizlik ve yaşam maliyetleri, yabancı düşmanlığını pekiştiren faktörler olarak öne çıkmaktadır. Çalışma, mültecilerin eğitim hakkına erişimindeki çelişkileri vurgulamakta ve kapsayıcı, insan hakları temelli politikaların toplumsal uyum için önemini ortaya koymaktadır.

Bu çalışma, Arapça konuşan yabancı hastaların Türkiye'de kamu sağlık hizmetlerine erişimde karşılaştıkları dil engellerini ve telefonla sözlü çeviri hizmetinin bu sorunu çözmedeki potansiyelini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Araştırma, betimsel nitelikte bir nicel çalışma olarak tasarlanmış ve örneklem, Türkiye'nin TR1 ve TR4 bölgelerindeki 9 ilde yaşayan 420 Arapça konuşan yabancı hastadan oluşmuştur. Veriler, dört bölümden oluşan anket aracılığıyla toplanmış ve SPSS 24.0 programı kullanılarak betimsel analiz ile değerlendirilmiştir. Katılımcıların %87,14'ü Türkçeyi yetersiz düzeyde bilmektedir. Hastaların yalnızca %13,81'i profesyonel sözlü çeviri hizmetinden yararlanabilmektedir. Gönüllü sözlü çeviri, yaygın fakat etik açıdan riskli bir yöntem olarak öne çıkmaktadır. Telefonla sözlü çeviri hizmeti hakkında farkındalık düşüktür (%79,05 hiç kullanmamıştır), ancak bu yöntemin etkili olduğu yönünde olumlu algı mevcuttur. Dil engeli nedeniyle yanlış teşhis, tedavi gecikmesi ve sağlık hizmetlerine erişimde erteleme gibi sorunlar yaşanmaktadır. Dil engeli, göçmen ve mülteci bireylerin sağlık hizmetlerinden eşit ve güvenli biçimde yararlanmasını engelleyen temel sorunlardan biridir. Telefonla sözlü çeviri hizmeti, mahremiyetin korunması ve erişilebilirlik açısından güçlü bir çözüm olarak öne çıkmakta; ancak tanıtım ve teknik altyapı eksiklikleri nedeniyle yeterince kullanılmamaktadır.

Waiting, and the ways in which time is expanded, dilated and thinned out by waiting, holds a prominent place in the literature on migration temporalities. However, in the less interventionist migration regimes of non-Western contexts, time takes on different qualities. This article examines the temporal experiences of Syrian refugees who lived in Turkey between 2011 and 2016 before arriving in Germany. In their narratives of life in Turkey, the present was not marked by emptiness or stasis but by familiarity and viscosity. The quality of familiarity arises from governmental policy choices as well as Turkey's cultural proximity to Syria. The quality of viscosity owes as much to the global organisation of capitalism as it does to Turkey's migration legislation.

2024 Aralık ayında Esed rejiminin çöküşüyle birlikte Türkiye’deki Suriyeli sığınmacılar meselesi yeni bir evreye girmiştir. Bu gelişme, geçici koruma statüsünün devam edip etmeyeceği, kaldırılması durumunda hangi hukuki, siyasi ve ekonomik seçeneklerin ortaya çıkacağı gibi tartışmaları gündeme getirmiştir. Çalışma, Suriyelilerin Türkiye’deki statülerini hukuki ve siyasi açıdan incelemekte, Türk mevzuatı ve uluslararası yaklaşımları karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz etmekte ve mevcut duruma ilişkin pratik seçenekler sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.

Turkey has called Syrian refugees as guests and adopted social policies. Within the scope of these policies, basic services such as shelter, education and health have been provided to refugees, but steps such as citizenship or full economic participation, which appear in integration strategies, have not been taken. The fact that Turkey sees this process as a temporary humanitarian crisis, the hope that the war will end and Syrian refugees will return to their homeland, and the fact that citizenship or permanent status is not included in the plans have caused Turkey to prefer social cohesion policies rather than integration. The study examined the legal regulations, the practices of central and local governments and the contributions of NGOs within the framework of integration policies through descriptive content analysis method. The study revealed that local governments need to be more authorized in migration policies, lack of coordination, ensuring the sustainability of NGOs' funds, increasing international cooperation, interaction with local people, breaking prejudices and overcoming the language barrier.

Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D), VID Specialized University, Centre of Mission and Global Studies, Stavanger 2021This thesis is a qualitative study based on three articles, of which two have been published. The general purpose of this study is to raise awareness of the Syrian conflict and its resulting refugee crisis through the nuanced voices and experiences of a heterogeneous Syrian refugee population. The study seeks to fill a research gap concerning the nexus between religion, identity and conflict as a lived phenomena in stories narrated by Syrian refugee. As such, the research deploys an exploratory research design and a dynamic theoretical framework in order to encounter the empirical material with scholarly vigour and ethical sensitivity. The main research questions posed in the thesis concerns how a sample of Syrian refugees residing in Norway encounter, memorise, narrate and discursively negotiat...

Bu çalışma mültecilere yönelik yaygın nefret söylemine odaklanmaktadır. Mültecilerin toplumda bir huzursuzluk kaynağı olarak görüldüğü ve halkın önemli bir kısmının alışılageldik yapısal durumun bozulmasından endişe duyduğu gözlenmektedir. Sosyal düzensizlik teorisyenleri başta olmak üzere sapma konusunu çalışmış olan birçok sosyoloğa göre, bir toplum alışılageldik sosyal düzene uygun düşmeyen yeni fikirlere ve geleneklere maruz kaldığında, sosyal düzensizlik artar. Bu çalışmanın odağındaki etiketleme kuramı bu bakış açısını, orta sınıfları bir analiz nesnesi kılarak ortaya koymaktadır. Bu çalışmada öteki/yabancı unsurların, etiketleme davranışı yoluyla kamusal alanda hedefe konmalarının çelişki ve düzensizliği daha da artırdığı iddia edilmektedir. Zira bireylere atfedilen negatif etiketler, bu negatif imaj odağında çatışmalı bir vasatın oluşmasına yol açmaktadır. Suriyeli mültecilerle ilgili örnek haberler üzerinden dışlama ve etiketleme davranışlarının incelendiği bu çalışmada nitel araştırma tekniği kullanılmış ve içerik analizi yoluyla da veriler çözümlenmiştir. Örnek haberler Suriyeli mültecilerle ilgili şiddet içerikli hadiseleri barındırmaktadır. Mülteciler toplumun grupsal onur ve dayanışma ekseninde örgütlenme çabasına dönük bir tehlike olarak değerlendirildiğinden, bu durum milli duyguları harekete geçirmekte ve kendi ev sahiplikleri konusunda bir irade beyanını gerektirmektedir. Örnek haberlere konu olan eylemler de bu duyguyu destekleyen anahtar kelimeler içermektedir. Çalışmayı ilgilendiren asıl boyut ise medyada geniş yer bulan insan eylemlerinin analizidir. Bu hadiselerde etiketleme ve buna eşlik eden doğallaştırılmış tepkinin medyaya yansıyan boyutları çalışmanın odak noktasını oluşturmaktadır.

In this study , we used Absorbing Markov Chain which is one of techniques of stochastic processes in estimation and analysis the graduates students numbers for three departments in Mechanical Engineering college; Department of Energy Engineering, Production Engineering, and Department Spinning and weaving Engineering. This technique is one of the best techniques in students movement analysis among study stages in college until he graduate, the study estimates the required time to student stay in stage and forecasting for students numbers to related the university with population to removal the unemployment phenomenon which it increase in humanity specializations to university graduates. The study include the theory and application sides for absorbing Markov chain depended on registration students data and outside students data in each stage and for each department to period (2006-2015). We get on results to forecasting to graduate students number in each department and outside students, also the time of student stay in college and consider that as indicator to the decision markers when them doing the future development plans.

In this study , we used Absorbing Markov Chain which is one of techniques of stochastic processes in estimation and analysis the graduates students numbers for three departments in Mechanical Engineering college; Department of Energy Engineering, Production Engineering, and Department Spinning and weaving Engineering. This technique is one of the best techniques in students movement analysis among study stages in college until he graduate, the study estimates the required time to student stay in stage and forecasting for students numbers to related the university with population to removal the unemployment phenomenon which it increase in humanity specializations to university graduates. The study include the theory and application sides for absorbing Markov chain depended on registration students data and outside students data in each stage and for each department to period (2006-2015). We get on results to forecasting to graduate students number in each department and outside students, also the time of student stay in college and consider that as indicator to the decision markers when them doing the future development plans.

This study aimed to examine how immigration policies are determined in Gaziantep and the effect of local governments in policy implementation, in the context of "implementation theory." The study followed a qualitative methodology. Data was collected through semi structured interviews with 32 Syrian immigrants in Gaziantep, as well as with relevant units of the Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality, Şahinbey Municipality and Şehitkamil Municipality. The impact of local governments on the implementation of immigration policies in Gaziantep is discussed under three main themes: temporary versus permanent status, cohesion, civil society and inter-institutional cooperation. The main argument of the study is that while migration policies in Turkey are primarily determined by the central government, these policies have been transformed and reshaped in Gaziantep through a bottom-up policy approach, driven by the influence of street level bureaucrats.

In this study , we used Absorbing Markov Chain which is one of techniques of stochastic processes in estimation and analysis the graduates students numbers for three departments in Mechanical Engineering college; Department of Energy Engineering, Production Engineering, and Department Spinning and weaving Engineering. This technique is one of the best techniques in students movement analysis among study stages in college until he graduate, the study estimates the required time to student stay in stage and forecasting for students numbers to related the university with population to removal the unemployment phenomenon which it increase in humanity specializations to university graduates. The study include the theory and application sides for absorbing Markov chain depended on registration students data and outside students data in each stage and for each department to period (2006-2015). We get on results to forecasting to graduate students number in each department and outside students, also the time of student stay in college and consider that as indicator to the decision markers when them doing the future development plans.

FEUTURE Online Paper No. 18 Migration was a critical policy area for Turkey even before Turkey became an official candidate country to the EU in 1999. Especially, with the end of the Cold War in the 1990s Turkey began to face the challenges of being a country of origin and destination, while acting as a transit country for documented and undocumented migration. Although the foundations of a migration policy were shaped in Turkey prior to the EU accession process, the EU accession process had an important catalyser effect in transforming the migration and asylum policies. This paper presents an overall analysis of the changes experienced in Turkey since 1999 on the asylum field with a projection of three possible scenarios of convergence, cooperation and conflict on Turkey-EU relationship. In that respect, this paper aims to map out the important periods that have influenced the transformation of the asylum policy in Turkey. While locating the important events and drivers at the glob...

FEUTURE Online Paper No. 16 The aim of the paper is twofold. First, to outline the relationship of the EU and Turkey in the field of irregular migration and present the main drivers that underpin the relations from 1999 to 2017. While acknowledging that emphasis on irregular migration is given particularly post-2011, the paper argues that the dynamics characterising the relationship between Turkey and the EU do not change significantly in the pre-and post-2011 period. Secondly, the paper presents the most likely of the three scenarios- conflict, cooperation, and convergence- in the area of irregular migration drawing from the drivers of the past and present in the EU, Turkey, but also the Southern neighbourhood and beyond. The paper argues that though conflict is unlikely, equally so is convergence, with a model of transactional operational cooperation more likely and reflective of EU-Turkey relation on irregular migration management.

Istanbul is a migrant city. Officially an estimated 529,000 migrants with residence permits (PMM, 2025a) and some 470,000 Syrian refugees under temporary protection (PMM, 2025b) live in the city. They make up about 7% of the city's official population. In addition to the officially registered refugee population, according to research conducted by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), at least 430,000 Syrian refugees live in Istanbul without a registration (IOM, 2019). Moreover, Turkey's refugee reception policies impose stringent restrictions to registration options for international protection recipients. The registration system for Syrian refugees under temporary protection and conditional protection for non-Syrian refugees allows them to access public services only in the provinces where they are registered (Pekşen, 2023). According to the instructions of the Ministry of Interior, the province of Istanbul no longer accepts new registrations of Syrian refugees. Non-Syrian refugees who are under conditional protection, due to the mandatory dispersal policy (the so-called satellite city system), are not permitted to register and reside in Istanbul. Regardless of these restrictions, a high number of non-Syrian refugees, who are legally obliged to reside in other provinces, move to Istanbul for better living conditions and access to the labour market thereby giving up their international protection status in the province of registration (Karadağ, 2021). Istanbul remains an attractive option for migrants and refugees, and they continue to move to the city.

In this paper, we introduce a unique dataset derived from a survey conducted among 450 Syrian refugee workers and the owners/managers of the firms in which they are employed in Istanbul, Turkey. We utilise this data to investigate the connection between the wage-productivity gap and perceived economic and social discrimination. The findings of the study indicate that individuals facing a wider wage-productivity gap tend to report higher levels of economic and social discrimination. These results remain consistent even after incorporating various variables at both the worker and firm levels into the analysis. These findings imply potential policy recommendations that policymakers should take into account.

Suriye'de 2011 yılında başlayan iç karışıklıklar ve çatışma ortamı, Suriyelileri daha güvenli bir hayat aramaya itmiş, böylece Suriyeliler kitleler hâlinde güvenli buldukları ülkelere göç etmişlerdir. Meydana gelen bu göç hareketleri yıllardır sürmekte olup milyonlarca Suriyeli çevre ülkeler ve Avrupa ülkelerine ulaşmıştır. Yoğun olarak gerçekleşen düzensiz göç hareketleri Akdeniz'i bir göç bölgesi hâline getirmiştir. Suriyelilerin yasa dışı olarak gerçekleştirdiği göçler, göç edilen toplumlarda entegrasyon konusunun gündeme gelmesine neden olmuştur. Zira sayıları aniden ve hızla artan Suriyeli düzensiz göçmenlere yönelik belirsizlik ortamı gerek Suriyeliler gerekse göç edilen ülkenin halkında tedirginlik yaratmaktadır. Bu noktada, toplumda huzurun sağlanması adına devletlerin başarılı bir göç yönetimi sağlaması önem taşımaktadır. Çalışmada Türkiye ve Avrupa'ya sığınan Suriyeli düzensiz göçmenlerin toplumda yarattığı etki ve entegrasyon konusuna yer verilmiştir. Çalışmada nitel araştırma yöntemi kullanılmış, güncel mevzuat ile kurum ve kuruluşların raporları, internet siteleri ve diğer ikincil belgeler üzerinden doküman analizi yapılmıştır. Bu kapsamda; Suriyelilere yönelik temel insani ihtiyaçların karşılanması ve sosyal imkânlara erişim entegrasyonun olumlu tarafını göstermekte olup, Suriyeliler ile yerli halk arasında iletişim ve sosyal kabul konuları iyileşmeye muhtaç konular olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Bunun nedeni olarak toplumsal grupların birbirini tanımaması ve belirsizlik ortamının devam etmesi gösterilebilir. Bu noktada devletler ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının sosyal iletişimi güçlendirmek ve karşılıklı önyargıları en aza indirmek için önlemler alması gerekmektedir.

As Turkey heads toward elections in 2023, the debate about the Syrian refugees is playing a significant role in Turkish political discourse and on social media platforms. Meanwhile, opposition parties see the problem as an opportunity to gain votes and to criticize the AKP government for its inability to handle the crisis successfully.

The following study aims to analyze the attitudes of Turkish political parties towards Syrians living in Turkey by examining the prevailing views on their presence, the issue of citizenship, employment, normalization with the Syrian regime, and their future in Turkey. It compares attitudes and motives and forecasts the future of the Syrian refugees in the case that one of the parties wins the elections. To do this official party statements made by party leaders and prominent members were reviewed as well as official websites and social media platforms.

The main conclusion of the study is that a party’s ideological background, the nature of its electoral base, and its attitude towards the AKP government play a major role in determining its position on the topic of Syrians. This is especially true because the Syrian issue in Turkey is handled by the President and his government.

The study found discrepancies between the attitudes of the electoral base and those of party leadership, which are believed to be caused by the influence of Turkish social media and the general lack of transparency regarding the problem.

Most Turkish parties agree on the need for Syrians to return to their homeland but disagree on the timing and mechanism of return. Although they collectively recognize the need for a political solution to the Syrian crisis, they hold different opinions regarding the Turkish military presence in Syria. There is also major opposition to naturalization and informal employment.

The nationalist parties are known as the hardest of the hard-liners on the issue of Syrians, most notably the Victory Party, while the conservative parties are the most moderate in this, despite their disagreement with the AKP government regarding some of the issues. The Syrian problem is expected to be among the three main talking points of the 2023 campaigns occupying a large part of election strategies, especially the issues of employment and naturalization.
The study found that the Syrian opposition is responsible to a great extent for the attitudes of some political parties in Turkey because generally its institutions have not been communicating with Turkish parties about the Syrian refugees in Turkey. This has resulted in a lack of understanding among the Turkish parties about the issues, particularly the problems of return and normalization with the regime. The study noted that the escalation of hate speech is generally linked to the economic crisis and its consequences from the cost of living and high inflation to the eagerness of opposition parties to exploit these pressures for electoral gain.

In social, economic and political terms, Turkey is playing a key role in the Syrian refugee crisis. The number of refugees crossing its border is now in the millions, which makes Turkey conspicuous as both a destination and a transit country. The social adaptation process is an important component of the refugee crises given that Syrian migrants are not temporary but permanent. Since Turkey has the largest number of refugees compared to any other (western) country, it is important to understand how Syrian refugees are perceived by Turkish citizens. By taking the significant influence of media on the integration process into account, the main purpose of this article was to document how Syrian refugees are represented in the media. To achieve the aim, 1,054 news articles published in the summer of 2015 by Turkey’s three largest active news agencies were examined by conducting content analysis. We evaluated temporal milestones and spatial importance in Turkish pattern of reporting refu...

Sindoor Operasyonu
HİNDİSTAN ENTEGRE HAVA SAVUNMA SİSTEMİ
Hindistan'ın Sindoor Harekâtı esnasında Pakistan’a karşı kullandığı Entegre Hava Komuta ve Kontrol Sistemi (IACCS - Integrated Air Command and Control System), insansız hava araçları (İHA), füzeler, Hindistan hava, kara, deniz ve paramiliter unsurların yanı sıra füzelerin de etkili bir şekilde kullanıldığı oldukça gelişmiş ve entegre bir hava savunma sistemidir.

1. Introduction; Sibylle Heilbrunn and Rosa Lisa Iannone -- 2. Umayyad: A Syrian Refugee Business in Bremen, Germany; Aki Harima, Manal Haimour and Jorg Freiling -- 3. The Story of the Syrian-German Cheese Manufacturer, Cham Saar; Carina Hartmann and Katharina Schilling -- 4. "Our Table": Between Activism and Business in Dublin, Ireland; Joachim Kolb -- 5. The Story of an Adolescent Afghan Refugee who became an Entrepreneur in France; Crista Plak and Vincent Lagarde -- 6. "FluchtlingMagazin" (Refugee Magazine): A Syrian Social Business in Hamburg, Germany; Julia Freudenberg -- 7. The Story of Jonny, an Eritrean Entrepreneur in Tel Aviv, Israel; Sibylle Heilbrunn and Anna Rosenfield -- 8. A Case Study of an Ethiopan Refugee in Germany; Bamrot Yekoye Abebe and Petra Moog -- 9. The Blessing African Boutique and City Market Food: A Congolese Refugee Business in Darwin, Australia; Jane Ruparanganda, Edouard Ndjamba Ndjoku and Ram Vemuri -- 10. Refuge to Centre Stage: ...

Background. There is robust evidence that compromised parenting, stemming from persistently high stress, mediates the impact of war and displacement on children's mental health and psychosocial wellbeing. Parenting interventions generally prioritize the acquisition of parenting knowledge and skills, while under-attending to parental stress and distress. This paper describes the development of the Caregiver Support Intervention (CSI), a nine-session group intervention for conflict-affected parents of children aged 3-13, that aims to strengthen parenting both indirectly, by lowering stress and improving psychosocial wellbeing among parents, and directly, by increasing knowledge and skill related to positive parenting. Methods. We describe the multi-phase, iterative process by which we developed the CSI, and illustrate the essential role of community input in shaping the intervention and strengthening its cultural fit and perceived usefulness. We used focus group data from participants in successive cycles of implementation, feedback, and revision, as well as quantitative data and expert consultation to develop a culturally and empirically grounded intervention. Results. This mixed-method, iterative approach to intervention development enabled us to develop a psychosocial intervention for conflict-affected caregivers that is feasible, acceptable, and perceived by participants as useful in addressing their own wellbeing and their parenting. Focus group data support the underlying model in which caregiver wellbeing powerfully influences parenting. Conclusions. Programs aimed at strengthening parenting in conflict-affected communities should substantively address caregiver wellbeing. An iterative approach incorporating community feedback can help ensure intervention acceptability and feasibility. We also illustrate the feasibility of involving men in parenting interventions.

Background There is robust evidence that compromised parenting, stemming from persistently high stress, mediates the impact of war and displacement on children's mental health and psychosocial wellbeing. Parenting interventions generally prioritize the acquisition of parenting knowledge and skills, while under-attending to parental stress and distress. This paper describes the development of the Caregiver Support Intervention (CSI), a nine-session group intervention for conflict-affected parents of children aged 3–13, that aims to strengthen parenting both indirectly, by lowering stress and improving psychosocial wellbeing among parents, and directly, by increasing knowledge and skill related to positive parenting. Methods We describe the multi-phase, iterative process by which we developed the CSI, and illustrate the essential role of community input in shaping the intervention and strengthening its cultural fit and perceived usefulness. We used focus group data from participan...

Değerlendirme, müfredat geliştirmenin önemli unsurlarından birini oluşturmaktadır. Brown (1995), yabancı dil öğretimi müfredatının “ihtiyaç analizi, hedefler, ölçme ve değerlendirme, materyaller, öğretim ve değerlendirme” olmak üzere altı ögesi olduğunu ifade etmektedir.
Brown’a göre ilk beş öge arasındaki öncelik-sonralık sırası önemlidir. Değerlendirme ise, müfredatın uygulandığı süreç boyunca ve mümkünse birden fazla kez yapılmalıdır. Bunun nedeni, değerlendirme sonucunda ortaya çıkabilecek muhtemel aksaklıkların eğitim öğretim bitmeden giderilmesi için gerekli zaman ve imkâna sahip olmaktır. Program değerlendirme konusunda birçok model geliştirilmiştir. Bunlardan biri de Stufflebeam (1971) tarafından geliştirilen CIPP modelidir. Stufflebeam’e göre bu model şu dört soruya cevap vermek için geliştirilmiştir: “Ne yapmalıyız? Nasıl yapmalıyız? Doğru yapıyor muyuz? İşe yaradı mı?” Bu
dört soruya bağlı olarak bu modelde program değerlendirme dört farklı boyutta yapılabilmektedir: Bağlam, girdi, süreç, ürün. Bu çalışmada, Tokat Gaziosmanpaşa Üniversitesi Türkçe Öğretim Uygulama ve Araştırma Merkezindeki hazırlık sınıflarında verilen Türkçe eğitiminin öğrenci görüşleri doğrultusunda ve CIPP değerlendirme modelinin süreç boyutuna göre değerlendirilmesi hedeflenmiştir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda Türkçe dersi, içerik, materyaller, dersin işlenişi, öğrenme ve öğretme süreçleri açısından incelenmiştir. Çalışmaya, A2 seviyesinde Türkçe eğitimi almakta olan 95 öğrenci katılmıştır. Çalışmada, öğrencilerin Türkçe dersinin etkinliğine yönelik görüşlerini tespit etmek için 42 maddelik bir anket uygulanmıştır. Bilgisayar ortamında SPSS programı kullanılarak verilerin sıklık, ortalama ve yüzdelikleri tespit edilmiştir. Öğrencilerin yaklaşık dörtte üçü Türkçe derslerinin beklentilerini karşıladığını ifade etmektedir. Dört dil becerisine ayrı ayrı bakıldığında, konuşma beceresinin beklentileri karşılamada diğer becerilerin gerisinde kaldığı, bununla birlikte öğrencilerin yaklaşık üçte ikisinin bu beceride de beklentilerinin karşılandığını ifade
ettikleri görülmektedir. Dersin içeriği ve ders materyalleri ile ilgili öğrenci görüşlerine bakıldığında da benzer bir tablo ile karşılaşılmaktadır. Öğrenciler, ders kitaplarındaki konuşma ve dinleme becerileri ile ilgili bölümleri okuma ve yazma becerileri ile ilgili bölümlere nazaran daha az yeterli bulmaktadırlar. Dersin işlenişi, öğrenme-öğretme sürecine
ilişkin öğrenci görüşleri göstermektedir ki öğrenciler öğretmenlerinden oldukça memnundurlar. Özellikle derslerdeki öğrenci-öğretmen ilişkisi, öğretmenlerin derste tüm öğrencilerle eşit olarak ilgilenmesi ve derse katılımı teşvik etmeleri öğrencilerin en olumlu buldukları yönler olarak dikkati çekmektedir. Diğer taraftan öğrenciler sınıf içinde öğrenciler
arasında daha fazla işbirliğinin gerçekleştirilmesi gerektiğini  belirtmektedirler. Çalışma sonuçları, yabancı dil olarak Türkçe öğretimi programlarının daha etkili bir hâle getirilmesi ve bu alandaki ders malzemelerinin daha da iyileştirilmesi konusunda kullanılabilecektir.

Turkish law has adopted a number of approaches regarding the question of dual or multiple citizenship since the Turkish Nationality Act (TVK) came into force in 1964, largely in response to migration movements. While Turkish citizens were not allowed to hold Turkish nationality when they wanted to acquire foreign nationality between 1964 and 1980, dual nationality was actually encouraged by the 1981 Amendment to the Turkish Nationality Act. Turkey has become a receiving country for aliens seeking employment since 2000, and in order to work without being subject to the restrictions of Turkish legislation, immigrant women acquired Turkish citizenship by way of marriage. This led to changes in the Turkish Nationality Act in 2003 and subsequently marriage is no longer an easy way to acquire Turkish citizenship. Migration movements to and from Turkey, as well as the need to bring the current TVK into line with the European Convention on Nationality, are the principal factors shaping the latest Draft Turkish Nationality Act submitted to the Parliament in April 2006. The explicit acceptance of multiple citizenship in the draft bill is an attempt to remove inconsistencies in this area of Turkish law.

Informal employment is considered a major problem in developing countries. Although unregistered employment contributes to a country's economy in terms of production, it can have a negative impact on macroeconomic indicators such as tax losses and unemployment. Unregistered employment can include both nationals and foreign workers. The aim of this study is to find out in which sectors Syrian asylum seekers are preferred in unregistered employment in Türkiye. Fuzzy TOPSIS was used as a method in the study. Fuzzy TOPSIS provides a ranking according to alternatives and criteria. The analysis results show that Syrian refugees are preferred in agriculture, construction and textile sectors respectively in unregistered employment in Türkiye. With these results, it is suggested that the legal regulations of Türkiye in immigration policy and unregistered employment and those asylum seekers should be evaluated at the legal level regarding the country's economy.

Populist politicians frequently employ anti-establishment appeals in their discourse by
targeting an imagined or real power elite. Do such appeals have a mobilizing effect
among voters? What role do the emotional responses of voters play in this process?
We address these questions using a vignette experiment embedded into a nationally
representative survey fielded in Turkey, a country where a populist party has long
been in power. Our research design enables us to assess whether voters respond
more positively to a populist framing of a call for mobilization on an issue compared
to a non-populist framing, and whether their emotional responses act as mediators.
We find that populist rhetoric indeed does have a mobilizing effect, though only
for a low-cost form of political participation (signing a petition) and only among the
constituency of the populist party. Turning to the role of emotions, we find that
the populist framing of the issue led voters to report more discontent, despair, and
anxiety, and these emotions mediate the positive influence of the populist message
on mobilization. Thus, our study contributes to research on populism by highlighting
the role of emotions in the mobilizing effect of populist discourse.

In 2011, with the outbreak of events in Syria, millions of Syrians suddenly flocked to Türkiye. In the early years of migration, it could be said that the general perception of society was that migrants would return to their country after the war ended. However, over time, the perception that migrants would stay permanently has strengthened within society. With the economic crisis deepening further due to the pandemic, public resentment towards migrants began to emerge. One of the main issues of the 2023 general elections was immigration. During the elections, the idea of sending Syrians back voluntarily or by force was discussed. The aim of this study is to examine the migration-focused attitudes, discourses, and policies of political parties regarding the General Elections of May 14, 2023, in Türkiye, along with their official documents and texts concerning migration policies. We subjected the approaches of seven political parties-AKP, MHP, CHP, İYİP, ZP, HDP, and TİP-to analyze their current policies regarding immigration in their election campaigns. The discourse of political parties regarding migrants was subjected to critical discourse analysis, consisting of three main discourses: "Let them return", "Let them return voluntarily", and "Let them stay.

It is necessary to consider community opinions about social events and respond with proper actions. Support is needed to acquire a basic or rough idea of community opinions quickly. In this paper, the authors show how to elicit main points from community opinions with a simple word association test on college students about the highlighted social events in China in 2010. Two supporting technologies for qualitative meta-synthesis CorMap and iView are applied to analyze the opinions. Unlike basic descriptive statistical figures, CorMap/iView help identify the structures of opinions, which show the primary concerns of students or features of events, as a simple way to acquire a rough synthesis of public concerns rapidly.

This  study  examines  the  portrayal  of  Afghan  and Syrian migrants in Turkish media, focusing on the socio-economic and ideological dimenions  of  this  representation.  Through  content  analysis,  the  research  highlights  how  media  narratives  often  associate  these  migrants  with  crime and security concerns while overlooking their economic contributions, particularly in the informal  labor  market.  The  study  underscores  how such portrayals contribute to the marginalization  and  exclusion  of  migrants,  perpetu-ating  institutional  racism.  By  critically  analyzing  these  media  depictions,  the  study  calls  for  more  balanced  reporting  and  inclusive  policy  measures  that  recognize  the  contributions  of  migrant workers to Turkish society.

Migrant seasonal agricultural workers around the world constitute the backbone of labor-intensive agriculture while facing the most grim consequences of societal, economic and environmental changes from slow and rapid on-set hazards. Here we examine the impact of flash floods and the recent earthquake (February 2023) on seasonal agricultural migrant workers in Türkiye. Adopting the slow and silent violence approaches (Nixon, 2011; Watts, 2013), we explore the structural inequalities present before the disasters and analyse the intersecting vulnerabilities shaped by environmental, socio-economic, and political factors during and after these events. We argue that the relatively invisible slow violence and more visible forms of violence overlap in the case of seasonal agricultural workers and migration status of the workers strongly influence their im/mobilization in disaster-affected areas. Immobilization in rural ghettos has facilitated the recovery of land and agricultural production as well as social reproduction in rural communities. This observation necessitates rethinking the role of worker im/mobility not only as a factor in production and social reproduction but also as a central component in disaster recovery. Therefore, we suggest a time-space nexus shaped by the analytical tools of violence and mobility to contribute to the literature on disasters and critical agrarian studies.

Turkey-Syria relation had been re-built under Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP)’s “Zero Problems with Neighbour Policy”. Unfortunately, uprising of Syria that has been shaped as a civil rebellion demanding political and social reform from the Assad regime has complicated the regional politics. Turkey is often accused for fomenting trouble in Syria on pretext of just intervention in the Syrian affairs. International community and scholars have assessed Turkish role negatively. This paper examines
Turkey’s continuing effort at maintaining good relationship with Syrian fellow and its positive contribution towards maintaining peace and order in the region by providing refugee camps and facilitating a free passage zone towards its southern border.

Since 2011, millions of Syrian people have had to leave their country and seek shelter in neighbouring countries and in Europe. Forced migration or displacement creates multiple vulnerabilities while trying to settle in a new environment. Socioeconomic, cultural and psychological vulnerabilities hinder them from participating actively in society. Higher education is one of the main ways that refugees and displaced people cling to hope for a better life. Their access to and participation in higher education has been a challenging route for many reasons both for themselves and also for the higher education systems and universities in their host countries. Turkey has a unique place in regard to Syrian refugees. It hosts the largest refugee population in the world with 3.6 million Syrians and 500,000 asylum seekers from other countries, such as Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Turkey has a young population with the 5–17 age group comprising 21% of the population, but the Syrian pop...

Since 2011, millions of Syrian people have had to leave their country and seek shelter in neighbouring countries and in Europe. Forced migration or displacement creates multiple vulnerabilities while trying to settle in a new environment. Socioeconomic, cultural and psychological vulnerabilities hinder them from participating actively in society. Higher education is one of the main ways that refugees and displaced people cling to hope for a better life. Their access to and participation in higher education has been a challenging route for many reasons both for themselves and also for the higher education systems and universities in their host countries. Turkey has a unique place in regard to Syrian refugees. It hosts the largest refugee population in the world with 3.6 million Syrians and 500,000 asylum seekers from other countries, such as Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Turkey has a young population with the 5–17 age group comprising 21% of the population, but the Syrian pop...

Polonya'daki Hukuk ve Adalet Partisi (PiS), 2015-2023 yılları arasında iktidarda kalmıştır. Bu süreç Avrupa’yı sarsan iki büyük göç dalgasıyla kesişmiş ve PiS farklı mülteci grupları için farklı söylemler benimsemiştir. Literatürde bu yaklaşımları açıklayan az sayıda teorik çalışma bulunurken, Paris Okulu ve Gramşiyan fikirler, güç ilişkilerine dayalı açıklamalar sunarak öne çıkmaktadır. Bu çalışma, PiS’in mülteciler konusundaki söylemlerini eleştirel söylem analizi yöntemiyle inceleyerek, Paris Okulu ve Gramşiyan fikirlerin güç ilişkileri açısından göç çalışmalarına nasıl katkı sağlayabileceğini araştırmaktadır.

Since 2011, Syrian refugees have remained a significant topic in media discourse. News coverage concerning Syrian refugees spans various domains, including health, education, social life, and culture, and is disseminated through both print and audiovisual media. Within this coverage, the language and discourse employed often rely on the binary opposition of "us" versus "them", reinforcing distinctions between national and ethnic identities. This study aims to analyze the discourse practices of three newspapers-Sözcü, Hürriyet, and Sabahwhich exhibit differing editorial perspectives, in the context of migration following the 2011 Syrian civil war. Methodologically, the study categorizes news headlines into two thematic areas, education and citizenship, and examines them through the macro and microstructural dimensions of van Dijk's discourse analysis framework. The findings indicate that six news articles, selected from the three newspapers (one from each category), engage in ideological reproduction, demonstrating that discourse is shaped more by contextual influences than by the subjects themselves.

Since 2011, Syrian refugees have remained a significant topic in media discourse. News coverage concerning Syrian refugees spans various domains, including health, education, social life, and culture, and is disseminated through both print and audiovisual media. Within this coverage, the language and discourse employed often rely on the binary opposition of "us" versus "them", reinforcing distinctions between national and ethnic identities. This study aims to analyze the discourse practices of three newspapers-Sözcü, Hürriyet, and Sabahwhich exhibit differing editorial perspectives, in the context of migration following the 2011 Syrian civil war. Methodologically, the study categorizes news headlines into two thematic areas, education and citizenship, and examines them through the macro and microstructural dimensions of van Dijk's discourse analysis framework. The findings indicate that six news articles, selected from the three newspapers (one from each category), engage in ideological reproduction, demonstrating that discourse is shaped more by contextual influences than by the subjects themselves.

This article investigates the employment conditions of Syrian refugee workers in the clothing industry in Istanbul, as well as its consequences on their socio-emotional well-being and life plans. 62 interviews in the form of life stories were conducted with these workers from workspaces of varying sizes. The research identifies ambiguity, hyperprecarity, institutional violence, and segregation (refugees mostly work in small workshops) as the main concepts for understanding these conditions. The dimensions of socioemotional well-being are dominated by depression and loss of control over life. However, the personal (self) dimension (proud, optimistic, and staying positive with oneself) remains high. As a result, migration outside of Turkey emerges as as ongoing hope in the pursuit of stability and control over the future.