Roman Military Decorations

This article presents a small collection of mould-blown square vessels, residing in the State Historical Museum, Moscow. Regrettably, most of them have come from unknown contexts. All but one of the regarded jugs have a Charlesworth-2 type rim (one of variant 2a, the others of variant 2b), which is considered a characteristic feature of Eastern Mediterranean origin. The only specimen with a ‘western-type’ rim (Charlesworth-1b) differs from the other ones in the glass colour (olive). Four jugs have base moldings of types widespread both in the Eastern Mediterranean and in western provinces of the Roman Empire. The peak of use of square jugs falls on the period between c. 70 and 120/130 AD. The jugs under consideration are most likely from the same time. Square jars are represented in the collection with the only specimen. Similar
vessels are known both in the West and in the East, but the Greek inscription on our vessels speaks in favour of its Eastern Mediterranean origin. The context from which it comes is dated to the mid-third century AD at the latest. Finally, known to us analogies to two square bottles with funnel-shaped necks originate from Turkey and Syria and are dated to the fourth and fifth century, though the conditions of their discovery are
unknown. Chemical composition of glass of seven vessels has been studied with SEM-EDS technique. Most samples belong to the group of Roman blue-green glass of the Syrian-Palestinian origin, with MnO content
up to 0,5%. The glass of two vessels, decolourized with manganese, have a composition closer to Jalame glass. One of them is a collared square jar originated from a context which is to be dated no later then the mid-3rd century AD. A collared square bottle is made of mixed Mn-Sb glass.

Un busto-retrato en mármol con atuendo militar de Adriano, el emperador romano de origen bético, expoliado en Santaella (Córdoba); una intervención arqueológica en el lugar del expolio y el descubrimiento de un yacimiento inédito, son los motores de esta monografía, que explora la relación del mundo militar romano y helenizado con Dioniso/Baco y su emblema: la hiedra, planta sacra en la mitología de este dios antiguo y complejo, luminoso y sombrío, como la liana que lo representa.

«Nacido dos veces», de la muerte de su propia madre, la princesa tebana Semele, luego del muslo de Zeus, su padre y genitor, Dioniso es amable e irascible, generoso y combativo, guerrero de la Gigantomaquia junto a su hermana Atenea, viajero sin fronteras, conquistador-civilizador de la India, límite del mundo conocido, es un dios «inventor del triunfo» y asociado a las conquistas militares de Alejandro Magno, luego a las campañas romanas en Oriente, las de los Antoninos en particular. Conocido como el dios del vino en el imaginario colectivo, respaldado por la iconografía barroca y prerrafaelita, es sin embargo el «dios de la hiedra», ya en los HIMNOS HOMÉRICOS, protectora y aliada desde su dramático nacimiento. El inédito Adriano de Santaella lleva una hoja de hiedra colgada en el peto de su coraza: detalle novedoso en la retratística imperial romana. ¿Elemento decorativo o testimonio de la relación de Adriano, emperador filoheleno y curioso de todo hermetismo, con el culto mistérico de Dioniso...? Interrogante que la autora aborda, junto con un examen de la presencia simbólica de la hiedra en diversos contextos, especialmente el militar, y una abundante iconografía apoyada por testimonios arqueológicos, epigráficos, textos de autores clásicos y literatura mitográfica.  (236 págs, ilustraciones en color).

Paros is located in the central Aegean, on the sea routes connecting the Cyclades with the East Aegean and the Greek mainland. Its settlement history goes back to at least the 3rd millennium BC continuing down to
the Late Antiquity. The island reached its peak culturally and economically in the Archaic period, however, its flourishing seems to have begun already in the second half of the 8th century BC. Before the end of the century,
the Parians ventured their first colonial activity East with the foundation of Parion on the Propontis to be soon followed by the colonisation of Thasos in the northeast Aegean. In the present paper, I discuss the sociopolitical, economic, and cultural status of Paros in this period on the basis of archaeological evidence from the excavations of the past 35 years.

For many decades, there was consensus that the rebel dating system during the Bar Koseba revolt used on coins and documents started in September 132 CE. However, this was based on three assumptions that need to be challenged: Bar Kosebah was the sole leader of the revolt at its inception, the rebels were a cohesive force encompassing all the Jews in the area and that there were no similarities between this revolt and the First Jewish Revolt (66-74 CE). This was intertwined with the belief that the Second Jewish Revolt, commonly called the Bar Kosebah Revolt, was unique as it was considered a guerrilla war.  The current presentation will challenge these assumptions and revisit both the literary and historical records, alongside a re-examination of the papyri written by the rebels which were found in the Judaean desert. It will be suggested that the above sources support a situation where Bar Kosebah was not the sole leader at the beginning of the war, nor even for at least the first half of the revolt. This, and other similarities to the First Revolt, will be raised, thus supporting the theory that the dating system was implemented in the first few months of 133 CE, after Bar Koseba came to power.

Gefördert durch die Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz, im Rahmen des von der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und dem Land Schleswig-Holstein finanzierten Akademienprogramms, das Zentrum für Baltische und Skandinavische Archäo logie (ZBSA) in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf in Schleswig, das Museum für Vor-und Frühgeschichte, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin -Preußischer Kulturbesitz Die vorliegende Publikation wurde ferner unterstützt durch den Förderverein Archäologie Schloss Gottorf e. V. (Schleswig) Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek. Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über <http abrufbar.

The epistolary legacy of Academician V.V. Latyshev is a significant source for the study of epigraphic monuments of the Northern Black Sea region. Of particular importance is his correspondence with K.K. Kostsyushko-Valyuzhinich, the first director of the museum and excavations at Chersonesus. It is kept in Latyshev’s personal collection at the Saint Petersburg Branch of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences and in the Kostsyushko-Valyuzhinich’s personal collection in the Scientific Archive of the State Historical and Archaeological Museum-Preserve “Chersonesus Taurica” (a total of 54 letters).

Preliminary observations are presented on the ways of closing the side chambers in graves, which is among the aspects of burial structures of the Roman period in Southwestern Crimea that has been limitedly studied. Based on the data from the Frontovoe 3 cemetery, a classification is proposed, with two types of coverings, one of which used stones and the other did not. The second type, in particular, represents five modes of placing stones above the chamber in the fill of the pit. The classification was then extrapolated to the most fully excavated necropoleis of the
same period in the vicinity of Chersonesus, and since a similar diversity of grave coverings has now been recorded elsewhere, a hypothesis is proposed that this was due to chronological reasons.

This article presents a small collection of mould-blown square vessels, residing in the State Historical Museum, Moscow. Regrettably, most of them have come from unknown contexts. All but one of the regarded jugs have a Charlesworth-2 type rim (one of variant 2a, the others of variant 2b), which is considered a characteristic feature of Eastern Mediterranean origin. The only specimen with a ‘western-type’
rim (Charlesworth-1b) differs from the other ones in the glass colour (olive). Four jugs have base moldings of types widespread both in the Eastern Mediterranean and in western provinces of the Roman Empire. The peak of use of square jugs falls on the period between c. 70 and 120/130 AD. The jugs under consideration are most likely from the same time. Square jars are represented in the collection with the only specimen. Similar vessels are known both in the West and in the East, but the Greek inscription on our vessels speaks in favour of its Eastern Mediterranean origin. The context from which it comes is dated to the mid-third century AD at the latest. Finally, known to us analogies to two square bottles with funnel-shaped necks originate from Turkey and Syria and are dated to the fourth and fifth century, though the conditions of their discovery are unknown. Chemical composition of glass of seven vessels has been studied with SEM-EDS technique. Most samples belong to the group of Roman blue-green glass of the Syrian-Palestinian origin, with MnO content up to 0,5%. The glass of two vessels, decolourized with manganese, have a composition closer to Jalame glass. One of them is a collared square jar originated from a context which is to be dated no later then the mid-3rd century AD. A collared square bottle is made of mixed Mn-Sb glass.

Suidas contains an entry dedicated to Severus Alexander. In it, the representation of the emperor appears discordant to the conventional one found in the historiographic tradition. This particular depiction originates from an incorrect interpretation of sources, namely an excerptum drawn from John of Antioch’s work. The analysis of the one and only existing manuscript containing this excerptum might explain the origin of the mistake.

The Artezian fortified settlement in the Azov Sea coast of Eastern Crimea perished in a strong fire at the beginning of the Roman-Bosporan war in 46/47 AD. In the homogeneous fire layer, along with numerous items of jewelry, silver, bronze and glass vessels, a heavily burned out round bronze plaque, 7.7–7.8 cm in diameter with a hole in the center was found. The plaque is decorated along the edge with a figural frieze, depicting two pairs of animals opposing each other: a dog – a bull, a dog – a wild boar. Besides two animals are running after each other: a lion and a roe deer.
The decoration of the plaque from Artezian finds parallels among plaques from the military camps along the limes of Lower and Upper Rhine and Danube. Objects similar in shape depicting animals in circular friezes are also known in Dacia and in the South-Western Crimea. The parallels to the images of the plaque and options of interpreting the function of the piece are discussed. The combination of pairs of opposing animals and animals running after each other finds parallels only on the belt plaques from Asciburgium and Magdalensberg. Thus, there are reasons to consider the disc from Artezian as an element of Roman military equipment of the first half of the 1st century AD.

In his paper, History from “square brackets” (1989), Ernst Badian criticizes the indiscriminate use by historians of unlikely reconstructions of lost portions of epigraphic texts. Sometimes, though, the text in square brackets is not given only exempli gratia and the possible restitutions are limited to a couple of options. In such cases, also the supplemented text can fully contribute to the historical research. In this paper some new readings are presented, all regarding the careers of soldiers in Rome, attested in fragmentary or lost inscriptions, most of them only superficially published. Nowadays, the improved knowledge of the Roman army, in respect of A. von Domaszewski’s standard work from 1908, allows us to supplement missing parts of the text. The new readings contribute to the reconstruction of the overall picture regarding the military presence in the city of Rome during the imperial time through the identification of military units or subunits, of the steps of single careers, and of the specific structure and functions of the monuments.

This thesis deals with the study of Egyptian glass artifacts with Christian purposes and decorations in the Islamic era, and presents a comprehensive artistic and archaeological study. The first part focuses on describing glass antiques, and is divided into chapters focusing on decorative and beauty tools, kitchen utensils, lighting tools, windows covered with glass, and various glass antiques. While the second part focuses on comparative analysis, it is divided into chapters that focus on manufacturing and decoration methods, decorative elements and their religious significance, local and foreign artistic influences, and glass artifacts and their history and functional significance.

The current article wishes to focus on receipts and reports from Roman Egypt in order to reconstruct the bureaucratic procedures in this region or, more precisely, the bureaucratic procedures of the Roman military logistical system, from the unit level and upwards. This examination will aid in understanding the complexity of the Roman system and the Roman mindset, while highlighting how the lack of modern technology was overcome to maintain a highly organised and vast Empire. This will strengthen and support the assumption that an office organising military supply and their records most probably existed at multiple levels; the nome, the province and Empire. Moreover, the article inspects whether the logistical system endured the many crises of the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE. As there was no significant change during or after these events, this may indicate the resilience of the Roman system. It could also suggest that some of these crises were not deemed as such by the Romans, and/or that the military structure, especially its logistical-bureaucratic side, was not blamed for these military disasters.

The current presentation wishes to focus on receipts and reports from Roman Egypt in order to reconstruct the bureaucratic procedures in this region or, more precisely, the bureaucratic procedures of the Roman military logistical system, from the unit level and upwards. This examination will aid in understanding the complexity of the Roman system and the Roman mindset, while highlighting how the lack of modern technology was overcome to maintain a highly organised and vast Empire. This will strengthen and support the assumption that an office organising military supply and their records most probably existed at multiple levels; the nome, the province and Empire. Moreover, the article inspects whether the logistical system endured the many crises of the 2nd and 3rd centuries. As there was no significant change during or after these events, this may indicate the resilience of the Roman system. It could also suggest that some of these crises were not deemed as such by the Romans, and/or that the military structure, especially its logistical bureaucratic side, was not blamed for these military disasters.

The marble statue of Eros at Parion, a work by Praxiteles, is known thanks to Pliny 36.22. This Latin writer reports that a Rhodian man, Alketas, physically loved the statue. This image is reproduced on coins of this town from the reign of Antonine Pius until that of Aemilian, that is from around AD 140 to 253. This article provides a new catalogue of these coin types and a description of the Eros figure represented on coins. Statues derived from this masterpiece have been recognized, but they are variations rather than copies because they do not coincide entirely with the image of Eros represented on coins. This study provides also an updated catalogue of these variations, disposed in a chronological order, from the late classical times to the Antonine period, that is from around 340 BC to around AD 160. However, a marble statue entirely in keeping with the figure on coins does exist at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. It originates from the gymnasium of Salamis in Cyprus. The statue dates to Hadrianic times, a period when Praxitelean statues were often copied. This copy allows us to appreciate Praxiteles' treatment of the surfaces of this important creation for the first time.The torso reveals a good balance between the body's structure and sense of skin, suggesting that the original statue was pertinent to the Praxitelean production of the early maturity of the sculptor (around 350 BC) because the prevalence of a velvety epidermis upon bones and muscles characterizes the late production of this Athenian sculptor.

The tegular material produced by the Fifth Macedonian Legion during its stationing at Potaissa (Turda, Cluj County) is stamped with a wide variety of signacula containing the name of the legion in abbreviated form. In order to establish the complete repertory of signacula and to verify the old typologies we have taken up the old finds that have entered into the collections of the Turda History Museum before the beginning of the systematic excavations in the fortress of the Fifth Macedonian Legion in 1971. We are thus able to identify some of the stamps previously located in the István Téglás collection, but also a series of stamps resulting from Ioan Țigăra’s investigations in Turda and its surroundings or acquired by the Turda Museum from various private individuals. In the following, we want to present them as archaeological artifacts, integrating them into the already created typology and emphasizing the importance of new variants.

The paper publishes a series of fragmentary Roman monuments embedded into the walls of churches in Moldovenești and Bădeni (Cluj County). A part of them, epigraphic pieces belong to fragmentary funerary monuments and bring new information on onomastic and prosopography. Other fragments of funerary monuments only preserve the figurative and decorative sculptural decoration. Only two monuments are votive: a relief with the figure of Silvanus and an uninscribed altar. To have a complete picture of the recycling habit of the Roman monuments during the Middle Ages, some decorated architectural fragments are also presented. All these monuments come from the ancient city of Potaissa (currently Turda, Cluj County).

The paper publishes a series of fragmentary Roman monuments embedded into the walls of churches in Moldovenești and Bădeni (Cluj County). A part of them, epigraphic pieces belong to fragmentary funerary monuments and bring new information on onomastic and prosopography. Other fragments of funerary monuments only preserve the figurative and decorative sculptural decoration. Only two monuments are votive: a relief with the figure of Silvanus and an uninscribed altar. To have a complete picture of the recycling habit of the Roman monuments during the Middle Ages, some decorated architectural fragments are also presented. All these monuments come from the ancient city of Potaissa (currently Turda, Cluj County).

This article aims to reexamine the exemptions from military service that were given to the Jews in the Late Republic, conserved to us in Josephus' writings. The extent of these exemptions and their number are part of a long, extensive scholarly debate. This article wishes to prove that there were only two original exemptions, one issued by Lentulus and one by Julius Caesar, that were limited in their extent, and that there was never a general exemption for all the Jews. It will also be shown that the other exemptions are only edicts renewing the previous two. Moreover, it will be proven that the Jews served no less than their percentage in the general population, and that extensive Jewish service started in the middle of the 1st century BCE. By showing this and highlighting the vast number of Jews that were in the domain of the Roman Republic at the time, especially in the city of Rome, the current article will stress that there was no logical reason to give a general exemption to the Jews in a time of war. And so, an attempt to delve into the logic behind the exemptions, their extent, and the reason for their creation, will be made. Another aspect that will be addressed is the role of the local Roman administration in issuing edicts, their extensive understanding of the different minorities, including the Jews, and the legislative tradition of not creating precedence.

The ostracon O.Ka.La. Inv. 228, recently added to the CPJ, received little attention, even though this ostracon may offer unique perspectives on social relationships in Roman-Egypt, particularly Roman-Jewish ones. In the ostracon, the Jews' bread rations had to be replaced with wheat, possibly due to Passover. The current article shows that there are two other options, although only one is equally as probable as the Passover one. This other option emphasizes unique procedures implemented by the Roman army to allow Jews to keep their religious practices. It also raises the possibility that the bread stamps used by the Roman army to prevent theft also enabled minorities to easily serve while keeping their religious practices. The article stresses the importance of this ostracon and the implications it has on our understanding of Roman-Jewish relationships and the Roman attitude towards minorities, in general, throughout the Principate.

The first Roman and Corinthian cavalry N. Sekunda Cito parare victoriam, cito cedere: Roman cavalry tactics during the late Republic and the Principate M. Petitjean Cohortes equitatae: a conundrum D. J. Breeze GENERAL STUDIES 'Trapp'd in silver': Roman cavalry equipment revisited M. C. Bishop 47 Pimp my ride: early Imperial cavalry, saddle plates, and longreining M. C. Bishop What was a cavalrytype of Roman greave in the first century AD? B. Burandt Evening the odds: apotropaic protection for horses S. Hoss On bangles and horses. The use and abuse of RomanoBritish glass bangles on military and indigenous sites in Romanperiod Britain T. Ivleva Eine Kopfniete mit dem Relief des Nero S. Ortisi REGIONAL AND LOCAL STUDIES Spurensuche zur Reiterei im Legionslager von Nimwegen S. WeissKonig Bits and pieces: 1stcentury horse gear from Roman military sites on the Lower Rhine M. Zandstra Virtus at the limes: a cavalry sports shield boss from Welzheim (Germany) A. Thiel Roman cavalry equipment and other militaria from the 2010 and 2011 excavations at Ptuj (Slovenia) J. Istenic Traces of Roman cavalry in Poetovio M. Vomer Gokovic RECONSTRUCTION STUDIES

Întemeierea Daciei romane. Aceleași surse, o nouă abordare Rezumat Autorul analizează diplomele militare de la Porolissum din 11 august 106 și pe cea de la Ranovac (Serbia) din 14 octombrie 109, cele mai timpurii emise pentru Dacia romană. Ajunge la concluzia, opusă interpretării tradiționale a istoriografiei românești, că diploma de la Porolissum nu marchează începutul oficial al provinciei Dacia, ci constituie doar un terminus post quem. Provincia s-a întemeiat cândva între 11 august 106 și 14 octombrie 109. În pofida cronologiei, diploma din 109 se referă la realități petrecute, probabil, înainte de 11 august 106. Personajul de rang consular menționat în diploma din 109, evident anterior primului guvernator atestat, Decimus Terentius Scaurianus, nu putea să fie un guvernator oficial deoarece provincia nu era încă constituită. El a fost urmașul lui Pompeius Longinus, numit cândva în vara lui 105 la comanda celor două legiuni și auxiliilor din Banat cu misiunea de a-l ataca pe Decebal la nord de Mureș. În timpul acestor ostilități a acordat cetățenie unora dintre trupele auxiliare. Diploma din august 106 emisă de Traian la Darnithithum marchează probabil un eveniment excepțional din timpul expediției, legat, probabil, de securitatea împăratului însuși. Războiul a continuat, cartierul general al împăratului fiind la Ranisstorum atunci când i s-a adus capul lui Decebal, cândva în toamna lui 106. Așa se explică faptul că Traian a petrecut iarna în Dacia, până în 107. Primul guvernator a fost Scaurianus, cel mai probabil între 109-110. Provincia a fost întemeiată mai degrabă în 109, urmată la scurtă vreme de fondarea coloniei Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. Dacia a fost pregătită pentru a deveni provincie în etape. Între 102-105 a fost creată infrastructura strategică în Banat, în special podul de la Drobeta. Apoi acțiunea a continuat în anii 107-108 în Transilvania. În acest interval teritoriul avea o armată de dimensiunea unei armate provinciale, era deci o provincie de facto. Abia în 109 a fost probabil emisă lex provinciae, când a devenit provincie de iure. Sediul primilor consulari care au organizat provincia, Longinus și Iulius Sabinus a fost în castrul de legiune identificat arheologic pe locul viitoarei colonii de veterani Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa, iar guvernatorii consulari din vremea lui Traian au rezidat în nou înființata colonie. Două insulae din oraș, de circa 1 hectar, sunt delimitate de două horrea militare de unde au fost recoltate sute de țigle cu ștampila legiunii IIII Flavia Felix, care asigură datarea în primii ani ai coloniei. În acest spațiu trebuie să fi fost sediul guvernatorilor consulari, devenit ulterior, sub Marcus Aurelius sediul procuratorilor financiari ai Daciei Apulensis. Cuvinte cheie: războiul dacic al lui Traian, diplome militare, provincia Dacia, castru, guvernator consular.

Vor den Grabungen der Reich-Limeskommission (1897-1912) untersuchte Constantin Koenen 1894 eine kleine Parzelle im vicus südlich des Kastells Niederbieber.

Hier stieß er auf mehrere Gebäudereste, auf Überreste der Bierherstellung vor Ort sowie auf einen Metallhort, aus dem bislang nur der bronzene Porträtkopf des Kaisers Gordian III. bekannt ist. Die Auffindungsumstände dieses herausragenden Fundes und die übrigen Bestandteile des Depots werden hier erstmals vorgelegt.

In writing this paper, I only contributed to the topics of experimental archaeology, living history, and reenactment (Section 1.4). The other sections were the responsibility of the other authors.

Anna Maria Kaiser, – Raffaela Woller, – Boris Dreyer, – Marko Jelusić, Die spätantike Danuvina alacris (navis) im Projekt Living Danube Limes. In: B. Dreyer (Hrsg.) Die Fridericiana Alexandrina Navis (F.A.N.). Ein Römerboot auf dem Prüfstand – Bau und Test für Wissenschaft und Öffentlichkeit (Darmstadt 2022) 556–581.

de las revueltas bagaudas desde el siglo III hasta el siglo XVIII [Historiography of the bagaudic revolts from the 3 rd century to the 18 th century] / 437 Enrico SIMONETTI, Metamorfosi 'in embrione'. L'epillio di Io nell'Eroide di Ipermestra (14,85-108) ['Embryonic' Metamorphosis: Io-Epyllion in Hypermestra's Epistle (Ovid Heroides XIV 85-108)] / 491 Nelu ZUGRAVU, Metafore ale ciumei în surse latine târzii [Metaphors of the plague in late Latin sources] / 509

Robert Lehmann and Andreas Pangerl

Abstract:
Initial hypothesis of this investigation using Xray-fluorescence analysis (pRFA) was that expected changes in the metal alloy composition of bronze Roman military diplomas over time might serve as chronologic reference for other Roman archaeological objects made of bronze such as coins, tabulas, military objects, statues etc. Military diplomas – citizenship documents for non-citizens serving in the Roman military in auxiliary units – seemed most suitable for this, as they were all manufactured in Rome,
and dated by month and day and through two consuls. The analysis of more than 500 Military diplomas showed however that there were no major changes in alloy composition over the 200 years investigated, from c 60–260 AD. Rather the manufacturers kept the bronze alloy constantly in a narrow range of 8+ % tin and above 20 % lead. This functional lead bronze alloy must have been chosen to optimize the mass production
process for the metal plates, which are usually between 0.5–2 mm thin, and to allow engraving of the diploma text on both sides of the plates. This continuity was kept up by the imperial administration regardless of cost throughout multiple crises into the middle of the 3rd century AD (with exception of a short period of about ten years during Marcus Aurelius’ reign in which no bronze diplomas were issued at all).

The PDF of this article will be uploaded 1 year after its publication in JNG 72, ie in January 2024

Organizarea sistemului de sănătate în imperiul roman (perioada principatului) s-a făcut, ca de altfel întreaga organizare socială, rit religios, cultură, pe baza culturii și ritului grecesc, în al cărui vector de propagare s-au și constituit, pretinzând formă proprie, fapt caracteristic tuturor statelor care ajung la un stadiu de civilizație avansat prin putere militară și cuceriri. Exact ca în propagarea organizatorică militară și civilă greacă, medicii romani și-au consolidat permanent pozițiile, fiind din ce în ce mai apreciați și mai bine plătiți. Statutul de archiatros (denumire preluată de la greci) conferea drepturi deosebite deținătorului, stabilind statutul social al acestuia. Era perioada de sfârșit a republicii, când medicii nu mai erau preponderent sclavi greci obligați să facă tot ce este posibil pentru a trata boli. Primul archiatros menționat este Andromachus fiul lui Erotianus, care a fost superpositus medicorum și dominus medicorum. Titus Statilius Crito este cunoscut la noi drept Criton, printr-o ciudată preluare de nume romane (poate după personajul Criton din epigramele lui Marțial), istoricii vremii nedeslușind încă dreptul agnatic privind constituirea numelor în imperiul roman, asemenea lui Vergiliu (Publius Vergiliu Maro), Horațiu (Quintus Horatius Flaccus), Ovidius (Publius Ovidius Naso), care erau recunoscuți la Roma după prenume și nu după numele tatălui. Titus Statilius Crito se naște la Heraclea-Salbace (Turcia de astăzi) și devine archiatros pentru Traian. Era instaurată deja tradiția unor medici ai casei imperiale, medici foarte bine plătiți și apreciați de multe ori, el fiind apelat de Traianus cu amicus augusti. Astfel libertul Antonio Musa este medicul lui Augustus, imperatorul ridicându-i o statuie în centrul Romei pentru faptul de a-l fi scăpat de o boală deosebit de periculoasă. Scribonius Largus era medicul de casă al lui Claudius, Pedanius Dioscorides era medic și chirurg militar, dar și medic de casă al lui Nero, pe care îl consulta de multe ori. Statutul medicilor de renume impunea sume importante de bani pentru serviciile medicale aduse. Eumenes (medic renumit la mijlocul sec. II) primește la intrarea in orașul roman Augusrus (azi Antun Franța) stipendium de 600.000 sesterți (cca. 840.000 euro, sau solda anuală a 20 de centurioni). În acest climat Titus Statilius Crito își desăvârșește pregătirea și își scrie opera (Despre Cosmetice, Medicină Simplă și Getica). Apreciat de către imperator, Traian hătărăște ca archiatros Titus Statilius Crito să fie însoțitorul său permanent, aceasta și pentru faptul că medicul îi pregătea în fiecare dimineață o poțiune energizantă care curma și efectele băuturilor alcoolice din noaptea precedentă. Titus Statilius Crito avea o pregătire deosebită, fiind și procuratores. Inițial desemnând funcționarii însărcinați cu gestionarea apei, începând cu Claudius (Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus-41-54 e.n.) instituția procuratores crește în importanță, procuratores devenind denumirea prefectului, comandantul militar al unei entități administrative cumulând și atribuțiile de reprezentant financiar al imperatorului. Evident că titlul de procuratores impunea cunoștințe profunde de matematică, logică, administrație, dar și cunoștințe militare, pentru a accede la acest titlu fiind obligatoriu un stagiu militar minim. Marcus Ulpius Traianus avea un respect deosebit pentru Crito, apelându-l cu amicus augusti și consultândul în multe probleme, inclusiv militare. Folosind drept bază Getica lui Crito, Traianus scrie mai târziu De bello dacico, încercând să-l imite pe Gaius Iulius Caesar-Bellum Gallicum. Prezent permanent în campaniile din Dacia ca însoțitor al lui Marcus Ulpius Traianus, Crito notează cu meticulozitate evenimentele petrecute. Urmare a centralizării spolia, prada de război, operațiune deosebit de importantă executată de către doi din cei șase tribuni de legiune și centurioni, decurioni, principales, imunes, care avea drept scop predarea tuturor bunurilor jefuite de armată, Crito notează că din Dacia au fost ridicate cinci sute de miriadre de litre de aur și de două ori mai mult argint, fără a pune la socoteală armele și hainele scumpe, turmele, cirezile sau hergheliile trecute peste Danubius. Operațiunea de centralizare a spolia era foarte importantă, orice sustragere fiind direct pedepsită cu misio ignominiosa, și se sfârșea cu împărțirea ei, primul fiind imperatorul căruia îi revenea 20% din pradă, indiferent dacă participa sau nu la campanie. Singurul imperator din istorie care a renunțat la spolia a fost Caesar, care a refuzat spolia în favoarea soldaților de două ori. Ca urmare, conform cu cele scrise de Crito, singurul care oferă date certe privind jefuirea Daciei, aurul centralizat însuma: 500 miriadre litre aur = 500 x 10.000 x 322 grame aur = 5.000.000 x 0,322 = 1.610.000 kg aur Din Dacia au fost jefuite 1.610.000 kg aur = 1.610 tone aur și 3.220 tone argint, cota imperatorului Marcus Ulpius Traianus fiind de 20%, adică 322 to aur și 644 to argint. Această cantitate corespunde și legendei privitoare la cele 1.000 de care cu aur și argint care au intrat în Roma după cucerirea Daciei.

The Jewish religion, especially the dietary laws, was seen as an obstacle to Jewish military service in the armies of the Empire, and thus, was especially used as a main argument by those who deny the existence of such service in considerable numbers. The current article is the first to examine this claim; its first part shows that Jews were not unique in having rules and traditions of what is allowed, or not allowed, to be consumed, while the second part presents the diet of the Roman soldier. The third part uses the Jewish soldier as a case study for the capability of any serviceman, no matter his faith or ethnicity, to serve in the army while keeping his customs and traditions with regard to food. Lastly, the article raises the possibility that the Roman logistical system was purposefully structured in order to ease the service of soldiers from different cultures and ethnicities.
https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/56/article/885158

The auxiliary units entitled I to VIII Breucorum were created after the bellum Pannonicum from 6-9 AD. In the first century AD, cohortes I-VIII Breucorum were stationed in several provinces of the Roman Empire, mainly the ones from the limes. The epigraphic material emphasized 19 militaries from these units in a course of nearly one century. Is is a very low percentage from eight units, 500 people for each unit, during one century.

The infantry auxiliary units recruited from Pannonia, all entitled cohors I
Pannoniorum, were formed at the beginning of the 1st century AD, probably after the suppression
of the great Pannonian-Dalmatian uprising from 6–9 AD. In the first century AD, the two (or
three) cohortes Pannoniorum were transfered in the provinces of Germania Superior, Germania
Inferior, Mauretania Caesariensis, and Aegyptus. At the start of the 2nd century AD, the unit from
Germania Superior/Inferior was moved permanently to Moesia Superior, after it participated in
the Dacian Wars of 101–106 AD. The other cohors I Pannoniorum was moved between the prov‑
inces of Aegyptus and Mauretania Caesariensis, in the 3rd century being confirmed in the latter
province. The epigraphic material emphasized 21 militaries from these units in a course of two and
a half centuries of existence. Most of these recruits were pannonians and illyrians, at least in the 1st
century AD, while the officers were mostly from the Italian Peninsula.

Roman soldiers and veterans settled in the Danube provinces formed one of the most important pillars of Roman rule, economic development, urbanization and Romanization. Tombstones are the best evidence of the image that the Roman soldiers wanted to show and permanently record. This paper is dedicated to the relief representations on the tombstones of Roman soldiers and members of their families, that reflect the way in which this significant part of the provincial population regarded themselves in relation to others and society as a whole. Although their form and volume depended on current fashion or established customs and conventions, and were conditioned by various factors: social and material position of the individual and his origin, cultural and intellectual preferences, the tombstone was supposed to mark not only the place of burial of the deceased's earthly remains, but also to perpetuate his earthly appearance, achievements and heritage. At a time when literacy was not a widespread phenomenon, such visual representations were of great importance for marking the graves of prominent individuals and emphasize their professions and reputations. The display of soldiers often in a dominant and even arrogant position, with exposed weapons, various military insignia, decorations, but also recognizable signs of authority (sticks, beneficiary spears, scrolls, fibulae...) indicated their high status, honorable service and the appropriate salary grade (sesquiplicarii, duplicarii) clearly distinguishing them from the rest of the population.

Roman propaganda monuments are known best of all and they are still often cited, especially in Hollywood blockbusters. Despite the many doubts expressed by modern researchers, they continue to be sources valuable in many aspects as those monuments, mostly located in the capital, show how military weapons were perceived by the inhabitants of the capital, including the sculptors who were working on these monuments. There are many images of so-called Attic helmets on Roman monuments dated back to the first two centuries AD. As a rule, all of them are richly decorated with embossed floral ornament, have a browband with volutes in the temporal region and equipped with longitudinal crests with gorgeous plumes. The question arises, what are the samples were depicted on the Roman reliefs? How accurately this specimen have been reproduced by artists and sculptors, or, perhaps, we see only a reflection of the Hellenistic artistic tradition? There are helmets with a browband shaped as a vertic...

The paper publishes five official inscriptions from Herakleia on the Strymon / Heraclea Sintica found during recent excavations of the city: 1) dedication of an agoranomion, measuring instruments and a statue of Hermes to Emperor Tiberius and to the city by the three agoranomoi, dated to AD 34/35; 2) list of city officials, including an agonothete, five politarchs and a treasurer; 3) honorific inscription for D. Terentius Gentianus, censor of provincia Macedonia, of AD 121/122; 4) ephebic catalogue of AD 214/215, containing numerous Thracian names; 5) statue-base for Caesar Valerianus Iunior of ca. AD 256-258.

The limestone quarry from Măgura Călanului MARIUS ARDELEANU, DARIA DOBROCHNA DĄBAL, HORAȚIU COCIȘ The discovery of a Roman marching camp in Coștiui, Maramureș County, Romania. Identification and archaeological excavations 2019 SORIN NEMETI Sacidava and Burticum. On a road bifurcation from Dacia Superior WERNER ECK, ANDREAS PANGERL Cocceius Naso als Präsidialprokurator von Dacia inferior und seine Diplome DÁVID PETRUȚ Old lamps in a new province: Loeschcke type I lighting devices in Roman Dacia LUCIANA NEDELEA Three-handled wine jugs discovered at Napoca and Potaissa. A Roman ceramic type with "ear" lugs reminiscent of the Hellenistic volute kraters IRINA NEMETI Dona militaria. A bronze phalera discovered at Sânpaul (Cluj County) EUGENIA BEU-DACHIN, GEORGE CUPCEA, SORIN COCIȘ

Tis paper discusses nine unpublished specimens of building ceramics from Sector XII at Novae whose surfaces are marked with inscriptions made with a stylus (stick?) and a fingertip. The relics in question were discovered in the years 2013–2017. In terms of their palaeographic traits, they might be preliminarily divided into three distinct groups, but when chronology and place of discovery are taken into account this palaeographical division does not hold valid. The specimens are examined one by one, and follow a distinction based on their precise find-spots within Sector XII at Novae.