Structural Violence

Introdução As respostas as questões colocadas pelos editores da Revista InterAção serão respondidas tomando como principal referência minha obra intitulada Populismo Fascismo-os maiores inimigos da democracia, publicado pela editora OIKOS, 2021. Segue abaixo um Release do livro citado. Populismo e Fascismo-os maiores inimigos da democracia por Valdo Barcelos

Las injusticias no solo duelen: interpelan. El texto analiza cómo los acontecimientos recientes en Guerrero revelan una fractura entre el discurso institucional y la experiencia vivida, donde el juicio público se ve desplazado por la omisión, la indiferencia o la simulación. Se explora la dimensión moral del reconocimiento, mostrando que la justicia no comienza con la reparación, sino con la escucha. Pensar desde el dolor implica asumir que las razones pesan más cuando se callan.

Adam Mayer’s Military Marxism is an ambitious and readable book that brings together the political thought of some of Africa’s leading Marxist and socialist thinkers in the last 65 years. Notably, he deliberately avoids providing a definition or broad theorization of African military Marxism, writing, ‘Afro-Marxism for this volume will be as capacious and non-sectarian as possible, with no formal definition of what constitutes Marxism, historical materialism, or the dialectic’ (italics original, 21). In Chapter 1, Mayer’s survey of the socialist movements from 1960 to 1990 stands out for its wide geographical scope, offering a vivid snapshot of an era when “nearly one-third of the African landmass was under the heavily contested rule of Marxist-Leninist parties” (italics original, 43). This overview is insightful and will likely be an excellent teaching text for courses in African politics and societies.

People fleeing war and violence often face complex asylum procedures in host countries which have been described as 'exhausting by design'. This study explored service providers' perspectives on how the UK asylum process gives rise to exhaustion, and the ways in which exhaustion affects the mental health of people seeking asylum. Eighteen semi-structured interviews were conducted with individuals providing social, legal, medical or mental health services to people seeking asylum in the UK. Results demonstrate that the UK asylum process seemingly exhausts those seeking asylum through the intersection of policies and practices that create conditions of hostility, discrimination and deprivation. The resultant exhaustion contributes to, and is exacerbated by, poor mental health, creating a vicious cycle of psychological harm. Based on these findings, we argue that the 'politics of exhaustion' embedded within the UK asylum process is a form of structural violence that harms mental health and wellbeing by fundamentally undermining the resilience of people seeking asylum to cope with continued adversity in the UK.

This article analyzes the multiple forms of violence that have affected Chiapas between 2004 and 2024, understanding this phenomenon as part of a long-term historical process that combines structural, political, criminal, symbolic, and cultural dimensions. Drawing on human rights reports, community testimonies, and critical theoretical frameworks (Galtung, Bourdieu, Fanon, Segato, Foucault, Valencia, Jelin, Erikson, and Sousa Santos), it examines how violence has transformed Indigenous community culture, generating forced displacement, internal fractures, collective silences, and the normalization of fear. At the same time, it highlights the responses of resistance and reorganization emerging from below: autonomous governments, collective rituals, pedagogies of memory, and processes of cultural reconstruction. It argues that a just and lasting peace in Chiapas cannot be imposed from above or reduced to public security, but must be built by recognizing the autonomy, memory, and dignity of Indigenous peoples.

pese a la homogeneidad socioeconómica de su población, conforman un espacio de una gran diversidad y riqueza cultural. Diversidad que se nutre, entre otros aspectos, de la variedad de lugares de proveniencia de sus pobladores, de la habilidad de los habitantes para insertarse en una ciudad que en muchos aspectos se presenta como hostil, de la creatividad para orquestar la supervivencia cotidiana pese a las fuertes adversidades. Esta diversidad cultural se expresa en la religiosidad palpable en el espacio. Cualquiera que haga un recorrido rápido por los barrios precarios de la ciudad no puede dejar de notar la cantidad y variedad de marcas religiosas en el espacio público: imágenes de la Virgen en sus diversas advocaciones: Luján, Caacupé, Copacabana, Urcupiña, etc.; cruces e inscripciones que indican la presencia de capillas cristianas (católicas o evangélicas); pequeños "santuarios" de santos (Cayetano, Francisco, etc.) que conviven con íconos populares de santidad como el Gauchito Gil, la Difunta Correa, etc. Son todas marcas que hablan de una religiosidad viva y presente en la vida cotidiana de las personas en estos barrios.

This is an excerpts from 'Constitutional Law-I' published in the Annual Survey of Indian Law - 2022.  This part examines the split verdict rendered by a two-judge bench of the Supreme Court in Aishat Shifa (Hijab Case 2 J.) v. State of Karnataka rendered in 2022.

This article is an attempt to study the factors contributing to the prevalence of Jogini system in Telangana and looks at its day today practice. In contrast to the Devadasi attached to the temple, Joginis from the lower caste especially from the downtrodden and marginalized communities who are more vulnerable neither have any rights in the temple nor they have any skills to make livelihood but are still involved in a begging profession. An attempt is made here to analyse the socioeconomic conditions and distribution of government schemes, their implementation and utilization as a part of the rehabilitation programmes to Joginis at micro-level. It also explores the impact of the rehabilitation programmes on the victims of the Jogini system as such these programmes are really transforming their livelihood pattern into better form or maintaining the same vulnerability as before.

This paper advances the Fractured Time meta-theory, a multidisciplinary critique of conventional chronologies and prehistoric narratives. It examines how scientific dating methods—radiometric dating, stratigraphy, and molecular clocks—are shaped by fragile assumptions and institutional consensus, often dismissing anomalies such as out-of-place artifacts, genetic entropy, and evidence of rapid geological change. Drawing from Young Earth science, catastrophist research, and alternative history scholarship, the paper argues that the prevailing deep-time paradigm is as much a cultural and political construct as a scientific model. By reframing time as fractured, manipulated, and ideologically maintained, this work calls for an interdisciplinary synthesis that integrates empirical evidence, Indigenous knowledge, and suppressed traditions to recover a more complete account of human origins and collective identity.

A high percentage of homeless people suffer from a severe degree of personality disorder that causes them to fall through the net of psychiatric and caring services. Their persistent inability to maintain an actual dwelling-place as a location of stability and meaning, is also reflected in an inner state of fragility, and in relationship difficulties that lead to destructive behaviours that inevitably alienate others. In this paper, the relationship between homelessness, the maternal body, buildings and containment is explored, using clinical material which illustrates how the claustro-agoraphobic dilemma (Henri Rey 1994), intrinsic to the state of homelessness and to borderline conditions, impacts on vulnerable individuals and on care workers in this field. Examples drawn from staff consultations demonstrate how psychodynamic thinking can help to provide containment within systems of care. I live in my house as I live inside my skin: I know more beautiful, more ample, more sturdy and more picturesque skins: but it would seem to me unnatural to exchange them for mine (Primo Levi 1985: 5) Man's relation to locations, and through locations to spaces, inheres in his dwelling. The relationship between man and space is none other than dwelling, strictly thought and spoken (Martin Heidegger 1951: 157). During 2001-2002 the Psychotherapy Department of the Royal Edinburgh Hospital carried out an audit amongst the city's homeless population . Using the IPDE (International Personality Disorder Examination) the results showed that 66.7% had at least one diagnosable personality disorder, while 41.0% had two or more diagnosable personality disorders, of which the

A high percentage of homeless people suffer from a severe degree of personality disorder that causes them to fall through the net of psychiatric and caring services. Their persistent inability to maintain an actual dwelling-place as a location of stability and meaning, is also reflected in an inner state of fragility, and in relationship difficulties that lead to destructive behaviours that inevitably alienate others. In this paper, the relationship between homelessness, the maternal body, buildings and containment is explored, using clinical material which illustrates how the claustro-agoraphobic dilemma (Henri Rey 1994), intrinsic to the state of homelessness and to borderline conditions, impacts on vulnerable individuals and on care workers in this field. Examples drawn from staff consultations demonstrate how psychodynamic thinking can help to provide containment within systems of care. I live in my house as I live inside my skin: I know more beautiful, more ample, more sturdy and more picturesque skins: but it would seem to me unnatural to exchange them for mine (Primo Levi 1985: 5) Man's relation to locations, and through locations to spaces, inheres in his dwelling. The relationship between man and space is none other than dwelling, strictly thought and spoken (Martin Heidegger 1951: 157). During 2001-2002 the Psychotherapy Department of the Royal Edinburgh Hospital carried out an audit amongst the city's homeless population . Using the IPDE (International Personality Disorder Examination) the results showed that 66.7% had at least one diagnosable personality disorder, while 41.0% had two or more diagnosable personality disorders, of which the

Strong social, legal, midwifery, grassroots and feminist mobilizations against what has been termed 'obstetric violence' 1 have arisen across a range of contexts in the last two decades. 2 Deploying the lexicon of violence to call attention to unacceptable practices in obstetric care settings, and pursuing legal avenues of redress, has resulted in the international recognition of childbirth mistreatment and obstetric violence as a global health problem (World Health Organization, 2014; United Nations, 2019). Across a range of global contexts, there is a growing demand for medical institutions, states and healthcare practitioners to listen to birthing people's insistence that current obstetric

Chair of the ASL and Interpreting Department. Next, thank you to Dr. Gloria Nathanson for serving as my thesis advisor. A special thank you to Dr. Erica Alley, who has been a part of my graduate journey since day one. Thank you for defending and championing this research project in the face of impossibility. Most of all, thank you for believing in me and never letting me settle for anything less than my best work. To Dr. Catherine Bolten from the University of Notre Dame, thank you for your expertise in structural violence and for serving as my research mentor. And finally to Paula Gajewski Mickelson and Mari Magler, whose first class on Conflict Resolution in this program left a lasting impression. It seems only fitting that my final research thesis, which draws from peace and conflict studies, would lead me full circle to where I began in this program. Thank you for embodying the quote "peace by peaceful means'' and for teaching me, like Johan Galtung, that "peace equals the ability to handle conflict, with empathy, nonviolence, and creativity." I have also been fortunate to have straddled two student cohorts during my time at St. Kate's, C4 and C5. To my comrades in both cohorts, thank you for your friendship and unwavering support. Thank you for your willingness to share the deepest parts of yourselves, your vulnerabilities, and your desires for a more just and equitable world. May your activism continue to shape the profession and the world, aspiring to more justice, love, and abundance. I cherish you all! ABSTRACT Deaf American Sign Language (ASL) users possess both human and legal rights to health. Yet, despite these rights, this linguistic minority group continues to experience challenges in accessing health care services. Using a structural violence framework, this study identifies the barriers to healthcare access of Deaf ASL users in one particular state -Rhode Island. More specifically, this study seeks to uncover the structural and social forces that constrain agency of Deaf ASL users in their attempts to access healthcare. Survey methodology is used to obtain both qualitative and quantitative data from 11 community stakeholder groups. Results show that Deaf ASL users in Rhode Island experience numerous structural barriers to accessing health care, including economic, civil, political, and cultural constraints. The structural disempowerment and reduced agency experienced by Deaf ASL users, perpetuated by the state's institutionalized social structures, prevents Deaf ASL users from getting their health needs met. Implications for embodied health risks that result from human needs deprivation, trauma, and social disadvantage are discussed. Recommendations are offered on actions toward transformative justice, which can lead to greater fulfillment of human needs and realization of the inherent dignity, worth, and human rights of Deaf ASL users.

The 2024 Cameroon Geographic Society (CGS) conference, La mort:
écriture plurielle d’une géographie de la vie, convened 173 scholars
across Central and West Africa to interrogate death’s socio-spatial,
economic, and political entanglements. Discussions explored funeralisation,
land struggles, death-making economic conditions, and
the enduring presence(s) of the ancestors. We situate the conference
within a political critique of authoritarianism, epistemic exclusion,
and death’s omnipresence in Cameroonian life echoed in
popular and academic culture – from popular comedic skits and
Valsero’s ‘zombies,’ to Mbembe’s ‘necropolitics.’ The conference
underscored the significance of knowledge creation beyond and
outside of the global North’s epistemic hegemony, where death not
as an endpoint but as a dynamic force shaping the very geographies
of life.

Contar la violencia letal: Análisis crítico sobre la cobertura de un feminicidio… Los feminicidios son la expresión más letal de las violencias por motivos de género, y aunque existen avances concretos en la región latinoamericana en términos de corpus jurídico y políticas públicas, no es posible afirmar que los mismos hayan disminuido. En los últimos años en Argentina se ha dado una mayor visibilización de las violencias junto con diversos avances en la agenda de género. En ese escenario, la noción de femicidio/feminicidio se ha inscripto en el lenguaje activista, académico y de las políticas públicas. Este lenguaje, también está presente en el repertorio de los medios de comunicación. Cotidianamente, los medios construyen noticias en torno a esta expresión letal de la violencia de género. Este artículo, analiza la cobertura mediática de un femicidio ocurrido en 2021 en la provincia de Córdoba, Argentina. Para ello, mediante el análisis crítico del discurso y su articulación con la perspectiva feminista, se analizan un total de veinticuatro notas de dos medios locales. Los resultados permiten ver un enfoque sensacionalista para abordar la búsqueda de personas en contexto de violencias, la reproducción de estereotipos sobre víctima y victimario y una mirada privatista del feminicidio, que descontextualiza el problema de la violencia de género.

Inspired by Désirée Verweij's work, the contributions in this book reflected on violence in extreme conditions and on related ethical challenges at the micro, meso and macro levels. The confrontation with violence, it became clear, is not easily captured in language. Quite literally, violence often leaves us speechless. Theoretically, too, violence may be defined as the opposite of language, rationality and meaningfulness. At the same time, language, rationality and meaningfulness are conjoined with violence (chapter "Language and Violence"). That is, although we may find that no adequate words exist for the visceral confrontation with violence, we do speak about it, which, then again, we only seem to be able to do in ways that obscure its bloody reality or that attribute it to the Other. For the same reasons that we are repelled by violence, we are also fascinated by it. We rationally use violence to end violence, or sometimes use it just for the sake of it, and technical rationality may at once create and rationalize brutal forms of violence. Violence, in a way, is always meaningful. The specific ways in which we perpetrate, witness or suffer violence are highly significant to us, hence our efforts to use and speak about it in ways that give us justification, or conversely to hurt our victims in such ways that it augments their suffering. Put differently, whilst violence might be defined as essentially the opposite of what defines humanity, as 'inhumane', at the very same time only human beings are able to be 'inhumane' in this way (chapters "Language and Violence" and "Military Trauma and the Conflicted Human Condition: Moral Injury as a Window into Violence, Human Nature and Military Ethics"). This also complicates the notion of morality as the humane, rationalist opposite of the bestial irrationality of violence. Violence is not something outside of us as humans but within us, and humans are not

The published work presented in this submission examines the nature and form of psychosocial processes that lead towards and away from mental health, social security and community and organisational cohesion. It demonstrates the application of psychosocial research methods to the problem of living and working with violence in a range of clinical and educational settings. The emergent work is described in 14 pieces of work; 8 peer-reviewed articles, 4 book chapters and 2 edited volumes. Each of these pieces of work is accompanied by short discussion and commentary on its impact and dissemination. The published work presented extends over a 15 year period and demonstrates learning derived from a 30 year professional and academic commitment to an in-depth exploration of the ways in which structural and cultural processes of inclusion/exclusion give rise to personal and interpersonal violence that poses significant risks of psychosocial harm. The work also explores the reciprocal nature...

The article analyzes the State, Democracy, and Society, in the light of issues of the Rule of Law and Non-Law, Democracy and its material assumptions, transformations, and rearrangements. Topics will be addressed such as the role of society, in search of solutions to demands, increasingly complex and at the same time segmented, which require solutions that meet the State-Society balance. The advance towards a Contemporary Democracy with citizens connected with the use of the internet and social media has given greater transparency to political issues. The question is: whether these virtual spaces would effectively be an electronic agora for discussing public policies? In this context, studies will be addressed that measure democracy or democratic principles in some countries in their Constitution stipulates that they are democratic countries, however, when scoring the so-called indicators of democracy, these sometimes reveal that they are not democratic. Thus, this text aims to bring reflections and questions that generate motivations or concerns about democracy; whether there is a crisis in

This is an autoethnographic research. Observations around myself, people around me and the broader aspect of the United Nations (U.N.), with the accompanying experiences and my expectations I moved home, lived among the people and with the organisation that was to be my life for four years in Liberia, UNMIL (United Nations Mission in Liberia) from 2013. Reflections in my environment, myself through an embodied experience, sometimes philosophical and how I related to this setting. One of the main problems being the temptation to write only in a literal sense of what I saw, since this was the root cause of my emotions. But remembering to write on my reflections of what I saw in the first place, not on just the literal but the feelings. How I felt upon what I saw and the effect it had on me.  Building a narrative, exploring myself and the way I engaged with the phenomenon unfolding in front of me. In the literal sense my anger, confusion was initiated very early with visions and divisions, shanty houses and luxurious accommodation with white picket fences, swimming pools and tennis courts, of street food sold by the side of the road and supermarkets selling snooker tables. I felt as though I watching people on holiday not on dangerous mission with security implications. My reflections later led me to wonder and explore what were the U, N. doing there and what should they be doing there? Not to necessary question the validity of the UN or any replacement process, that is probably beyond dispute or at least further than the realms of this research will take us. My reflections, though are certainly to challenge the U.N. mission, its meaning, its purpose and its motivations. Chapter One deals with literature around many aspects pertaining to and connect to the world’s largest peace keeping force. Intertwined within the review, are my own
The U.N. and its delegated mission UNMIL as an entity regards its relations with the host nation, Liberia. The United Nations in any peacekeeping context is there not just fill the void left some kind of tragic, but to fill that void and replace it with something as equal or better. divisions will occur. Chapter One, reviews literature, comparing a traditional African approach to issues, which uses the three-legged ‘African Stool’ approach, with the more extensive United Nations family, including the peacekeeping mission known as UNMIL. UNMIL came with a structure, subsequent literature reviews the hierarchical nature of replacing one power structure, Liberian society with another in the form of the UN. Chapter 2, the learning curve, gives an idea of my own personal journey from signing my contract and agreeing, wholeheartedly to be part of this magnificent enterprise to some of the initial ideals and how what I expected and how the projected image was not what I expected. In some case, a polar opposite. In essence this is my reality. Conceptual meanings of security, threats and danger are discussed in Chapter 3. The concepts interpretation, by the UN, relevant experts in the I.R. field and my own interpretation, which is often a very different interpretation too my real-life view of either security, threat or personal danger.

Es indiscu!ible que México ha experimentado un avance progresivo hacia la democracia electoral desde el inicio del nuevo milenio. Sin embargo, este proceso ha sido limitado en su alcance, ya que se ha concentrado principalmente en aspectos electorales y ha dejado de lado asuntos cruciales como la reducción de la violencia y el fortalecimiento del Estado de derecho, ambos fundamentales para la consolidación de una democracia plena. Según Alberto Olvera Rivera (2010), debido a diversas limitaciones la democra!ización ha quedado incompleta, incluso -sugiere-se encuentra estancada, lo cual genera frustración. Por un lado, lo anterior se debe a que la democra!ización no ha impulsado la formación de una ciudadanía par!icipa!iva capaz de exigir cambios desde la sociedad civil y obtener respuestas de las autoridades polí!icas. Por el otro lado, parece ser necesario democra!izar la propia democracia, ampliando y fortaleciendo el

The purpose of the present research article is to explore how the spirit of Myth and 'Purana' has been instrumental in the formatiuon of Sayed Waliullah's Short Stories. The core of the writer's literary work was to highlight the true truth and conflicts of the religious life of middle and lower middle classes of the Muslim society of East Pakistan. Waliullah's philosophy of life, character creation and artistic consciousness have been revealed to us through the discussion of selected stories such as 'Nayanchara', 'Parajoy', 'Mrityu yatra', 'Rakta', 'Dui-Tir', 'Ekti tulsi gacher kahioni', 'Ston', 'Na kande bubu'. In judging the Myth, we have explored the surprising truth about the storyteller Waliullah's artistic awareness. This awareness comes from ancient Indian, that is, Hindu Myths and Arabian Myths-mythology and historical knowledge. Waliullah's Short Stories have not been discussed in the light of Mythology before, so our discussion explores the identity of author's work, its aesthetic and philosophical appeal and its innovation. Our discussion covered the literature of Bangladesh and East Pakistan, the literary identity of Sayed Waliullah, the identity and criticism of Myths and legends and the analysis of Stories in that context.

Carlos G. Vélez-Ibáñez. 2025. The rise of necro/narco citizenship: Belonging and dying in the Southwest North American Region. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press. ISBN 9780816554683. $37.95 Reviewed by James B. Greenberg. Email: jgreenbe "at" arizona.edu Carlos G. Vélez-Ibáñez's The rise of necro/narco citizenship stands as one of the most important ethnographic contributions to the study of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands in recent memory. Beyond its regional specificity, the book's significance lies in its urgent relevance to national and global political formationsespecially in an era when border logics increasingly shape domestic governance. With characteristic clarity and unflinching attention to lived experience, Vélez-Ibáñez extends his decades-long ethnographic engagement into new analytic terrain, providing a framework that speaks directly to the escalating normalization of statesanctioned abandonment, militarized security, and institutional complicity in organized violence. The book advances a compelling theoretical synthesis, grounded in Achille Mbembe's concept of necropolitics-itself a critical extension of Michel Foucault's biopolitics-and articulates it through the specific, embodied realities of those navigating the criminal economies of the border. Yet Vélez-Ibáñez resists abstraction. His concept of "necro/narco-citizenship" is not a rhetorical flourish but an empirically grounded intervention. It names the condition of populations who are neither fully excluded nor protected-those who survive through forms of citizenship that are precarious, contingent, and embedded in systems of both criminal and state power. Where the book gains particular force is in its insistence that the borderlands are not peripheral. They are central-both materially and symbolically-to the reproduction of U.S. sovereignty and racialized governance. Far from being anomalies, the practices of neglect, punishment, and selective incorporation described here operate as prototypes for broader national policies. What happens in Nogales or Ciudad Juárez does not stay there; it moves upstream, where it is adapted and redeployed in urban policing, immigration enforcement, and the criminalization of poverty across the U.S. Vélez-Ibáñez's long-standing commitment to the communities he studies lends the book a moral authority that never slips into sentimentality. He documents without spectacle, theorizes without jargon, and critiques without evasion. The chapters draw from both archival and contemporary sources, but it is the ethnographic detail-the slow, steady accumulation of voices and stories-that anchors the work and gives its theoretical scaffolding weight. The result is a narrative of life under siege, not only from organized crime, but from the organized indifference of the state. This is not simply a book about violence. It is a study of political production under conditions of abandonment. In this sense, Vélez-Ibáñez speaks to a larger anthropological concern: how forms of power once considered exceptional-extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, sovereign neglect-are becoming structural features of governance in both the Global South and North. The border, in his telling, is not only a zone of crossing, but a space of experimentation-where new technologies of rule are tested on the vulnerable before they are normalized elsewhere. For scholars of political ecology, The rise of necro/narco citizenship offers a crucial reminder that territory is not only contested through environmental degradation or land dispossession, but through the manipulation of life itself-who is allowed to live, under what conditions, and with what future. In this regard, the book contributes meaningfully to a growing body of work that links sovereignty, violence, and environmental precarity, not as separate domains, but as co-constitutive processes. The book is structured in a way that mirrors its theoretical and political commitments. Early chapters trace the historical and institutional forces that shaped contemporary border regimes, drawing from archival records and legal histories to situate the emergence of necro/narco citizenship within a broader genealogy of racialized exclusion. Later chapters deepen the ethnographic focus, offering intimate accounts of families, migrants, and communities negotiating survival in a terrain shaped as much by criminal enterprise as by policy decisions. Vélez-Ibáñez moves fluidly between the structural and the personal, offering a layered narrative in which policy, memory, and embodied risk intersect. This structure reinforces his central claim: that what we call "the border" is not merely a place but a system of governance extending well beyond geopolitical lines.

Puerto Rican playwright René Marqués’s 1951 drama La carreta (The Oxcart) follows a three-act translation of self, culture and dreams among the members of the protagonist jíbaro family. From a mountainside province to the urban slum of La Perla, to the segregated Harlem, young Luis uproots his mother and sister in pursuit of a better life and of the American Dream. Luis’s particular obsession with machines, industrial labor and urbanity as their ticket out of poverty reflects the technicity of the language in which he articulates his dreams. In reality, Luis’s family loses members to crime, violence and death in every new physical and cultural space they move to. Drawing on the philosophies of Martin Heidegger and Gilbert Simondon on technicity, and the work of Homi K. Bhabha, Edward Soja and Henri Lefebvre on the translation of cultural spaces, this essay argues that Luis’s violent death trapped inside a factory machine in the final act is born of the mistranslation of culture, self and dreams into a Western world where he does not fit in. The role of technicity is not to translate Luis culturally into his new social space, but rather to reveal the structural violence against the marginalized that already exists in the wake of industrialization and postcolonialism.

The study evaluates the level of efficiency of MFBs and investigates elements that determine efficiency of microfinance banks in Southwestern Nigeria with special emphasis on the effect of capitalization and organic growth in the micro finance banks efficiency process. Using a sample of unit microfinance bank balance panel data of 18 microfinance banks from SouthWest Nigeria for the period 2010-2017, To determine the productivity level of microfinance institutions in Southwest Nigeria, we used stochastic frontier approach. We also use system-GMM method to look at what influences MFB productivity in southwest Nigeria. Empirical results show that capitalization has no significant impact upon efficiency, nonetheless the importance of organic growth supported by managerial ownership in the microfinance banks efficiency process is verified and reported by the results as one of the main determinants of MFB efficiency in Nigeria.

O sistema socioeducativo constitui-se em um campo político complexo e que envolve diversos atores institucionais. No cerne de todo este emaranhado institucional, há (idealmente) o adolescente autor de ato infracional. Neste artigo, procuro destacar a versão de duas garotas; apresento vozes das margens do sistema como um contraponto ao discurso institucional. A perspectiva das meninas sobre a gestão de programas socioeducativos problematiza os modelos na medida em que estes tendem a ignorar -ou mascarar -suas experiências e vozes. Palavras-chave: sistema socioeducativo -juventude -etnografia.

O conceito de sofrimento social caracteriza-se pela compreensão das situações de aflição e dor como experiências sociais e não como problemas individuais. Este trabalho analisa a natureza social e política do sofrimento de um adolescente em cumprimento de medida socioeducativa. Inspirado na abordagem de Veena Das, o artigo se apóia em "carne" e discurso para problematizar a relação entre cidadania e segmentos juvenis discriminados, que se manifesta nas ambiguidades das práticas institucionais presentes no fluxo de execução de medidas socioeducativas. O artigo analisa as contradições entre o objetivo institucional de evitar a reincidência de atos infracionais, auxiliando o adolescente a tornar-se um cidadão autônomo, e as narrativas e expressões corporais dos adolescentes durante o cumprimento das medidas. A trajetória aqui descrita leva ao reconhecimento de que o trânsito da medida de internação para as medidas em meio aberto se dá sob a tensão entre o discurso institucional de reorganizar a vida escolar, familiar e comunitária e a experiência cotidiana dos adolescentes, que segue marcada pela constante ameaça policial e pela privação de acessos a bens públicos. O cumprimento de medidas socioeducativas acaba por reforçar entre os adolescentes a aflição de serem socialmente tidos como suspeitos e fugitivos e, consequentemente, a incorporação de um lugar social particular, o de membro do "mundo do crime". O desempenho na vida cotidiana de um "estilo bandido" revela for-

A significant outcome of the global crisis for refugees has been the abandonment of forced migrants to live in makeshift camps inside the EU. This paper details how state authorities have prevented refugees from surviving with formal provision, leading directly to thousands having to live in hazardous spaces such as the informal camp in Calais, the site of this study. We then explore the violent consequences of this abandonment. By bringing together thus far poorly integrated literatures on bio/necropolitics (Michel Foucault; Achille Mbembe) and structural violence (Johan Galtung), we retheorize the connections between deliberate political indifference towards refugees and the physiological violence they suffer. In framing the management of refugees as a series of violent inactions, we demonstrate how the biopolitics of migrant control has given way to necropolitical brutality. Advancing geographies of violence and migration, the paper argues that political inaction, as well as acti...

Gender-based violence (GBV) is not a minor novel societal challenge occurring in certain pockets of society. It is a pervasive global social justice issue, which transcends race, class, religion and geographical location. The policy exclusion of heterosexual male perpetrators within national policy presents a barrier to curbing gender-based violence and promoting social cohesion. A broad knowledge base exists regarding the drivers and implications of gender-based violence, however, there is a disconnect between gender-based violence national policy and the subjects inflicting the violence. This research therefore aims to broaden the discussion on the polarised narrative of heterosexual male perpetrators in the gender-based violence policy environment. 

A qualitative methodological approach is utilised to analyse the National Strategic Plan on Gender based Violence and Femicide report and two associated reports in relation to the role and reference of  heterosexual male perpetrators. Thematic content analysis and interpretive phenomenological analysis of the reports and 15 semi-structured interviews with government officials, non-governmental organisations and subject matter experts are methods used in the research to enhance the understanding of the data gathered.  The intersectionality theory and ecological framework form the analytical lens shaping the research, these theories form the intersecting ecological factors at play informing policy and the policy stakeholders who passively and actively influence gender-based violence policy decisions. The findings show that factors in national policy formulation provide exclusionary barriers to heterosexual male perpetrators. The target group is not prevalent in stakeholder participation in consultations, patriarchal ideologies remain intact shaping gender-based violence and femicide policy. Local grassroots consultations with specific focus on un-converted heterosexual male perpetrators in various locations need to be provided platform. Also, applying inclusive gender transformative approaches in policy formulation are key determinates to effective policy implementation and inclusion of all policy stakeholders. In conclusion, the meaningful insights on gender-based violence perpetration will guide both future research and policy initiatives driven by government officials, civil society and private stakeholders in South African society.

Drawing from seventeen years as a Pakistani Muslim woman artist-scholar, I challenge dominant narratives that frame acculturation as benign adaptation, revealing it instead as a site of structural, cultural, emotional, epistemic, and physical trauma. Through the lens of embodied voice, trauma, and belonging, I weave personal narrative with critical theory-engaging thinkers such as Gayatri Spivak, Sara Ahmed, Hannah Arendt, Gabor Maté, and Gloria Anzaldúa-to expose how immigration systems demand gratitude while denying rights. This essay does not merely name the trauma of erasure-it refuses it. Reclaiming voice through sound, story, and critical witness, it becomes an artistic and political act of survival. It calls for a reimagining of citizenship-not based on status, but rooted in dignity. For those navigating or resisting institutional invisibility, this work offers language to confront the layered violences of exclusion in colonial Canada.

En estas líneas haré dos ejercicios para abordar la relación entre género(s) y
peronismo(s).  Por un lado, presentaré tres situaciones aparentemente inconexas, donde entiendo que se expresa dicha relación en su forma plural. Por otro lado, reflexiono sobre el género como un problema de desigualdad estructural. El objetivo último es contribuir al debate contemporáneo de las reacciones y respuestas a un problema tan medular como es el valor de la política y la politización de la vida.

Since January 2020 Elsevier has created a COVID-19 resource centre with free information in English and Mandarin on the novel coronavirus COVID-19. The COVID-19 resource centre is hosted on Elsevier Connect, the company's public news and information website. Elsevier hereby grants permission to make all its COVID-19-related research that is available on the COVID-19 resource centre -including this research content -immediately available in PubMed Central and other publicly funded repositories, such as the WHO COVID database with rights for unrestricted research re-use and analyses in any form or by any means with acknowledgement of the original source. These permissions are granted for free by Elsevier for as long as the COVID-19 resource centre remains active.

The shadow of structural violence in young students NATAliA ix-CHel VÁzQuez GONzÁlez, GuilleRMiNA díAz PéRez y ARACeli PéRez dAMiÁN UniversiDaD aUtónoma Del estaDo De méxico Resumen las crisis económicas están generando desigualdades, producto de la violencia estructural; estas están derivando en las maneras en que los jóvenes construyen y dibujan los sentidos sociales. los jóvenes deberían ser sujetos que se mueven en toda una temporalidad, sin embargo, sus condiciones materiales de vida no les permiten pensar en un futuro con certezas. Más bien, estas se desdibujan para ellos y hoy más que nunca aparecen sus sueños postergados y aplazados por la propia violencia de la que son objeto. de ahí, nuestro interés en ver cómo los jóvenes egresados de la universidad, están construyendo dichos sentidos.

L'aforisma della conoscenza L'ho imparato dal mio maestro di arabo Mahdi Fathallah in Libia: Tutte le cose che sono abbondanti sono a buon mercato, tranne la conoscenza, che quando è abbondante, è cara. Un aforisma, oppure aforismo (dal greco antico: ἁφορισμόs , "definizione"), è una breve frase che condensa un principio specifico o un più generale sapere filosofico o morale. L'aforisma della conoscenza ha un corollario in arabo, un altro aforisma non meno importante del primo: il peggiore di tutti i mali è l'ignoranza.

Social justice entails opposing discrimination and working towards eliminating structuralviolence. The problem of overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples across Canada’s criminaljustice system, a site of structural violence, has persisted for decades. Most studies uncoveredthrough this review and meta-analysis indicated Indigenous disadvantage in criminal sentencing.Specifically, Indigenous peoples were at much greater risk of receiving punitive sentences thannon-Indigenous people. Additionally, the disparity was observed to be significantly greateramong women than men. This synthesis also elucidated the paucity of data and research relatedto Indigenous peoples’ involvement with the court system. Implications and future researchneeds are discussed.

The long-standing boundary dispute between Venezuela and Guyana over the Essequibo region comprising 70% of Guyana's territory, is deeply rooted in colonial history and geopolitical interests. The conflict escalated significantly after the 2015 discovery of massive oil and gas reserves off the Essequibo coast, estimated at over 11 billion barrels. This discovery prompted Venezuela to renew its territorial claims, citing historical colonial rights. Conversely, Guyana bases its sovereignty on international legal rulings, such as the 1899 arbitration award, and public opinion surveys that show an overwhelming majority supporting Essequibo's retention. The dispute has led to heightened tensions at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and ongoing international legal proceedings. This research examines the conflict through Johan Galtung's concepts of positive and negative peace, as well as direct and structural violence. It investigates the underlying causes and potential resolutions, including the role of historical grievances, the economic stakes, and political instability. The study explores solutions such as international mediation, joint development agreements, and referendums in the disputed area, while recognizing the obstacles posed by entrenched nationalist sentiments and differing governance approaches. These complexities underscore the challenge of achieving a sustainable resolution to this deeply rooted conflict.

El proyecto "Covid-19 y violencia estructural" busca conocer cómo las inequidades económicas y sociales afectaron a la población salvadoreña en el contexto de la pandemia del Covid-19. La investigación ofrece, por un lado, una descripción del impacto que tuvo la cuarentena domiciliar obligatoria en la población general; y, por otro lado, analiza la experiencia de aquellos que estuvieron gravemente enfermos por el virus. Este es, en ese sentido, un proyecto que busca contrastar las experiencias de las poblaciones de diferentes estratos socioeconómicos, para de esa manera, tener un mejor entendimiento del impacto de la pandemia del Covid-19 en la sociedad salvadoreña.

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo verificar a interferência de variáveis criminais não letais no quantitativo de mortalidade por homicídios no Brasil. Foi proposto um estudo descritivo, usando como base documental os Anuários Brasileiros de Segurança Pública, de 2014 e 2017-proporcionando um corte transversal entre 2011 e 2016. Foi realizada uma regressão múltipla no software Stata, que teve como resultado a forte correlação dos crimes não letais com o número de mortes criminais no Brasil. O resultado permitiu apontar a necessidade de uma discussão mais ampla acerca das políticas públicas de segurança, apontando uma forte e sistêmica relação entre as diversas formas de atuação criminosa nos resultados dos homicídios. Isso permite montar estratégias individualizadas para tentar minimizar as ações delituosas.

Background: The primary health care (PHC) sector is increasingly relevant as a site for population health interventions, particularly in relation to marginalized groups, where the greatest gains in health status can be achieved. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of an innovative multi-component, organizationallevel intervention designed to enhance the capacity of PHC clinics to provide equity-oriented care, particularly for marginalized populations. The intervention, known as EQUIP, is being implemented in Canada in four diverse PHC clinics serving populations who are impacted by structural inequities. These PHC clinics serve as case studies for the implementation and evaluation of the EQUIP intervention. We discuss the evidence and theory that provide the basis for the intervention, describe the intervention components, and discuss the methods used to evaluate the implementation and impact of the intervention in diverse contexts. Design and methods: Research and theory related to equity-oriented care, and complexity theory, are central to the design of the EQUIP intervention. The intervention aims to enhance capacity for equity-oriented care at the staff level, and at the organizational level (i.e., policy and operations) and is novel in its dual focus on: (a) Staff education: using standardized educational models and integration strategies to enhance staff knowledge, attitudes and practices related to equity-oriented care in general, and cultural safety, and trauma-and violenceinformed care in particular, and; (b) Organizational integration and tailoring: using a participatory approach, practice facilitation, and catalyst grants to foster shifts in organizational structures, practices and policies to enhance the capacity to deliver equityoriented care, improve processes of care, and shift key client outcomes. Using a mixed methods, multiple case-study design, we are examining the impact of the intervention in enhancing staff knowledge, attitudes and practices; improving processes of care; shifting organizational policies and structures; and improving selected client outcomes.

Social categories such as gender, race, ethnicity, caste, and class have been analyzed by feminist geographers, who collectively argue that as individuals we experience and live the effects of these social categories simultaneously. Violence as a result of living these categories is not specific to certain spaces or contexts. Nor can violence be imagined as only socialit is also political, economic and institutional. Silvia Federici's work can assist feminist geographers in understanding how this violence plays out in various contexts. Federici's detailed archival searches and empirical analyses of bodies and reproduction show parallels with contemporary forms of direct and structural violence of the state, patriarchy, and capitalism through unequal power relations and unequal life chances. Refining the scarce scholarly acknowledgement of women (and men) who are exploitable or labeled as irrational and vulnerable, and of human and non-human populations that have been relegated to the realm of surplus and expendable bodiesexplain how the organization of capital facilitates and, indeed, relies on violence. In support of this argument, the authors in this collection seek pathways within Federici's ground-breaking works Caliban and the Witch and Revolution at Point Zero, which could enrich existing works in the discipline. The contributors reflect on how these particular books have been pivotal to feminist thought generally and their own research, analysis, and pedagogical practice specifically. Through their disparate studies the contributors have intertwined the geographies of structural, institutional, and/or state-sponsored violence with themes arising in Federici's work.

The 25th Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan marked a significant step in integrating the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). This amendment aimed to bring administrative, judicial, and developmental reforms to the tribal region, replacing the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) with the Interim Regulation Act 2018. The objective of this study is to analyze the process of FATA's integration into KP and evaluate its impact on governance, judicial structures, and socioeconomic conditions in the region. A qualitative research methodology is adopted, utilizing primary data from official declarations, documents, alongside secondary data from books, journals, research articles, newspapers, and online sources. Findings indicate that the integration has led to administrative improvements, legal reforms, and increased economic opportunities, particularly in natural resource management and infrastructure development. However, challenges persist in fully implementing these reforms. The study concludes that while the merger is a positive step, sustained efforts are required to ensure smooth integration and development. It is recommended that the government focus on institutional capacity building, economic uplift programs, and judicial accessibility to maximize the benefits of the reform.

The views expressed herein are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Department of Justice Canada. ... 1.0 Effectiveness of the Policies in Achieving Deterrence............................................. 1 ... 5.0 Academic and Public Suggestions for ...

This Handbook is intended to support the efforts of facilitators and other professionals who are interested in hosting a Collective Healing Circle
(CHC) Programme in their local community, as part of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) Collective
Healing Initiative.

The intellectual insights underpinning the CHC Programme proposed in this Handbook are drawn from contemporary research on historical
atrocities, such as the transatlantic trade of enslaved Africans, colonialisation, and mass killing and violent displacement of Indigenous peoples, as well as the legacies of dehumanisation, such as
racism and structural injustice.

The practical ideas for implementing the CHC Programme featured throughout the Handbook are inspired by existing proven approaches
of similar programmes, and those which have emerged from a one-year pilot of the Programme in five countries (Kenya, Nigeria, the UK, the USA
and Colombia) on four continents.

The UNESCO Collective Healing Initiative is a global initiative to address the legacies of dehumanisation and to confront contemporary
racism and discrimination, supported by the Guerrand-Hermès Foundation for Peace (GHFP) since 2018. It is part of the UNESCO Routes of Enslaved Peoples programme. From the start, the initiative involved research aimed at understanding what constitutes wounding and healing in the contexts of transatlantic trade and enslavement of Africans and structural injustice.

The Initiative’s strategic aims include (1) deepening our understanding of the harm of dehumanisation in its multiple dimensions; (2) exploring and integrating holistic approaches to, and practices of, resilience and collective healing with communities impacted by structural injustice; (3) nurturing women and youth changemakers to play a key part in facilitating collective healing, just societies and communal well-being; and (4) engaging stakeholders in knowledge co-creation and collaborative policy-making.

Objectives: Although research has demonstrated that the COVID-19 pandemic has increased the likelihood of children experiencing domestic abuse, few empirical studies have focused on the most vulnerable communities in developing countries. This study aimed to evaluate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on domestic violence towards children in Kenya and Zambia. Study design: In collaboration with an international non-governmental organisation (NGO), an original door-to-door survey of 842 children and their parents (or adult guardians) was conducted in Kenya and Zambia. The survey sites were carefully selected to target economically underprivileged communities with the presence of NGOs as well as those without. Methods: Using multivariate regression analysis of child and parent survey responses, we attempted to identify how parents' experiences of COVID-19 affected children's exposure to domestic violence. Our analysis of domestic violence included both emotional (psychological) and physical violence. Results: Children from households whose guardians perceived a strongly negative effect of COVID-19 were more likely to experience domestic violence. The correlation was statistically significant for both emotional and physical violence. In Kenya, children in communities with NGO presence were less likely to experience domestic violence. Conclusions: The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed children to an increased risk of experiencing domestic violence. Children from underprivileged communities in developing countries are particularly vulnerable to such risk, as they tend to lack social support from communities and governments. International organisations must pay more attention to these children during the pandemic.

O presente trabalho se propos a realizar uma analise de alguns temas relacionados a ativismo, participacao e representacao politica, enfatizando a diminuicao da participacao e da confianca das sociedades de muitos paises democraticos nas atividades da vida politica e a atual conjuntura politica brasileira. Para tanto, sera feita a ligacao deste fenomeno com o aumento da desconfianca popular sobre governantes e instituicoes democraticas, como partidos politicos e os Tres Poderes, as mudancas estruturais no ativismo e as alteracoes na forma de se ver o exercicio do poder e o arranjo institucional democratico que vigoram de uma geracao para outra. Buscar-se-a a formacao de um paralelo com a realidade brasileira ao longo do texto, com o intuito de analisar os reflexos dos acontecimentos atuais no interesse politico popular, a massificacao da ideia de combate a corrupcao e o processo de crises enfrentado pelo pais, em suas diversas dimensoes. Partimos do seguinte problema: Qual o panoram...

En medio de escenarios bélicos, cuando a nivel global estamos asistiendo a una repatriarcalización de diferentes formas de poder,
los premios sirven para no perder las palabras que importan y fortalecerlas en un sentido político feminista.
Las palabras clave de este premio son derecho y paz.

This paper explores the strategic application of Sun Tzu's military philosophy to contemporary feminist movements, proposing a paradigm shift from confrontational activism to structural transformation. Drawing on logical proofs, historical analysis, and strategic theory, this work demonstrates how feminist objectives can be achieved through non-violent structural design rather than direct confrontation. The proposed "1 vs. 8 billion model" reframes feminist struggles not as binary gender conflicts, but as universal human rights issues that isolate exploitative behaviors through overwhelming social consensus. This approach aims to create conditions where exploitation becomes structurally impossible rather than merely prohibited, offering a new prototype for social movements that prioritizes safety, effectiveness, and universal human dignity.