Romanian Historiography

Význam slovanskej kultúry pre rumunské dejiny je téma, ktorou sa rumunská historiografi a zaoberá už dlhý čas, ale je známa aj iným historiografi ám, 1 samozrejme nie je neznáma ani slovenskej historiografi i. Vzťah k slovenskej historiografi i je o to zaujímavejší, že slovenská ako aj československá historiografi a sa témou slovanského vplyvu na rumunskú kultúru zaoberala už dávnejšie. V rokoch 1930-1940, slovenský jazykovedec Ján Stanislav študoval územie a jazyk, ktorým hovorili predkovia Slovákov (jazyk používaný na východných územiach Veľkej Moravy). On prvý poukázal jazykovými a toponymickými argumentmi na fakt, že územie ktoré ovládala a kontrolovala Veľká Morava sa tiahlo až do Bihoru, ak nie až po dnešné mesto Kluž. 2 To nám pomáha upresniť tradičné tvrdenia rumunskej historiografi e, podľa ktorej slovanská kultúra na rumunskom území má juhoslovanský (najmä bulharský) charakter, a tiež upozorniť na slovanské vplyvy zo západu (z kultúrneho prostredia Veľkej Moravy), 3 respektíve pre územie Moldavska -z východu (vo vzťahu s Haličou, Kyjevom a inými kniežactvami východných Slovanov). 4 1 Napr. PANAITESCU, Petre P.: Contribuţii la istoria culturii româneşti [Príspevky k dejinám rumunskej kultúry].

„Caietele Dumitru Berciu” represents an annual publication series initiated by the archaeology and memorial history sections within the „Teohari Antonescu” County Museum. The inaugural volume of these "Cahiers" specifically concentrates on the subject of the Romanian Institute in Albania. This theme was proposed and thoroughly researched by Bogdan Tănăsescu, who meticulously utilized extensive archival materials from institutions such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of National Education, and critically, the comprehensive Berciu fund housed at the „Vasile Pârvan” Archaeology Institute in Bucharest. The publication endeavors to highlight pioneering scholarly work and underscore its enduring relevance, offering valuable insights into the cultural and archaeological connections between Romania and Albania, while recognizing the profound contributions of figures like Dumitru Berciu to this academic field.This is the Albanian version of the book with the same title published in 2011. It was published in November 2024 in Durres, by Botimet Jozef Publishing House. Translated by Endri Jorgoni.

A safe and secure coal industry gives a strong energy industry and economy. Just in this way Romania can become a good and strong strategic partner with powerful energy states from all over the world. Thus, energy security becomes one of the most important pillars of Romanian security. For a secure energy industry, Romania needs strategic energy resources and highly specialized human resources, and Romania has a key role creating stability and security factors for the supply of energy resources that are quantified by coal. The authors consider that the security supply with coal of Romania is a strictly national and European security issue because the lack of coal can cause enormous damage to the European industry and economy, which are almost entirely dependent on coal-energy resources. But EU policy is contrary to this energy resource which is coal, but most EU countries are dependent on this. If coal mining is stopped, the EU may enter into energy insecurity, which is very harmful to the current security environment. The SWOT analysis of the security supply with coal to the National Energy System, comes in the context in which the possibility of a blackout is very likely, and the lack of coal can cause major damage through enormous financial losses, which through the domino effect can spread economic and Romanian insecurity. In this context, the analysis of the security supply with coal becomes an essential issue of European security and makes this paper of real interest.

Tabelul 1.8 Subiecte cu elemente de război și pace oferite spre studiere de programele școlare la istorie în Republica Moldova și România. Tabelul 1.9 Repartizarea procentuală orientativă,cu aproximație a detalierilor de conţinut oferite de programele școlare la Istorie, ciclul gimnazial. Tabelul 1.10 Analiza comparativă a programelor școlare obționale ce prevăd studierea Holocaustului.

Sketches of imperial portraits in late 19th and early 20th century historiography. We analyze below some Romanian historiographical works from the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century in which imperial bio-graphical sketches are found. In this sense, from the point of view of the method, the content and the finality of the works, we have identified three stylistic ways of creating portraits of sovereigns: a neutral one, close to the model of complex monographs of sovereigns; a scientific-encomiastic one, in which objective historical analysis sometimes slips into rhetorical and patriotic speech; finally, a predominantly encomiastic one, in which the deeds and character of the sovereigns are idealized to the point of improbability.

Ce au în comun personalități precum Andrei Oțetea, George Călinescu, George Oprescu, Iorgu Iordan, Alexandru Rosetti, Alexandru Graur, Dimitrie Macrea, Mihai Ralea, Costin Murgescu, Constantin Ionescu-Gulian, Petre Constantinescu-Iași, Ion Gheorghe Maurer, Miron Constantinescu? Cu toții s-au aflat sub guvernarea Gheorghiu-Dej în fruntea unor institute de cercetare umanistă plasate sub egida Academiei Republicii Populare Române (RPR), o instituție de tip sovietic. Lucrarea și-a propus să urmărească rolul politic în care autoritățile comuniste au căutat să distribuie astfel de personaje ale spațiului cultural-ideologic, dar și cercetarea umanistă ca atare. În plus, volumul încearcă să răspundă la câteva întrebări esențiale privind organizarea și funcționarea centrelor de cercetare sus-amintite și a Academiei RPR în anii regimului Gheorghiu-Dej.

In 2000 the journal "Studii și articole de istorie" planned to publish a set of articles taking stock of the historical experience of the 20th century. In this context, the proposal to include an article written by the German historian Jürgen Kocka (for which there was already a Romanian translation available) was rejected by then-president Ioan Scurtu, with the argument that Romanian historians "have more profound knowledge and can produce better argued assessments". Besides documenting the concrete case, the article connects the incident with the more general context of the traditionalist counter-offensive against attempts to rethink history in post-communist Romania, and of the conflicts inside the Romanian Society for Historical Sciences. It also highlights the magnitude of the damage done by such self-sufficient attitudes.

Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Romanian scholars began to go on more and more trips dedicated to scientific documentation, which are important for their fields of research and for their cultural activity in general. Sometimes, these trips were funded by scholarships, received from the ministries of education, universities and academies. Ioan Bogdan is one of the most important Romanian historians and philologists of that time; he founded the chair of "Slavic philology" at the University of Bucharest and contributed to the progress of the Slavic Studies research field. A scholarship received from the Ministry of Education of Bucharest played a fundamental role in his academic background, allowing him to travel, study and research libraries and archives in Vienna, St. Petersburg, Moscow and Krakow (1887-1890). There is interesting information to be found in Ioan Bogdan's correspondence with Ioan Bianu, professor of the History of Romanian Literature at the University of Bucharest and librarian of the Romanian Academy. The earliest letters were written in 1886-1887, during a trip to Vienna and Italy (San Remo, Genoa, Pisa, Viareggio,
Florence, Rome); they contain details about the cities and monuments Ioan Bogdan visited, about the Italian society and English tourists, daily life, but they also refer to the subject of the scholarship, which was highly interesting for Ioan Bogdan even during the voyage through Italy.

The presentation of Dennis Deletant's book (Hitler’s
Forgotten Ally: Ion Antonescu and His Regime, Romania 1940-44, Palgrave Macmillan, 2006) is an opportunity to review the precarious state of Romanian historiography, especially in the 1990s. Romanian historical writing has taken refuge in nationalism, seeing a worse syndrome - the favorable orientation towards Marshal Ion Antonescu.

La sfârșitul anului 1916, situația României era critică. La marile pierderi umane și în material de război, se adăugau pierderile provocate de boli, consecințele foamei și ale gerului, problemele grave, administrative, politice și militare create de aglomerarea importantului surplus de populație concentrată în spațiul Moldovei, în urma ocupării de către inamic a restului teritoriului românesc. În aceste condiții grele, a trebuit să fie desfășurată o uriașă activitate organizatorică. Cu toate măsurile întreprinse de autorități, condițiile grele provocate de asprimea iernii, de lipsa alimentelor, de insuficiența medicamentelor și a personalului sanitar au provocat populației suferințe incomensurabile și au impus un greu tribut de victime, "bolile primejdioase au început a se ivi prin satele și orașele noastre, ucigând vieți omenești mai mult decât războiul"1. Potrivit mărturiilor timpului, retragerea populației și administrației României în Moldova a fost o crâncenă golgotă: "Spectacolul drumurilor este de nedescris: bărbați, femei, copii, bolnavi, bătrâni, schilozi, pe jos, în trăsuri, în căruțe, călări, umblau în ploaie, pe vânt, pe frig, pe ninsoare. Unii adunaseră în grabă ce putuseră din avutul lor și îl târau după ei. Alții nu mai puteau înainta și cădeau sleiți de puteri și lihniți de foame de-a lungul șoselelor. Alții mureau prin șanțuri și trupurile lor descompuse erau lăsate pradă corbilor. Pe lângă aceasta, exodul populației civile se amesteca cu convoiurile armatei aflate în retragere, soldații, grăbiți să treacă spre a executa ordinele ce aveau, răsturnau tot ce le stătea în cale, se nășteau astfel învălmășeli îngrozitoare, în depărtare se auzeau focurile inamicului, copiii țipau, femeile plângeau, oamenii răcneau, ploaia nu mai înceta, gerul se întețea, într-o parte un sat era bombardat, într-alta se vedeau flăcări de incendiu. Era o viziune de infern" 2.

În evoluția relaţiilor internaţionale din ultima parte a secolului al XIX-lea şi începutul secolului al XX-lea, devenise clar că o reîmpărțire a lumii, în sens imperialist, era foarte dorită. "Cauzele au fost multiple și complexe și își au rădăcinile în deceniile care le-au precedat dar, s-au definit pe fondul acerbei competiții imperialiste angajate de marile puteri. Acest eveniment, care și-a pus amprenta pe perioada de început al secolului al XX-lea, a fost pregătit și declanșat de către puterile imperialiste pentru împărțirea și reîmpărțirea sferelor de influență și dominație precum și pentru acapararea de noi teritorii"1.

Forty years of «Passato e presente». Some reflections The article offers various reflections on Passato e presente on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the founding of the journal. A number of initiatives are currently being developed, including the digitisation and publication of the journal's indices and a new website.

The volume "Forgotten Traditions in the Balkans" is the result of a collective effort within a broad research project on the Balkans, initiated by the Institute of Advanced Studies for Culture and Civilization of Levant.

This collection is a proceedings book to the presentations held in Bucharest during the years 2022-2023.

The central theme of our research concerns the terms used to define the identity of great boyar families, both ethnic and religious, in the 18 century. We consider the great local boyar families both those who were rooted in Moldavia (as far back as classic Middle Ages) as well as those who became local during the 17-18 centuries and had Greek origins. According to sources, terms like pământean, moldovean, român, rumân, grec, fanariot, țarigrădean, levantin, insular (native, moldavian, romanian, greek, fanariot, levantin, constantinopolitan, insular), but also creștin, drept credincios, ortodox (christian, true believer, orthodox) have been frequently used. These terms generated confusion within historical research and fuelled two interpretation trends somehow contrasting. The one sustained by the researchers of the Middle Ages insisted on the importance of religious identity, including the Moldavians in the orthodox Christianity and favoring the integration of the Phanariots settle...

Born into a family of boyars from Wallachia, the academician Dan Berindei (November 3, 1923 – December 23, 2021) was a leading figure in the postwar Romanian historical research.
Passionate about genealogy, a field in which he left valuable studies, Dan Berindei belonged to a group of researchers in the auxiliary sciences of history. In 1971, taking advantage of a favorable political situation, this group managed to obtain the approval of the state authorities for the establishment of the Committee of Heraldry, Genealogy and Sigillography. Spiritus rector of the scientific activity of this Committee, Dan Berindei ensured the representation of Romania at the profile congresses organized in the West, at a time when Romanian researchers could travel less and less outside their country.
In the early 1970s, and especially after the political change of December 1989, Dan Berindei campaigned for the involvement of specialists in carrying out national and administrative-territorial heraldry. Successively vice-president and president of the Committee, he was involved in almost all the key moments that the recent Romanian heraldry went through.

The name of American historian Keith Hitchins has been established over the past three decades among the Romanian and foreign readers who are passionate about Romanian history, primarily because of his syntheses of modern history, which have demonstrated a great deal of objectivity and professionalism. The lines below focused on its last synthesis, the brief history of Romania, in which the author outlined the most important moments in our history, from Antiquity to the post-communist period.

The article tries to analyse the perception of the Western regime of estates in the Romanian principalities in the Middle Ages. Since their foundation in the 14th century, the two Romanian principalities were under the strong political influence of Hungary and Poland. In spite of the Orthodox Christianity, Romanian feudalism had, during its first stage, a much wider sense than it had in the Byzantine Empire or in the Balkans, as it included components of a central-European senior-vassal relationship. When Stephen the Great (1457-1504) succeeded to the crown of Moldavia, the Slavic and Byzantine political influence, different from that of the central-European feudalism, got into the country. Stephen adopted a centralized policy, using the influence of the Orthodox Church, which had begun to hold a more significant role, not just in the religious, cultural and economic life, but also in the political regime. One century later, after the setting-up of the Ottoman hegemony, the Romanian countries were neither conquered nor integrated into the Ottoman Empire. They maintained a high degree of autonomy, but their political life was characterized by anarchy, caused by the lack of a solid legal system and of an old-standing succession-settlement. Two concepts on the government began to coexist: the absolutist concept (of Slavic-Byzantine and Ottoman-oriental origins) promoted by the voivodes and, secondly, the political program of the boyars, aiming to establish a regime of estates like in Poland and Transylvania. The 1 The study is a revised version of the article "Between Eastern and Western World. Estates, Church and Princes in the Medieval Principalities (14th-17th centuries)", publiched in

The article examines the Lupeni strike action of 1929. While Communist-era historiography exalted the strike as a political action led by party members, the strike was atypical for local labor organization. Placing the strike in the wider context of 1920-1931, the article traces the interaction between local organized labor, the coal companies of the Jiu Valley, and state agents, both locally and in Bucharest. In the post-1918 period, the unions pressed for miners to receive reasonable compensation; given the state's demand for coal and the companies' need for labor, this initially fostered compromise. The Romanian state was willing to tolerate local labor unions led by Social Democrats, while using repression-including the army-to suppress strikes and ensure an uninterrupted coal supply. Shifts in the market and coal production, however, reduced the need for miners-resulting in the fragmentation of local unions. In 1929 the combination of a relatively liberal regime, coal companies seeking rationalization of their work force, and a radicalized fringe group resulted in the strike. While rejecting pre-1989 depictions of the strike, the text argues that labor history helps to reveal the limits of Romanian interwar democracy in ways that political and legal approaches may not.

Apostol Stan published his memories regarding the last two communist decades, but focused on the revolution of December 1989 and its consequences. Events from personal life and scientific activity are put into context, integrated with internal political developments.

Petre P. Carp a rămas în memoria contemporanilor ca unul dintre cei mai iluștri oameni politici ai României moderne, reprezentant de elită al conservatorismului românesc de factură junimistă, un adevărat om de stat, cu o experiență politică demonstrată de funcțiile de demnitar deținute de-a lungul timpului. De asemenea, era recunoscut drept un om de o inteligență superioară, cu o cultură vastă, cunoscător al limbilor franceză, germană, engleză și italiană. Mărturiile contemporane ni-l dezvăluie drept un colaborator dificil, dar și un adversar politic incomod, cu o intransigență și principii de nezdruncinat. Spiritul său dominator și, adeseori, inflexibil, a făcut ca cercul de prieteni pe care-l frecventa să fie extrem de restrâns. De o atitudine sobră, chiar glacială, P.P. Carp era înzestrat și cu un sarcasm de temut, replicile sale caustice producând multe victime printre politicienii vremii, chiar și în rândurile celor care se aflau în aceeași tabără cu el.

This study proposes the analysis of the evolution of Carol I’s image in the yet scarcely researched historiography of the War of Independence (1877-1878) under Nicolae Ceaușescu’s regime, thus trying to offer new perspectives regarding censorship and communist propaganda referencing the monarchy.
The article aims to provide a clear periodization of historians’ positions and implicitly that of the Communist Party in regards of the first king of the country, trying to show how his rehabilitation actually served the Party and the legitimization of communism in Romania’s history. In assuming the monarchy’s objective role, the Party managed to subordinate it to its interests, thus subtlety creating the idea that the communist regime was the only natural successor in the people’s struggle for progress, the monarchy having served its historical purpose once and for all.

The scope of the paper is to examine the role of Greek as a conduit for the flow of cultural models between the Ottoman centre and the Christian periphery of the empire. The Danubian principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia witnessed throughout the early modern period a number of linguistic shifts, including the replacement of Slavonic literature with the one written in vernacular. Modern Romanian historiography has portrayed cultural change was a teleological one, triggered by the monetization of economy and the rise of new social classes. What this model fails to explain, though, is the partial retrenchment of vernacular as a literary medium in the eighteenth century, as it faced the stiff competition of Greek. The aim of this paper is to look at the ascendancy of Greek in the Danubian principalities and corresponding socio-economic and political changes through Ottoman lens. Rather than a departure from the developments that facilitated the victory of Romanian over Slavonic, the ...

This paper analyses the way in which classical Panslavic theories are brought back to life and are reshaped in contemporary times, while trying to debunk the stereotype that Panslavism is a tsarist invention and can only be discussed in connection with Russian imperialism. As a movement, Panslavism originated in the first half of the 19 th century among the Western and Southern Slavs, in a climate of crystallization of national sentiment. Until the Crimean War, the Slavs looked mainly to the West for guidance, to liberalism, to democracy, to safeguards for the rights of the individuals and of the nationshopes that were channelled into Austro-Slavism. The Russian Pan-Slavism became prevalent only after the Crimean War, attempting to unite the Slavs spiritually (through Orthodoxy), linguistically (by establishing Russian as the official language of Slavdom) and politically, with Moscow at the centre of the new empire/federation. After a long Soviet period when Panslavism was (with some exceptions) forbidden and exiled, with the fall of the USSR we are witnessing a re-emergence of the Panslavic ideas. Although a large part of the followers of Panslavism continue to develop unifying Panslavic projects according to a hierarchical, centralized model (with Russia/Moscow at the centre), there are also theorists (like Mikhail Suslov, Boris Naimushin) who bring new perspectives, trying to highlight the positive aspects of pan-Slavism for the new democratic, multiculturalist context and to show the capacity of Panslavic projects to help overcome the tense postcolonial situation in the post-socialist space by reconfiguring the geography of the Slavic world according to decentralized, horizontal, open models that favor the periphery. The solutions for the realization of these imaginative reconfigurations come from two distinct but convergent areas: the religious and the political. Politically, Russia's "big brother" status is overtaken mainly by the sacrifice of Serbia during the 1999 NATO bombingsthe event being interpreted as a crucifixion of Serbia for the Panslavic causeand the Slavic integration initiatives of AleksandrLukashenko, as a result of which Minsk acquired the status of a Panslavic capital. From a religious point of view, the credit goes to Patriarch Kirill, who is trying, through a series of pilgrimages in the post-Soviet space, to establish the borders of "Holy Russia"an imagined community that has many sacred centres located on the periphery and that includes not only the Eastern Slavic states, but also Moldova and Kazakhstan (just like Solzhenitsyn's model of post-Soviet Russia).

The scientifical contributions of Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu to the Romanian culture. This paper tries to illustrate the value that B. P. Hasdeu had in the Romanian culture throughout the XIX th century, along with a short exposition of his actual theoretical linguistics contributions. Most of the aspects discussed in the article have usually been seen from a political point of view, and almost never from a philosophical or scientific perspective. Some aspectslike his ethnological questionarieswere omitted, as they were already discussed in other works, already well-known by now. But the actual scientific contributions that he had in our culture, his firm position on the latin origin of our language and his principle of the circulation of words deserve a more relevant place in the study of contemporary Romanian philosophy and linguistics. Today, Hasdeu is widely recognized as one of the founders of folklore in Romania, but we have triedthrough our small efforts and a modest researchto show that his real interests, as well as his real contributions lie elsewhere, without trying to diminish the importance of his ethnological ideas. In fact, Hasdeu was an encyclopedist, and he should be taken as such.

Forty years of «Passato e presente». Some reflections
The article offers various reflections on Passato e presente on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the founding of the journal. A number of initiatives are currently being developed, including the digitisation and publication of the journal's indices and a new website.

Revolutia de la 1848 in Europa nu se poate studia decit pe pian international, al interdependen^ei dintre diferitele mi §càri din parile continentului. A fost atunci o incercare de revolute burghezà demo cratica avind fire de legatura care stràbàteau de la Atlantic pinà la Marea Neagrà. Legàturile r e v o lu ti romlne de la 1848, in special a celei din Jara Romineascà, aceia dintre revolu^iile romine^ti care a imbràcat forme politice, sociale §i ideologice mai complete, cu revolutia francezà, cea ungureascà §i cea polonà sint cunoscute in liniile lor generale. In ce prive^te revolutia polonà de la 1848, este §tiut cà ea nu s-a putut realiza, ca o mare miscare nationalà. Totusi se poate vorbi de o revolute polonà in acel an, prin mi §càrile din Poznania §i din Galitia, dar mai ales prin aportul militar dat re v o lu ti unguresti si prin vasta ac^iune diplomaticà ?i de propagandà a em igraci, in vederea unei revolutii generale a popoarelor lipsite de independen|,à din Europa centralà ?i ràsàriteanà. Liniile mari ale legàturilor rominilor progressi cu emigrala polonà in Europa la mijlocul secolului al XlX-lea sint cunoscute 1, totu?i ràmln in legàturà cu aceastà alian^à romino-polonà in numele revolutiei nazionale, o serie de probleme destul de intunecate, pe care vom incerca sà le làmurim, sau màcar sà le punem ca probleme, in prezentul studiu.

Deși divinitatea i-a hărăzit să călăuzească destinele acestei ţări doar 13 ani, Ferdinand a izbutit să înfăptuiască ceea ce nici un alt înaintaș al său, fie că vorbim de Carol I, Alexandru Ioan Cuza sau Mihai Viteazul, nu a reuşit. Strângerea laolaltă a celor 17 milioane de români din toate provinciile istorice într-o singură ţară și sub o singură oblăduire, cu o singură direcție și viziune spre viitor reprezintă pecetea vie şi nedezlipită a domniei sale. Sacrificiile făcute de acest om par a fi supraomenești pentru zilele în care trăim. A renunţat în totalitate la tot ceea ce a ținut de propria-i ființă şi a pus pe primul loc o ţară care nici măcar nu era a lui prin naștere şi care, la un moment dat, l-a privit ca pe un străin. Poate că lucrurile cu adevărat mărețe, destinate a dăinui răsunător în eternitate, se pot întrupa doar în acest fel. Nu știm dacă aceasta este rețeta ideală, dar, totuși, pentru Ferdinand aceasta a fost singura cale sau poate calea corectă în propria-i accepţiune. Îngenuncherea "neamțului" din ființa sa lăuntrică, excomunicarea din Biserica Apostolică făcută de Sfântul Părinte pentru că și-a creştinat urmaşii după ritul Sfintei Biserici de stirpe bizantină, intrarea în război împotriva ţării de origine, excluderea din dinastia Hohenzollern, etichetarea ca trădător de fratele său mai mare, sunt tot atâtea argumente ale preţului plătit de Ferdinand pentru ca Transilvania, Muntenia, Moldova, Banatul, Crișana și Bucovina să ajungă acel tot unitar al tuturor celor vorbitori de aceeaşi limbă. De asemenea, trecerea la ritul bizantin a reprezent pentru Ferdinand o nouă renaştere a sa ce a reflecatat în acţiunile ulterioar formării statului naţional român la 1 decembrie 1918.

The geopolitical context of the first parliamentary elections in Great Romania 1918-1919 is the result of the research undertaken at the National Archives of Romania. At the end of the research resulted a comprehensive documentary material that is the basis of the article resulting from the application of descriptive and analytical research methods. The historical study of the organization and of the first parliamentary elections in Greater Romania required a multi-level approach: social; political; administrative; military. The necessity and urgency of organizing the first parliamentary elections in Greater Romania was imposed by the DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMATION OF THE GREAT UNION. The information obtained argues and complements the momentum picture of the Romanian society at that time.

The article tries to analyse the perception of the Western regime of estates in the Romanian principalities in the Middle Ages. Since their foundation in the 14th century, the two Romanian principalities were under the strong political influence of Hungary and Poland. In spite of the Orthodox Christianity, Romanian feudalism had, during its first stage, a much wider sense than it had in the Byzantine Empire or in the Balkans, as it included components of a central-European senior-vassal relationship. When Stephen the Great (1457-1504) succeeded to the crown of Moldavia, the Slavic and Byzantine political influence, different from that of the central-European feudalism, got into the country. Stephen adopted a centralized policy, using the influence of the Orthodox Church, which had begun to hold a more significant role, not just in the religious, cultural and economic life, but also in the political regime. One century later, after the setting-up of the Ottoman hegemony, the Romanian countries were neither conquered nor integrated into the Ottoman Empire. They maintained a high degree of autonomy, but their political life was characterized by anarchy, caused by the lack of a solid legal system and of an old-standing succession-settlement. Two concepts on the government began to coexist: the absolutist concept (of Slavic-Byzantine and Ottoman-oriental origins) promoted by the voivodes and, secondly, the political program of the boyars, aiming to establish a regime of estates like in Poland and Transylvania. The 1 The study is a revised version of the article "Between Eastern and Western World. Estates, Church and Princes in the Medieval Principalities (14th-17th centuries)", publiched in

The name of American historian Keith Hitchins has been established over the past three decades among the Romanian and foreign readers who are passionate about Romanian history, primarily because of his syntheses of modern history, which have demonstrated a great deal of objectivity and professionalism. The lines below focused on its last synthesis, the brief history of Romania, in which the author outlined the most important moments in our history, from Antiquity to the post-communist period.

The topic of communist anniversaries has received attention from Romanian historians mainly regarding the celebrations of August 23rd – National Day and of May 1st – Workers’ Day. They also wrote papers concerning other anniversaries such as the Great Union or the 2050 years celebration of “the first centralized and independent Dacian State”. Unfortunately, no work concerning Romanian communist celebrations was published. This makes the appeal to primary sources such as archival documents or works of the communist period the best method of writing a paper concerning anniversaries.
Writing the history of jubilees such as the RCP’s Semicentenary is necessary because they were an important part of everyday Communist Romania, and had strong influence over historiography, the regime’s historical discourse and party propaganda. The Semicentenary is eloquent for that sort of anniversaries, and its historiographical impact is important to cover due to the fact that it played a great role in rewriting Party history.

After denouncing Soviet hegemony in 1964, the Romanian Communist regime had adopted a policy of promoting a national version of Communism. Therefore, a Nationalistic speech that glorified Romania's history was added to the already existing Marxist one. This was due to the fact that the Romanian Communist Party aimed to legitimate its position of state leadership by creating its own identity in the country's history. One such mean was the organization of jubilee anniversaries dedicated to noteworthy historical events. This was the case for the 1968 semicentenary of the Great Unification. On this occasion the myth of national unity was predominant.This was the new historiographic trend and it greatly influenced the history works that appeared in honor of the anniversary, as we shall see. We will also see the way this myth influenced the Alba Iulia festivities from November 1968. Finally, we shall try to determine if the national unity myth had a positive or negative influence on the semicentenary.

Including a dimensional rather than categorical classification of disorders,
section III of the DSM-5 presents a new model for the assessment of personality disorders. Consistently with such model, the APA has generated a paradigm for the assessment of dysfunctional personality traits, the Personality Inventory for DSM-5 (PID-5) consisting of 25 personality facets identified in 5 domains (Krueger et al., 2012). The present research findings have been obtained by administering the PID-5 to a sample of 101 patients under the care of an addiction recovery service within a penitentiary in Lombardy. Results are first presented as mean scores for each trait and compared with the normative data of the Italian adaptation of the instrument in order to provide professionals working in the field with clinically relevant information. Following, results of a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) aimed at testing the structure proposed by Krueger et al. (2012) on a clinical sample are also presented. Findings confirm the presence of 5 domains, however some differences with regards to the overall number of facets (15 instead of 25) composing each domain have to be acknowledged. More specifically,
some maladaptive sub-dimensions (i.e. manipulativeness, separation insecurity, hostility, deceitfulness, callousness, etc.) did not univocally converge on one domain and have therefore been eliminated from the model. Although preliminary, this study provides grounds for reflection on the connections between personality disorders, drug addiction, and crime and shows how the adoption of a multi-faceted perspective might contribute to the development of more focused and effective interventions.

Il contributo propone una nuova edizione del Prologo della Marci Chronica Universalis o Cronaca di Marco (1292) e ricostruisce la fisionomia dell’autore veneziano, del quale è noto soltanto il nome Marco, mettendo in rilievo le tensioni culturali, religiose e politiche che si agitano tra le righe del suo lavoro storiografico.

The essay proposes a new edition of the Prologue of the Marci Chronica Universalis or Cronaca di Marco (1292) and reconstructs the physiognomy of the Venetian author, of whom only the name Marco is known, highlighting the cultural, religious and political tensions that characterize the lines of his historiographical work.

Referitor la anchetă, nu cred că am intrat într-o
criză a studiilor literare; discuțiile despre relevanța
lor au deja o istorie, iar răspunsul cel mai încăpător l-a oferit paradigma
studiilor culturale comparate propusă de Steven Tötösy
de Zepetnek acum vreo 20 de ani, un hibrid eficient
între world literature, studii culturale și studii inter-art.