Stolen generations

There is a lack of published work analyzing genocide in Aotearoa New Zealand (Land of the Long White Cloud). Other than one article I have published in the Journal of Genocide Research (2003), and one by André Brett on Moriori in the same journal (2015), Māori, as targets of genocidal action by the state is an underexplored topic. This article adds more to the conversation, investigating to what extent the forcible transfer of tamariki and rangatahi Māori (Indigenous children and youth) can be considered genocide. First, I engage with precedents for recognizing Indigenous genocides established by commissions in Canada (2015 and 2019) and Australia (1997). I then explore the history around Indigenous child removal in Aotearoa from the onset of colonization to the present day. Third, I explore the potential of New Zealand’s Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care (RCIAC, or The Commission, 2018–2024) to 2 engage with the concept of genocide in its deliberations. The Commission covers the period from 1950–1999, when as many as 655,000 children were in state or faith-based care. Of these, an 3 estimated 250,000 may have been abused. Between 60 and 80 percent of those taken were Māori, who were transferred from their families, communities, and nations (respectively, whānau, hapū, and iwi). Many were adopted out into Pākehā (white settler) homes or sent to foster homes, group facilities, and psychiatric or carceral institutions. Racism, both individual and systemic, was endemic, and there was a demonstrable pipeline between these institutions and the network of prisons which expanded over the twentieth century. 4 I conclude with some reflections as to why the issue of genocide is not widely discussed in Aotearoa, and has not played an important role in The Commission’s work, in contradistinction to commissions in other settler states.

This article investigates to what extent the forcible transfer of tamariki and rangatahi Māori (Indigenous children and youth) in Aotearoa New Zealand can be considered genocide. First, I begin by exploring contemporary genocide theory as it relates to dolus eventualisin settler colonial contexts, before engaging with precedents for recognizing Indigenous genocides established by truth commissions in Canada (2015; 2019) and Australia (1997). I then explore the history around Indigenous child removal in Aotearoa from the onset of colonization to the present day, attentive to ways in which the UN Convention can apply to the forced removal of Māori children. Third, I explore the potential of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care (2018-2023) to engage with the concept of genocide in its deliberations. Between 60 and 80 percent of those taken were Māori, removed from their families, communities, and nations (respectively whānau, hapū, and iwi). I conclude with some reflectio...

This article examines the systemic harm inflicted on Takatāpui, Rainbow, and MVPFAFF+ communities in Aotearoa through State and faith-based institutions, drawing on survivor narratives shared with the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care. It situates these experiences within a broader colonial history of cultural genocide, where the forced removal of tamariki Māori, the suppression of gender and sexual diversity, and the erasure of Indigenous caregiving roles were deliberate mechanisms of assimilation and control. Survivor testimonies reveal how these abuses, framed as 'care', were enacted through institutional violence, medicalisation, and conversion practices, with enduring intergenerational consequences. Applying the Pū-Rā-Ka-Ū thematic analysis framework, this article explores identity (Pū), hope (Rā), harm (Ka), and aspirations for change (Ū), centring the voices of those directly impacted. A key methodological feature is the forefronting of verbatim survivor accounts, ensuring their narratives serve as the primary evidence with minimal reinterpretation. This research aligns with Kaupapa Māori methodologies, treating pūrākau as taonga and positioning survivor knowledge as central to decolonial transformation.

Following recent developments in adaptation studies, which tend to interrogate the intertextual relations between the written and the visual, this article analyses Rabbit-Proof Fence (Noyce, 2002), in terms of the complex intertextuality which brings it together: the source-book, Follow the Rabbit-Proof Fence (1996) by Doris Pilkington-Garimara; the Bringing Them Home (1997) report, about the forced separation of Aboriginal children from their families; the texts and political action for national reconciliation in Australia, and finally, the biographies and participation of the young actors and their indigenous communities. All contribute to the visual transfer and articulation of a film in which the interweaving of history and art is a constitutive element.

This note extends my previous analysis of the constitutional recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples (‘First Nations’) by providing guidance on the optimal approach for this recognition. The guidance is founded on the concepts of efficiency and equity. An optimal recognition is defined as one that achieves both objectives simultaneously. Efficiency flows from a dynamic recognition that changes over time relatively easily, as exemplified by a treaty-based approach. The equity criterion has, as a proxy, legal pluralism, whereby constitutional recognition enlivens ‘Indigenous jurisprudence’ through mechanisms such as self-governance. The proposal is to combine efficiency and equity by guaranteeing the collective rights of Indigenous Australians in accordance with universally recognised principles and norms of international law, such as the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (for which the Commonwealth of Australia announced its support in 2009). Thi...

Film maker Brenda Matthews tells her story of being plucked from the loving embrace of her Aboriginal family, being placed with a white foster family and then returned to her family of birth, all within 5 years. She did “come home”, in the words of the Human Rights Commission, but there was far more to her experience.

During 2014, Muru Marri worked collaboratively the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Healing Foundation and its partners to document the evidence and support for collective healing programs for Stolen Generations members, and to develop a resource to assist Stolen Generations organisations and groups in the design, delivery and evaluation of collective healing responses. The resource was launched in February 2015, at a public forum to commemorate the 7th anniversary of the National Apology to the Stolen Generations.

Aboriginal populations across Australia use the term 'yarning' to describe the telling and sharing of stories and information. Traditional forms of storytelling across the country provide a rich social and epistemological background to this concept, which today has been adopted as a methodology by researchers working on a wide variety of Indigenous issues. Researchers and their collaborators engage in social yarning to develop and build accountable relationships, acquire knowledge, and convey and receive information which can lead to deeper understandings of the research topic. This type of talk/conversation/yarn can be used for the sharing and exchange of information among co-researchers in furthering the goals of their research projects. 1 The use of 'yarning circles' as a form of Indigenous research is supported by Donovan (2016,) who writes that yarning circles provide the opportunity for participants to feel equally validated in whatever discussions might take place. The yarning circle format allows participants to sit comfortably in a circle facing each other in a safe, non-hierarchical atmosphere where they are given the opportunity to speak without restraint or interruption. Social yarning is also useful in establishing relational connections between research collaborators. Sharing personal stories and backgrounds can shift the research relationship from expert to person-to-person and enable a more familiar and honest engagement between the researcher and co-researchers. The social yarn can take place at various times

Miriam Rose Ungunmerr-Baumann Dadirri. A special quality. A unique gift of the Aboriginal people, is inner deep listening and quiet still awareness. Dadirri recognises the deep spring that is inside us. It is something like what you call contemplation. 10.2.4 Evaluation and research Wadsworth Y. (2011). Everyday Evaluation on the Run: The User-Friendly Introductory Guide to Effective Evaluation, 3rd edn. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. This easy-to read book includes a very useful chapter that describes a range of different evaluation approaches, models and techniques including Appreciative Inquiry (AI) and the Most Significant Change Technique (MSC). Crane P & O'Regan M. (2010). On PAR-Using Participatory Action Research to Improve Early Intervention. Canberra: Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs. www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/05_2012/reconnect_0.pdf This manual is designed to assist human service practitioners and agencies, and the communities they work with, to enhance their skills in undertaking Participatory Action Research (PAR). It outlines how PAR can be implemented to help improve the situations of young people, families and communities and provides practical examples, tools and links to complementary resources.

This is an edited version of a presentation to the Australian Institute for International Affairs on 16 May 2023. The authors explain the origins of the proposal for an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice to the Australian Parliament and why the Voice should be enshrined in the Australian Constitution. They also compare how other countries ensure that Indigenous peoples’ interests are properly considered in the processes of government. They conclude by noting that the proposed Voice is a modest request by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders to be seen in the Constitution and heard in the democratic life of Australia.

Distinguished academics and constitutional law professors, Megan Davis and Geroge Williams, respond to the duplicitous claims by activists against Australia's 2023 referendum that they do not understand the referendum proposal by spelling out the historical context, the law, the process and the content of the proposal.
While it is arguable that those who do not want to know facts they find inconvenient will shun this along with everything else written on the subject, those with genuine interest will find this a fascinating piece of work.
Even those who know a bit of Australian history and something about the Constitution will come away both entertained and informed.

The upcoming referendum to alter the Australian
Constitution to introduce a First Nations Voice to
Parliament is an important moment in the history of
our country. While there is widespread agreement about
some of the issues raised by it, there is disagreement and
uncertainty about many others. This book is intended
as a fair and trustworthy resource summarising the key
arguments in order to help voters make up their minds.
The areas of agreement include the fact that First
Nations People have been subjected to major injustices
since the advent of European colonisation, including the
confiscation of land, removal of children, destruction
of culture and denial of basic democratic rights. As a
result, Indigenous people continue to experience major
disparities in health and economic and educational
opportunities. Most people in Australia—Indigenous and
non-Indigenous—agree that action needs to be taken to
right these wrongs. There is also wide consensus from all
sides of the political spectrum that this should involve
some form of constitutional recognition.

Following recent developments in adaptation studies, which tend to interrogate the intertextual relations between the written and the visual, this article analyses Rabbit-Proof Fence (Noyce, 2002), in terms of the complex intertextuality which brings it together: the source-book, Follow the Rabbit-Proof Fence (1996) by Doris Pilkington-Garimara; the Bringing Them Home (1997) report, about the forced separation of Aboriginal children from their families; the texts and political action for national reconciliation in Australia, and finally, the biographies and participation of the young actors and their indigenous communities. All contribute to the visual transfer and articulation of a film in which the interweaving of history and art is a constitutive element.

The Final Report of the Referendum Council, which includes the Uluru Statement from the Heart, is a formal claim on the Australian people and its governing institutions. The claim is for a new conception of the unity of the Australian people so that for the first time historically it includes the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the first sovereign nations of Australia. This is the significance of the recommendation that a First Nations Voice to Parliament be established in the Australian Constitution. This is not just a claim on the Australian constitution; it is a claim in public law that offers a new political-constitutional horizon of intelligibility for the Australian constitution. In the current reception of the Final Report, this has not been properly understood.

From 1910 to 1970, the Australian government embarked on a policy of Aboriginal child removal which sought to acculturate Aborigine children of mixed descent into white Australian society. The 1997 report, Bringing Them Home, records the individual testimonies of hundreds of victims of child removal and argues that prolonged familial separation caused irreparable damage to native Australian communities. Carmel Bird’s edited version of the report, The Stolen Children: Their Stories, was published in 1998 to disseminate the report\u27s findings and advocate for legislative action. Her book includes the stories of seventeen individuals and responses to the original report from prominent politicians and historians

In 2017, the Uluru Statement from the Heart provided a consensus position on constitutional reform derived from Regional Dialogues drawing on experiences, views and aspirations of First Nations people. Among its recommendations is a constitutionally entrenched Voice to Parliament. While the government supports a watered-down Voice, this article identifies the key features of constitutional enshrinement that would enhance Australia’s institutions of governance. It focuses on its capacity for representation and its contribution to good governance and articulates the imperative for Voice to be an institution under the Australian Constitution, outlining the risks of settling for a legislated body alone.

It is now over a year since the declaration of the Uluru Statement From the Heart (the ‘Uluru Statement’). Following an exhaustive series of dialogues with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community throughout Australia, the Uluru Statement offers an Indigenous-led legal, political, and cultural solution for bringing together Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians within our system of governance. Its three pillars are Voice, treaty, and truth-telling. In this comment we provide an overview of the Uluru Statement and its importance in Australia’s legal landscape. We do so as a background to our key contention that the Uluru Statement is a central pillar in a truly pluralistic Australian public law. Regardless of its political reception — at the time of writing the Australian government has rejected it out of hand — the Uluru Statement represents a milestone of Australian law offering a vital opportunity to integrate Indigenous law into an otherwise settler legal system.

Cover image by Brian Rapsey Cover design by Dushan Mrva-Montoya This book was made Open Access in 2017 through Knowledge Unlatched. Contents Acknowledgments v Guess who's not coming to dinner vii Husbands 1 Breeders 24 The combo 45 Black sheep 82 Jim Crows Conclusion: embracive reconciliation Works cited Index iii Acknowledgments In writing this book over the last decade or so, I've come to understand that books are not so much finished as stopped. The time comes when you have to hand it in, stop fiddling with it, adding things and taking things out (no one warned me how long all that could take!). For putting up with me in the process of writing (and stopping) this book I have many, many people to thank. All my colleagues (past and present) in the Department of Gender and Cultural Studies at the University of Sydney, particularly the extraordinary Vicki Grieves, Linnell Secomb, Kane Race and Elspeth Probyn and also Sara Ahmed and Sarah Franklin who shared an underground bunker/office near me in the early days of this project, and whose intellectual generosity continues to be an inspiration. I was very lucky to be able to sit and talk with Stephen Kinnane about Shadow Lines, the book and the concept, and also talk with Kim Scott, Henry Reynolds and Pauline Mullett. Big thanks also to Gillian Cowlishaw for reading through some very early drafts of chapters. And to Vicki Grieves (again!), Alison Holland, Anne Brewster and Ann Curthoys for their advice and comments on earlier drafts of the introductory chapter, and Clive Probyn, who read through the whole manuscript. I also owe a big debt of gratitude to the research assistance provided by one time postgraduate students, and now fabulous scholars in their own right; Esther Berry, Ann Deslandes, Adam Gall, Jodi Frawley and Nikki Savvides. I also gratefully acknowledge the support of the Australian Research Council Discovery Scheme (DP0557139) between 2004 and 2011, and the Editors of the following journals where earlier versions of chapters have appeared: Journal of Australian Studies, v Australian Literary Studies, JASAL: Journal for the Study of Australian Literature, Antipodes, Postcolonial Studies, Australian Cultural History and Australian Humanities Review. Thanks also to the anonymous peer reviewers whose comments on previous incarnations of a few of these chapters have helped to shape the work that is here today. Thanks to Sydney University Press for their incredibly skilful copy-editing and their professionalism. It's been a real pleasure to work with the editors, particularly Agata Mrva-Montoya. Thanks also to friends and family here and far, human and more than human:

Australia has had two recent public apologies, one to the 'Stolen Generation' 1 of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians and the second to the 'Forgotten Australians' 2-people who had been removed from their parents as children and institutionalized. Both acts occurred in time when there was no Internet and peoples' stories took years to collect and decades for their weight to carry the public momentum required to gain a public apology. Now, in a digital age, the reports and the testimonies held within them are available for all to read on the Internet. We all now know what happened and formal public apologies ensued. Both public apologies also draw attention to an emerging intersection between digital technologies, personal historical stories and public apology. Research has identified the potential of digital narrative, such as digital storytelling 3 and videoed oral histories to assist in the production of digital narratives that 1 Information about The Stolen Generation can be found at: http://www.culture.gov.au/articles/indigenous/sorry/ 2 Information about the Forgotten Australians can be found at: http://forgottenaustralianshistory.gov.au/apology.html 3 'Digital Storytelling' has been used to describe a variety of media forms and practices, but in this paper refers to a workshop based model in which 'ordinary people are taught to create a short film. iThis media is made up of a voice oveThis can help to present the multiple voices and viewpoints of those affected by these subjects co-creatively (Burgess et al, pp.152-153). Not all Australians however have access or the skills to use digital tools so as to benefit from these technologies ⎯ especially Indigenous Australians. While the Federal Government is committed to helping Australians enjoy digital confidence and digital media literacy skills, experience inclusive digital participation and benefit through online engagement (Department of Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy, 2009) there are many initiatives that can also be undertaken locally by State funded institutions, such as libraries to assist. This paper highlights the outcomes of recent empirical projects undertaken at the State Library of Queensland (SLQ) in particular focusing on digital initiatives in Family History practices by Indigenous users, and a digital story project in response to the public apology to the Stolen Generation instigated by SLQ.

The removal of Aboriginal children from their families gained national attention in Australia following the publication of the Bringing Them Home Report in 1997. Notably absent from this report, however, were first-hand accounts of the experiences of Indigenous parents, particularly of mothers, who were often the primary carers or sole parents of removed Indigenous children. This article explores whether the right to mother is adequately protected by existing UN human rights conventions, and argues that the lack of explicit protection of aspects of the right to mother within the international human rights framework contributes to the failure to identify and address violations of the rights of mothers in human rights inquiries and processes. Key factors are identified that contribute to our understanding of Aboriginal mothers' ongoing silence throughout the Bringing Them Home Inquiry process and beyond, which have wider implications for the identification and investigation of violations of the human rights of mothers.

One year after the Apology to the Stolen Generations, Richard Mohr asks what we mean by 'responsibility' in the context of a government wishing to redress past wrongs. Looking specifically at the Intervention and the suspension of the Racial Discrimination Act, Richard argues that, for the Apology to have any meaning beyond 2008, it is important that the Commonwealth deliver on the concrete measures recommended in Bringing them Home, and provide Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people a guarantee against further racist polices, both now and in the future.

In 2017, the Uluru Statement calling for Voice, Treaty and Truth was
released by Australia’s Referendum Council. The Uluru Statement
calls for a Makarrata Commission to oversee a process of
‘agreement-making’ and ‘truth-telling’. I argue that it was in the
regional dialogues held by the Referendum Council prior to the
release of the Uluru Statement that this demand for truth-telling
was substantively articulated by dialogue participants. This article
explores this grassroots invocation of truth-telling within the
context of the desire for political transformation, most recently
expressed in the Uluru Statement. I argue that truth-telling is
conceptualized by regional dialogue participants as an
opportunity for First Nations and non-Indigenous Australians to
participate as equals in a process of place-based dialogic
engagement about the ‘truths’ of colonial history that may or
may not lead to local reconciliation. This type of ‘agonistic’
political encounter, therefore, does not assume an outcome of
national or even local reconciliation. I contend that these types of
encounters may have the potential to create local decolonizing
spaces in which more equal terms of association are negotiated.
However, they could also be appropriated to pursue ideological
forms of consensus that undermine this possibility, as occurred in
previous periods of Australian history.

We have tried to represent accurately the many different experiences and views of kinship care in this report and also convey some of the complexity of the issues. However, if there are any errors they are solely our responsibility. Contents Contents 1. Introduction, aims and methods Methods 2. The young people and their kinship carers Age gender and ethnicity of the young people Disability Geographical location Age of the young people on entry into this kinship arrangement Stability and duration of the arrangement Relationship between the young people and their main kinship-carer Previous care arrangements Age of main kinship carer Legal status of the kinship arrangement Living arrangements at the point the young people were interviewed 3. Moving into kinship care Young people's understanding of why they had moved into kinship care Why the young people moved into kinship care-carers' accounts Prior relationships between the young people and their carers Support from Children's Services Contents 10. Moving out of the kinship home Young people still living in the kinship home Age of the young people on leaving kinship care Where young people moved to on leaving the kinship home Reasons for moving out of the kinship home Support provided by kinship carers as the young people moved out of the kinship home Support from the extended family and Children's Services when young people moved out of the kinship home The young person's relationship with the carer at the time of the interview Young people who did not maintain contact with carers Readiness to move out How the young people who had moved out were faring Involvement in crime Life course of the young people who had left home 11. Looking forward, looking back Young peoples' hopes and expectations for the future Anticipated life satisfaction in five years time Young people's three wishes Reflections: the young people's perspective Advice to other young people in kinship care Carer reflections Supporting children and young people in kinship care: the young people's views Supporting children and young people in kinship care: carers' views Supporting the kinship carers: carers' views 12. Summary and conclusions 1. Introduction, aims and methods Geographical location All the young people interviewed lived in England. Most lived in London (13, 25%), Yorkshire and the Humber (12, 23%) or the Northwest (10, 19%). One young person was from the South West. Others lived in the South East (7, 13%), North East (5, 9%), or East (5, 9%) of England.

We have tried to represent accurately the many different experiences and views of kinship care in this report and also convey some of the complexity of the issues. However, if there are any errors they are solely our responsibility. Contents Contents 1. Introduction, aims and methods Methods 2. The young people and their kinship carers Age gender and ethnicity of the young people Disability Geographical location Age of the young people on entry into this kinship arrangement Stability and duration of the arrangement Relationship between the young people and their main kinship-carer Previous care arrangements Age of main kinship carer Legal status of the kinship arrangement Living arrangements at the point the young people were interviewed 3. Moving into kinship care Young people's understanding of why they had moved into kinship care Why the young people moved into kinship care-carers' accounts Prior relationships between the young people and their carers Support from Children's Services Contents 10. Moving out of the kinship home Young people still living in the kinship home Age of the young people on leaving kinship care Where young people moved to on leaving the kinship home Reasons for moving out of the kinship home Support provided by kinship carers as the young people moved out of the kinship home Support from the extended family and Children's Services when young people moved out of the kinship home The young person's relationship with the carer at the time of the interview Young people who did not maintain contact with carers Readiness to move out How the young people who had moved out were faring Involvement in crime Life course of the young people who had left home 11. Looking forward, looking back Young peoples' hopes and expectations for the future Anticipated life satisfaction in five years time Young people's three wishes Reflections: the young people's perspective Advice to other young people in kinship care Carer reflections Supporting children and young people in kinship care: the young people's views Supporting children and young people in kinship care: carers' views Supporting the kinship carers: carers' views 12. Summary and conclusions 1. Introduction, aims and methods Geographical location All the young people interviewed lived in England. Most lived in London (13, 25%), Yorkshire and the Humber (12, 23%) or the Northwest (10, 19%). One young person was from the South West. Others lived in the South East (7, 13%), North East (5, 9%), or East (5, 9%) of England.

This is a pilot study on the sensitive issue of how children and young people experience family contact in foster care, and the views of key adults in their lives on the same issue. There is a special focus on the children's experiences, opinions, and feelings. The study is a response to the relative scarcity of literature on family contact based on the experiences of children and adults in caring roles. This is a qualitative and exploratory study, with a sample of 10 children and young people in care in the district of Porto, aiming to identify key issues and areas for further examination. The results allow us to conclude that the possibility of maintaining contact is positively evaluated. However, perspectives on the relationships involved, and on the reactions to and difficulties associated with visits, revealed considerable disagreement among the actors. A possible set of implications drawn from the findings pointed out to the importance of developing a monitored cooperation that improves communication processes in order to take into account the children's and young people's views in the decision-making process; and to develop more attentive and open working relationships with parents throughout the foster care placement. KEYWORDS child care, children's and young people's views, family contact, foster care 1 | CONTACT IMPORTANCE AND CHALLENGES Recent literature suggests that when contact is positive, it produces beneficial effects on the child or young person, such as the strengthening of physical and genealogical identity; a feeling of greater tranquillity, because the child or young person feels that the parents are well and that they care for them; a decrease in anxiety and feelings of guilt; the demonstration of love and affection; the reduction of feelings of loss and rejection; and the promotion of self-esteem (Delgado et al., 2016; Triseliotis, 2010). However, such family contact may not be an easy process. Some of the difficulties associated with the contact in foster or residential care are due to the fact that there are several actors involved, as well as a mixture of different feelings, such as hostility, affection, loyalty, ambivalence, conflict, disqualification, or nostalgia, which might lead to cooperative behaviours or rivalries and misunderstandings (Carvalho & Delgado, 2014). Although there is a growing literature on family contact issues for children in care, research based on cases drawing on the actual experiences of children and adults in caring roles is still relatively scarce. Maintaining contact with parents, other family members, or reference people is crucial for children and young people in care for several reasons. First, from an ethical point of view, contact is an essential right of people that are separated, in accordance with the current legal framework, namely, the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Second, contact can lessen the impact of change that occurs in children and young people's life when they are placed in care, maintaining a connection with their past and identity, and avoiding the disappearance of the relationships and emotional capital that they brought into this transition (Coakley, 2013; McWey, Acock, & Porter, 2010). Third, because the child or young person when newly placed often strongly

This article examines the telling of ghost stories of Indigenous Australians who were removed from their families during Australia's assimilation era. Known as the Stolen Generations, this group of people, were subjected to institutionalisation, adoption, and forced removals from their families, communities and Aboriginal country. In many of my ethnographic encounters with Stolen Generations, I was steadily drawn into their world of ghosts and hauntings. This article reflects on the challenge for the ethnographer in thinking with and through such encounters with the uncanny. It asks how we should approach the ghost as a real entity as well as a metaphorical, interpretative lens through which to understand the transgenerational trauma and suffering inflicted by settler colonial violences.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are highly over-represented in out of home care statistics. Around half of these children are in kinship care, a family arrangement that for Aboriginal people sits uncomfortably with the concept of ‘out of home care.’ Despite the number of children in Aboriginal kinship care, there is little published research in this area. The Family Links: Kinship Care and Family Contact research project was conducted by the University of Melbourne (Department of Social Work) with assistance from staff of my Offi ce. This report describes a component of this study that was devoted to exploring issues for Victorian Aboriginal kinship families. It is the fi rst such study in Victoria. Three Aboriginal services contributed their professional and personal wisdom about the issues that Aboriginal families face when caring for children unable to live with their parents. In doing so, they also taught us about good practice for working with all families. In re...

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are highly over-represented in out of home care statistics. Around half of these children are in kinship care, a family arrangement that for Aboriginal people sits uncomfortably with the concept of ‘out of home care.’ Despite the number of children in Aboriginal kinship care, there is little published research in this area. The Family Links: Kinship Care and Family Contact research project was conducted by the University of Melbourne (Department of Social Work) with assistance from staff of my Offi ce. This report describes a component of this study that was devoted to exploring issues for Victorian Aboriginal kinship families. It is the fi rst such study in Victoria. Three Aboriginal services contributed their professional and personal wisdom about the issues that Aboriginal families face when caring for children unable to live with their parents. In doing so, they also taught us about good practice for working with all families. In re...

Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-qhr-10.1177_10497323211009475 for "Connection to Culture Is Like a Massive Lifeline": Yarning With Aboriginal Young People About Culture and Social and Emotional Wellbeing by Cammi Murrup-Stewart, Theoni Whyman, Laura Jobson and Karen Adams in Qualitative Health Research

Background While web conferencing technologies are being widely used in communication and collaboration, their uptake in conducting research field work has been relatively slow. The benefits that these technologies offer researchers for engaging with hard-to-reach populations are beginning to be recognised, however, the acceptability and feasibility of using web conferencing technology to engage Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people in research is unknown. Objective This study aims to evaluate whether the use of web conferencing to engage Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people in research is an acceptable and feasible alternative to conventional face-to-face methods. Methods Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people aged between 18 and 24 years were recruited via emails, flyers and snowballing to participate in an Online Yarning Circle (OYC) about wellbeing conducted via web conferencing. Five young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians ...

Culture is an essential factor in the wellbeing of Indigenous peoples, but colonisation has disrupted and fragmented Indigenous cultures across the world. In Australia, urban Aboriginal young people are a growing population. However, research, policies and programmes aimed at improving Aboriginal wellbeing are unclear in their understanding of what culture is and how it is included in practice, particularly from the perspective of urban Aboriginal young people. Therefore, this study used yarning and thematic analysis to explore the experiences and conceptualisations of culture from the perspective of young, urban Aboriginal people. The young people described culture in terms of relationships, connection to Country, shared beliefs and values, and with regards to identity. Such understanding will contribute to an evidence-base of appropriate, better targeted and more effective wellbeing policies and programmes.

Health literacy is generally conceptualized as skills related to successfully navigating health – ultimately linked to well-being and improved health outcomes. Culture, gender and age are considered to be influential determinants of health literacy. The nexus between these determinants, and their collective relationship with health literacy, remains understudied, especially with respect to Indigenous people globally. This article presents findings from a recent study that examined the intersections between masculinities, culture, age and health literacy among young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males, aged 14–25 years in the Northern Territory, Australia. A mixed-methods approach was utilized to engage young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males. The qualitative components included Yarning Sessions and Photovoice using Facebook, which are used in this article. Thematic Analysis and Framework Analysis were used to group and analyse the data. Ethics approval was granted ...

From every State and Territory of Australia, including the islands of the Torres Strait over 200 delegates gathered at the 2017 First Nations National Constitutional Convention in Uluru, which has stood on Anangu Pitjantjatjara country in the Northern Territory since time immemorial, to discuss the issue of constitutional recognition. Delegates agreed that tokenistic recognition would not be enough, and that recognition bearing legal substance must stand, with the possibility to make multiple treaties between Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders and the Commonwealth Government of Australia.  In this paper, we look at the roadmap beyond such a potential change. We make the case for a redistributive approach to capital, and propose key outcomes for social reconstruction, should a voice to parliament, a Makarrata[1] Commission and multiple treaties be enabled through a successful referendum. We conclude that an alteration of the Commonwealth Constitution (Cth) is the prelimin...

This paper draws on the initial analysis of data from an education design research study that investigated the experience of Indigenous higher education students in online learning. The interrelated themes of racial identity and relatedness were found to be significant to the experiences of these students. The paper examines a number of widely used learning design models and online facilitation approaches to determine the extent to which identity and relatedness are considered in the design of online environments and in the facilitation of learning. It concludes with a series of recommendations as to how an institution may mediate a level of relatedness for its students in online learning environments.

This article analyses and explores the Uluru Statement from the Heart’s call for a constitutionally guaranteed First Nations voice in their affairs, as constitutional reform intended to address the ongoing problem of Indigenous constitutional vulnerability and powerlessness. It contends that a First Nations voice is a suitable solution: it coheres and aligns with Australian constitutional culture and design which recognises, represents and gives voice to the preexisting political communities, or constitutional constituencies. The article evaluates, compares and attempts to refine drafting options to give effect to a First Nations constitutional voice, by reference to principles of constitutional suitability, responsiveness to concerns about parliamentary supremacy and legal uncertainty, and assessment of political viability. The article concludes that the proposal for a constitutionally enshrined First Nations voice strikes the right conceptual balance between pragmatism and ambitio...

On 13 February 2008, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a formal apology to Australia's Indigenous peoples, particularly to the Stolen Generations, whose lives had been scarred by forced child removal and Indigenous assimilation. The term 'Stolen Generations' is used to describe the children of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent who had been removed from their families between approximately 1905 and 1967 by the Federal and State government agencies and church missions, under acts of assimilation by their respective parliaments. Rudd became the first Australian Prime Minister to formally apologise, and after he had been elected, he made it the new parliament's first order of business. The national apology came about as a result of the Bringing Them Home report (1997) which shared the findings from an inquiry which had been instigated by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission in 1995. It marked a crucial moment in the healing journey of many Stolen Generations' members because it was the first time their stories were officially acknowledged. Yet, despite being a pivotal piece and probably the first turning point in the history of the Stolen Generations, the report is still difficult to read, simply because it is laced with tragedy and injustice from the first page until the last. It is nonetheless a report that I urge everyone to read because this short Editorial will not do it the justice it deserves. The report is 524 pages long and includes visual, oral and written testimonies from over 500 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and other agencies. What I particularly like about the report is the way in which it has kept many of

On 13 February 2008, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a formal apology to Australia's Indigenous peoples, particularly to the Stolen Generations, whose lives had been scarred by forced child removal and Indigenous assimilation. The term 'Stolen Generations' is used to describe the children of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent who had been removed from their families between approximately 1905 and 1967 by the Federal and State government agencies and church missions, under acts of assimilation by their respective parliaments. Rudd became the first Australian Prime Minister to formally apologise, and after he had been elected, he made it the new parliament's first order of business. The national apology came about as a result of the Bringing Them Home report (1997) which shared the findings from an inquiry which had been instigated by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission in 1995. It marked a crucial moment in the healing journey of many Stolen Generations' members because it was the first time their stories were officially acknowledged. Yet, despite being a pivotal piece and probably the first turning point in the history of the Stolen Generations, the report is still difficult to read, simply because it is laced with tragedy and injustice from the first page until the last. It is nonetheless a report that I urge everyone to read because this short Editorial will not do it the justice it deserves. The report is 524 pages long and includes visual, oral and written testimonies from over 500 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and other agencies. What I particularly like about the report is the way in which it has kept many of

Background While web conferencing technologies are being widely used in communication and collaboration, their uptake in conducting research field work has been relatively slow. The benefits that these technologies offer researchers for engaging with hard-to-reach populations are beginning to be recognised, however, the acceptability and feasibility of using web conferencing technology to engage Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people in research is unknown. Objective This study aims to evaluate whether the use of web conferencing to engage Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people in research is an acceptable and feasible alternative to conventional face-to-face methods. Methods Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people aged between 18 and 24 years were recruited via emails, flyers and snowballing to participate in an Online Yarning Circle (OYC) about wellbeing conducted via web conferencing. Five young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians ...