Right Wing Extremism

and has previously worked as a Marie Curie Fellow at the Institute of Social Sciences, Humboldt-University of Berlin where he conducted a project on far right discourses on the environment (project number 327595). He has published in the field of memory studies, at the interface of sociological theory and critical discourse analysis, and on prejudice and discrimination. The research leading to these results has received funding from the People Programme (Marie Curie Action) of the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under REA grant agreement no. 327595. We are thankful for challenging but productive comments by three anonymous reviewers and Klaus Eder.

Right wing populist parties in Europe are clearly different from other right wing parties in their rhetoric and electoral appeal. Some observers see substantive differences between right wing populists and other right wing parties, with populists supporting the welfare state and gender equality more than other right wing parties, often as part of an anti-immigration and anti-Muslim agenda. We test this claim using novel data produced by a multilingual convolutional neural net on political party platforms for the years 1990 to 2015 from the Manifesto Corpus. We find no systematic differences between right wing populists and non-populists on support for welfare and gender equality, though there is some evidence that more successful populists are more centrist. 1 We thank Julie Halterman and Ron Halterman for assistance in annotating quasi-sentences in German and French. Andrew acknowledges the financial support of the MIT Department of Political Science and an NSF Graduate Research Fellowship. All replication materials are on a private Github repository and available upon request.

Over recent years, the German extreme right has undergone significant changes, including the appropriation of symbols, styles, and action repertoires of contemporary (youth) cultures, sometimes even taken from the far left. In this article, we investigate extreme right visual communication through Facebook, focusing on claims to truth and authentic Nazism in relation to 'history', 'nature', and 'gender roles'. These themes were central in National Socialism, but today need to be (re)negotiated vis-à-vis contemporary (youth) cultures. We show that while a traditional notion of ideological authority is enabled through visuals, there is also a strand of imagery depicting and celebrating 'intimate' communion. While this simultaneity leads to tensions within the 'ideal extreme right subject', we argue that such dilemmas can also be productive, allowing for the (re)negotiation of classic National Socialist doctrine in the context of contemporary (youth) cultures, and thus, potentially, for a revitalisation of the extreme right.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las narrativas históricas sobre el Movimiento Nacionalista Tacuara (MNT), y sus derivas hacia la izquierda peronista en la Argentina. Las investigaciones de Tacuara se pueden agrupar en dos tendencias:  la primera ve al MNT como un producto del nacionalismo de entreguerras en Europa, continuador de las derechas radicales de 1930 y 1940. La segunda prioriza las rupturas hacia la izquierda, enfatizando el vínculo con los años 50, 60 y 70. La  hipótesis de trabajo considera que los argumentos “continuistas” y “rupturistas” corren el riesgo de negarle una temporalidad específica a la coyuntura política en la que surge el MNT. ABSTRACT The purpose of this work is to analyze the historical narratives about the Nationalist Movement Tacuara (MNT), and its derivations  towards the Peronist left in Argentina. Tacuara’s research can be grouped into two tendencies: the first sees  MNT as a product of interwar nationalism in Europe, which continues the rad...

El propósito de este artículo es estudiar los cambios en la conceptualización del peronismo que experimentaron el Movimiento Nacionalista Tacuara, el Movimiento Nueva Argentina y el Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario Tacuara. Asimismo, se investiga la percepción que tenía cada grupo de su papel como vanguardia revolucionaria, y su lugar en el movimiento peronista. Para abordar este problema se analizarán varios periódicos como Tacuara. Vocero de la juventud nacionalista, Ofensiva, Barricada, Tacuara del manchón y Nueva Argentina. El planteo sugiere que la revisión del peronismo por Tacuara obedece tanto a cambios de coyuntura como a tendencias intrínsecas del movimiento nacionalista. 

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés. Unfolding the Multi-layered Structure of the French Mediascape Dominique Cardon, Jean-Philippe Cointet, Benjamin Ooghe, Guillaume Plique

Der Beitrag befasst sich mit der exemplarischen Rekonstruktion eines Wandels von Anerkennungsordnungen kollektiver Gewaltausübung. Dabei wird die These bearbeitet, dass es im Zuge der _GIDA-Bewegung zu einer gesellschaftlichen Öffnung gegenüber Gewalthandeln kommt, die etablierte Aversionsnormen übergeht. Eine besondere Rolle spielen hier Fußballhooligans, deren Gewaltexpertise im Lichte einer bei _GIDA-Demos als wehrlos dargestellten Volksgemeinschaft eine neue Legitimierung erfährt. Wir zeigen, inwiefern stellvertretende politische Gewalt zum Selbstverständnis rechtsextremer Hooliganszenen gehört, um dann nachzuzeichnen, wie dieses Handlungsmodell eines gewalttätigen Stellvertreteraktivismus von einflussreichen Teilen der _GIDA-Bewegung Bestätigung erhält und adaptiert wird. Ankerpunkt für diesen Argumentationsgang ist ein Ereignis, bei dem der Wandel in der Anerkennungsordnung kollektiver und politisierter Gewaltausübung prägnant sichtbar wird.

O presente ensaio identifica a estrutura básica (ou "núcleo motor") dos enunciados narrativos de Jair Bolsonaro que apontam para a não realização de eleições em 2022. Em uma abordagem histórica e discursiva, investiga fatores sociais e textualidades que, não sendo realizadas na cadeia significante daqueles enunciados, configuram as próprias condições de produção desse discurso golpista. Chega-se ao entendimento de um jogo disjuntivo assimétrico entre enunciação e discurso, entre uma defesa de atitudes democráticas (palanque de enunciação) e um alerta/ameaça de ruptura inexorável no horizonte histórico (historicização), entre aquilo que o enunciador precisa dizer e aquilo que os interlocutores precisam entender.

We spent the year 2008 trying to get the UC Berkeley Center for Right-Wing Studies (CRWS) off the ground. There was pushback. In part, it was because there was no precedent-right-wing studies?-for such an entity on a major research campus. But above all, the pushback was about timing. Neoliberalism was suffering comeuppance in the form of transnational catastrophic financial collapse and near depression. In the USA, the most right-wing presidency in at least seventy-five years was coming to a shattering end, seeming to give way to a "transformative" administration under a Black Democrat. Sam Tanenhaus of the New York Times reflected the widespread mood, publishing The Death of Conservatism. Why now was there a need for right-wing studies? The Tea Party swiftly put this objection to rest. Its populist uprising was the defining political event of the Obama years. It was launched in February 2009, one month after Barack Obama's inauguration as president and one month before CRWS opened its doors. We held an early conference on the Tea Party, wrote reports and a book on it, and the center attracted attention from many quarters around the world where right-wing populism was similarly on the rise. By the time US populism morphed from the Tea Party to Trumpism, immigration surges had made the worldwide dimension of the trend unmistakable. Liberal democracy was back on its heels in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas. Trumpism was of a piece with illiberal democratic regimes erupting across the continents. Behind them were populist right-wing mobilizations possessed by local variations of replacement theory. This state of affairs has only deepened over the past several years. Surely it is time for a Journal of Right-Wing Studies. JRWS will publish essays, research papers, book reviews, and commentary. We believe the problems we will address here are urgent, and that discussion and analysis need to be as widely diffused as possible. Accordingly, we are an open access journal available worldwide without economic barriers for readers or for potential authors. Our first full issue-Issue One-will be published early this year. What we are publishing today we are calling our "Issue Zero." We have asked a dozen scholars to comment on what they consider to be the most compelling questions in right-wing studies today. We believe this provocative series of short essays offers a robust suggestion of what is to come in JRWS. It is a pleasure to welcome you to our initial publication, Issue Zero of the Journal of Right-Wing Studies.

It does not require great powers of observation to note the pervasiveness of Nazi Germany in contemporary U.S. cultural and political discourse. For better or worse, the discursive landscape is saturated with depictions of and references to Hitler, the Holocaust, and the Gestapo—an obsession visible everywhere, from the progressive left to the far right, from TV shows to Twitter feeds to video games. The allure of using the Third Reich as a rhetorical weapon may seem obvious enough in a hyperpartisan political climate, but the resonance of that historical period clearly extends well beyond politics. Indeed, National Socialism now functions as an all-purpose conceptual barometer that can be applied to conversations about all sorts of subjects. Over the past few years, scholars have sought to shape such discussions with an unusually heavy outpouring of projects that explore correlations between Nazi Germany and the United States. What they rarely address, however, is why Americans are...

Gender Ideology has been used by right-wing parties and religious groups to contest proposed changes in sexuality education and other initiatives regarding Sexual and Repro-ductive Health and Rights around the world. The work of Norbert Elias focused on under-standing long-term processes, is proposed to analyze the arguments and logic of religious leaders and opinion-makers in this opposition. This research has found that Gender Ideology is a transnational strategy that mobilizes people using well-established fears in societies. In Latin America and Spain, right-wing groups have linked the gender mainstreaming approach used by UN agencies with pedophilia, incest, and rape. Moreover, the messages, concealed under a mask of secularism and scientific thought, are spread via public conferences accessi-ble on YouTube, as well as incendiary posts shared in social media. This reactionary outcome follows patterns of old strategies and has unified both Catholics and Evangelicals in the con-t...

and has previously worked as a Marie Curie Fellow at the Institute of Social Sciences, Humboldt-University of Berlin where he conducted a project on far right discourses on the environment (project number 327595). He has published in the field of memory studies, at the interface of sociological theory and critical discourse analysis, and on prejudice and discrimination. The research leading to these results has received funding from the People Programme (Marie Curie Action) of the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under REA grant agreement no. 327595. We are thankful for challenging but productive comments by three anonymous reviewers and Klaus Eder.

1943: Robert Wells has returned home from the war, having spent months in hospitals recovering from combat wounds. While being rehabilitated at Heidelberg Military Hospital, a series of visitors come to see him and, in the process, old wounds open, some close. What does seeing and doing the worst acts a human being can do to one another, do to a person? Thirteen years after The Sacrifice, the follow-up story of Robert Wells concludes in this elegiac story of how the impact of war is felt, even far from the front lines

In this study, we link pertinent concepts from rhetorical studies of the altright, animality studies, and conspiracism to explicate the production and dissemination of "carnivore diets" through digital social networks. Taking the ideological and discursive interconnections of animality, hegemonic masculinity, and white nationalism seriously, we conceptualize primal rhetorical networks: a web of influencers and agitators who espouse an ahistorical, carnivorous primal rhetoric concerned with Modern Man's physical and spiritual downfall and his potential for resurrection by consuming nonhuman animals. We utilize a corpus of online texts and social media posts between and to perform an ideological rhetorical criticism of two interconnected, online Carnivore Diet gurus: the Liver King and the Raw Egg Nationalist. Drawing upon "conspiritual" tropes and raced/gendered depictions of nonhuman animal consumption, we demonstrate how these networked rhetors "sell" their lifestyles to make a profit and "convert" their followers into an ever-growing network of white nationalist, cisheterosexist, carnivorous ideologues.

The election of Salvador Allende and the Unidad Popular (Popular Unity) in 1970 unleashed a radical and original revolutionary process, discernible not only in the depth of its redistributive measures and the expectations it generated, but also in the ferocity with which those who identified with the counter-revolutionary ideal responded to that project. The counter-revolution, initially confined to the conservative and reactionary sectors, in a matter of months became an immense mass mobilisation that would end up paving the way for the military coup. This article analyses that counter-revolutionary process, exploring its historic roots, the main actors involved and the innovations in political practices it developed at the time. The ‘counter-revolutionary bloc’ was formed by a diverse array of political and social actors – some of whom did not have previous experience in political mobilisations – who based their actions on the adoption and socialisation of a long-standing anti-Com...

Seeking to explore the nature of European far-right online ecosystems, this research report examines the outlinking activity of identified pro-far-right users among the followers of the official Twitter accounts of two prominent far-right European political parties, Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and France’s Rassemblement National (RN). Employing a three-layered analysis, the report explores not just the top-level domains outlinked to by its sample of AfD and RN Twitter followers but combines this with analysis of the technical specifications of the content types outlinked to and treatment of the socio-political nature of the content arrived at by clicking on the most tweeted URLs. This results in the provision of a more thorough and cohesive view of this online ecosystem than contained in other similar studies.

We spent the year 2008 trying to get the UC Berkeley Center for Right-Wing Studies (CRWS) off the ground. There was pushback. In part, it was because there was no precedent-right-wing studies?-for such an entity on a major research campus. But above all, the pushback was about timing. Neoliberalism was suffering comeuppance in the form of transnational catastrophic financial collapse and near depression. In the USA, the most right-wing presidency in at least seventy-five years was coming to a shattering end, seeming to give way to a "transformative" administration under a Black Democrat. Sam Tanenhaus of the New York Times reflected the widespread mood, publishing The Death of Conservatism. Why now was there a need for right-wing studies? The Tea Party swiftly put this objection to rest. Its populist uprising was the defining political event of the Obama years. It was launched in February 2009, one month after Barack Obama's inauguration as president and one month before CRWS opened its doors. We held an early conference on the Tea Party, wrote reports and a book on it, and the center attracted attention from many quarters around the world where right-wing populism was similarly on the rise. By the time US populism morphed from the Tea Party to Trumpism, immigration surges had made the worldwide dimension of the trend unmistakable. Liberal democracy was back on its heels in Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Americas. Trumpism was of a piece with illiberal democratic regimes erupting across the continents. Behind them were populist right-wing mobilizations possessed by local variations of replacement theory. This state of affairs has only deepened over the past several years. Surely it is time for a Journal of Right-Wing Studies. JRWS will publish essays, research papers, book reviews, and commentary. We believe the problems we will address here are urgent, and that discussion and analysis need to be as widely diffused as possible. Accordingly, we are an open access journal available worldwide without economic barriers for readers or for potential authors. Our first full issue-Issue One-will be published early this year. What we are publishing today we are calling our "Issue Zero." We have asked a dozen scholars to comment on what they consider to be the most compelling questions in right-wing studies today. We believe this provocative series of short essays offers a robust suggestion of what is to come in JRWS. It is a pleasure to welcome you to our initial publication, Issue Zero of the Journal of Right-Wing Studies.

Since the country was first shocked by the Columbine school shootings on April 20, 1999, there have been 337 school shootings. One of the most recent examples was in Uvalde, Texas, where on May 24, 2022, a mass murderer entered Robb Elementary School with a Daniel Defense Armalite Rifle. He fired 140 rounds in total, killing 19 children and 2 teachers. The subsequent review of the actions taken by the independent school district (ISD), local and federal Law Enforcement, the media, and the parents has shown several missteps and lapses in judgment. The greatest threat to future mass murder events in schools is complacency. We explore lessons learned from Uvalde and other school shootings, with an emphasis on steps educators and law enforcement can take to ensure preparedness and reduce the likelihood that tragedies like Uvalde are not repeated. In particular, we explore how educators can combat a false sense of security, and emphasize the "five D's" (deny, deter, detect, delay, and destroy) of security.

Internet-Bestellungen von TANGRAM und anderen Publikationen der EKR: Pour commander TANGRAM et d'autres publications de la CFR par Internet : Per ordinare TANGRAM e altre pubblicazioni della CFR on-line: www.ekr.admin.ch © EKR/CFR Nachdruck von Beiträgen mit Quellenangabe erwünscht; Belegexemplar an die EKR. Reproduction autorisée avec mention de la source ; copie à la CFR. Riproduzione autorizzata con menzione della fonte; copia alla CFR.

In this article, we present results on the identification and behavioral analysis of social bots in a sample of 542,584 Tweets, collected before and after Japan's 2014 general election. Typical forms of bot activity include massive Retweeting and repeated posting of (nearly) the same message, sometimes used in combination. We focus on the second method and present (1) a case study on several patterns of bot activity, (2) methodological considerations on the automatic identification of such patterns and the prerequisite near-duplicate detection, and (3) we give qualitative insights into the purposes behind the usage of social/political bots. We argue that it was in the latency of the semi-public sphere of social media-and not in the visible or manifest public sphere (official campaign platform, mass media)-where Shinzō Abe's hidden nationalist agenda interlocked and overlapped with the one propagated by organizations such as Nippon Kaigi and Internet right-wingers (netto uyo)...

Immigration has unquestionably gained importance in Italian public opinion over the past few years; but what has been its effect on politics? Building on a recent trend in literature, this paper appraises the effect of immigration on the success of far-right parties. We analyze the results of the elections from 2001, when immigration was still marginal, to the last elections held in 2018. Applying time-series-cross-section methods to an original dataset, we find that immigration has had a consistent effect on votes for the far-right. Interestingly, we also show that economic factors likely weigh more on far-right votes than immigration.

This paper applies the concept of generic fascism to post-Soviet Russia's leading extremely rightwing, so-called Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia founded in 1989, and, since then, under the leadership of Vladimir Zhirinovskii. It, first, introduces a notion of fascism as a political religion that can be defined as 'palingenetic ultra-nationalism'. It, second, briefly outlines Zhirinovskii's agenda of the necessity of Russia's 'Last Dash to the South'. Third, it analyzes whether and in which way the fascist criteria of ultra-nationalism and palingenesis relate to Zhirinovskii's plan of the creation of a new Russian empire that would include, apart from the former Soviet republics, also Turkey, Afghanistan and Iran. Finally, the paper briefly discusses implications of a classification of Zhirinovskii's programme as fascist for the international comparative study of the extreme right. Conceptualizing Fascism Arguably, the most important development in recent comparative fascist historiography has been the formulation of a comprehensive hermeneutic interpretation, and related concise definition of generic fascism by Roger Griffin since the 1990s (

The Isles of Deviation" in Populist Rhetorics of Miloš Zeman. This text contributes to current discussion related to political populism. From Zeman's inauguration speech, we deduced three thematic areas (corruption, extremism, media). Based on these issues and using CAQDAS, we examined the correlation between Zeman's rhetoric and theoretical framework of populism. The dataset for our analysis consists of whole Zeman's textual production during his first presidential term. Our effort was focused on how Miloš Zeman creates basic elements of populism (the people, the elites, the others) in relation to corruption, extremism, and media. Our analysis has shown that some basic principles of political populism have been frequently present in his speeches. Contrary to some other quite often cases of overusing of the concept of populism and using this concept without any proper empirical evidence, the main goal of our article was (based on the transparently explained theoretical and methodological framework) to clearly show that Miloš Zeman is populist. Our research can be used as a standpoint for broader comparative research of populism.

This chapter reviews and extends the analysis of mass political murder advanced by Chirot and McCauley, then applies this analysis to understanding and countering terrorism. The justification for this application is that both politicide and terrorism target civilians in the context of asymmetric conflict. Three generalizations emerge. Politicide and terrorism cannot be understood or countered without (i) studying both sides in the conflict, (ii) separate studies of leaders, perpetrators, and mass sympathizers, and (iii) acknowledgment of the threats and grievances perceived by both sides. The chapter concludes with implications for fighting the war of ideas against jihadist and right-wing terrorists.

The study of social problems has long suggested that ideological motivations may fuel "symbolic crusades" (Gusfield 1963) and "moral panics" (Cohen 1972; Critcher et al. 2013; Goode and Ben-Yehuda 1994), generating mass responses out of proportion to the underlying problem they aim to address. A similar approach characterizes constructivist and critical approaches to criminology (DeKeseredy and Dragiewicz 2014; Garland 2001; Schuilenburg, Garland, and Hall 2016) as well as the emerging field of critical terrorism studies (Jackson, Smyth, and Gunning 2009). In this view, security policies and priorities are not direct reflections of relative threats to public safety but are mediated by ideological considerations that heighten the risks associated with some forms of threat and downplay others. With respect to Muslim extremism, arguably the defining threat of the present era, this perspective argues that certain government officials, policy experts, and sectors of the public have exaggerated the scale of the threat, spending fortunes, instituting mass surveillance, and demonizing suspect populations as a result (

Does ideology affect assessment of the threat of violent extremism? A survey of law enforcement agencies in the United States in 2014 offers a comparison suggesting a small but statistically significant effect: Political attitudes were correlated with assessment of threats posed by Muslim extremists, and threat assessment was not correlated with the number of Muslim Americans who had engaged in violent extremism within the agency’s jurisdiction. By contrast, the perceived threat of right-wing terrorism was correlated with the number of incidents of right-wing violence and not with political attitudes. These findings reflect the context of growing polarization of attitudes toward Muslims in the United States as well as the challenge of bringing counterterrorism policies into proportion with the actual scale of violent extremism.

Against the backdrop of globalisation on the one hand and nationalisation on the other, the question of tolerance of ambiguity, i.e. of tolerating cultural ambiguity and vagueness, is of particular importance. This qualitative study investigates what tolerance of ambiguity means in a group of 50 young Turkish Muslims living in Germany. A high tolerance of ambiguity is mentioned much more frequently in the interviews than a low tolerance of ambiguity with tendencies towards (religious) radicalisation. Appreciation of different cultures and lifestyles and a certain resilience to discrimination go hand in hand with a high tolerance of ambiguity. However, it is also possible that despite high tolerance of ambiguity, the corresponding attitudes remain ambivalent. A lack of support, difficult interpersonal conflicts (especially in one's own family), and a turn to religion occur together with expressions of low ambiguity tolerance. The casuistic representations deepen the impression that high ambiguity tolerance is favoured in triadically structured families functioning as a collective, whereas early traumatic experiences and emotional distance in crises promote low ambiguity tolerance, especially in adolescence. The results underline the importance of high tolerance of ambiguity on the part of both the host country and the migrants.

How to cite Complete issue More information about this article Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Scientific Information System Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative

Far-right parties have been increasingly spreading throughout Europe since 1980s; they have attracted the attention of many voters, especially the youth and the workers by campaigning against immigration and multiculturalism. Through an anti-establishment approach, these parties have become mainly mistrustful of the mainstream politics articulating themselves as the true voice of the people and the only alternative to the status quo; the far-right parties have been able to distance themselve from traditional fascism and adopt a populist approach and have become a rising forcein many European countries. The current paper aims to explore the status of far-right parties in European countries; it studies both the electoral victory of this movement and its consequences, and compares the condition of these parties across the European countries. Finally, the social status of far-right parties will be examined together with demographic variables of age, gender, social class and education.

der Menschen ist stets mit Risiken verbunden.D as ist nichterst seit »Murphy's Law« bekannt, gemäß dem alles schief geht, was schief gehen kann. Das Spektrumreichtvon individuellen Risiken, beginnend mit der bloßen Existenz aufErden, überExtremfälle, wiedas Risikoe ines Raumfluges zum Mondoder Mars, bis hin zu kollektiven Risiken wieder Auslöschung allen Lebens aufder Erdedurch einen eskalierenden thermonuklearen Konflikt oder durch die Kollision unseres Planeten mit einem anderen Himmelskörper.D er Schutz vor Gefahren und damit Sicherheit als Bedingung unbeschadeter menschlicher Existenz gehören daher zu den menschlichen Grundbedürfnissen (Maslow1 943, S. 388-389). Es überraschtn icht, dass dem Thema Sicherheit, insbesonderer isikobezogener Sicherheit, individuell wiek ollektiv,g roßeA ufmerksamkeit zuteil wird,nichtzuletzt in der Forschung.Inden verschiedenen Wissenschaften werden viele Facetten vonS icherheit untersucht, nichts elten werden im Hinblick aufd ie Organisation vonR isikou nd Sicherheit (Hardy/ Maguire2016) verschiedene Auffassungen des Wo rtes Sicherheit zugrunde gelegt. Im mathematisch-entscheidungstheoretischen Sinne etwa beschreibtd er Begriff eine Erwartungsbewertung eines Zustands vonGewissheit und damit das Gegenteil vonU ngewissheit (z. B. Kahnemann/Tversky 1982)-e ine »sichere« Zukunftsbeurteilung. In der Politikwissenschafthingegen herrschtnach wievor keine Einmütigkeit darüber, was unter Sicherheit genauzuverstehen sei, zumal das Wo rt zu einer Allerweltsformel fürvielfältige Diskussionszusammenhänge *U niv.-Prof. Dr.G eroH och, UniversitätS iegen, FakultätI II (Wirtschaftswissenschaften-Wirtschaftsinformatik-W irtschaftsrecht), vormals Lehrstuhlf ü rU nternehmensrechnung.

This review presents the existing research on the role of the Internet in radicalization processes. Using a systematic literature search strategy, our paper yields 88 studies on the role of the Internet in a) right-wing extremism and b) radical jihadism. Available studies display a predominant interest in the characteristics of radical websites and a remarkable absence of a user-centred perspective. They show that extremist groups make use of the Internet to spread right wing or jihadist ideologies, connect like-minded others in echo chambers and cloaked websites, and address particularly marginalized individuals of a society, with specific strategies for recruitment. Existing studies have thus far not sufficiently examined the users of available sites, nor have they studied the causal mechanisms that unfold at the intersection between the Internet and its users. The present review suggests avenues for future research, drawing on media and violence research and research on social id...

On the afternoon of July 22, 2011, a white Norwegian killed seventy-seven people in and around Oslo. A majority of those killed where Social Democratic youth, camping on the island of Utøya. Dressed as a Norwegian policeman, Anders Behring Breivik took the ferry over to the island and shot sixty-nine children with a pistol and a semi-automatic gun. The weapons were carved with Rune names and dedicated to Thor and Odin, the war gods in Norse mythology. About ninety minutes before the attacks, Breivik had published a 1,500-page manifesto on the Internet, urging radical nationalists in Europe to defend Christianity by fighting back Islamic migration, multiculturalism, and feminism. I propose to analyze how a new project linking "Christian and pagan" was launched through the Oslo massacres. I also make a distinction between the sacrificial aspects of a bloody massacre, and the nonbloody acts of love that manifested among surviving youth at Utøya, and ask if these contrary acts express, or at least involve, two radically different ways of doing religion.

This article focuses on the controversial and infamous behavior of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro in the public sphere. Based on an understanding that there exists something specific in relation to his strategy of rhetorical mobilization and the discursive domination related to broader dynamics in the Brazilian public sphere, we seek to analyze here the use of what we consider to be a 'dominant counterpublicity'.

Sweden has a history of a stable party system, democracy, consensus, welfare and few labour market conflicts. But after the election in 2014, the Ludvika municipality in Sweden found itself in an unusual situation: a representative from a neo-Nazi party – the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) – held a seat in its local political council. The party, and its movement, are the most prominent representative of violent white supremacy in Sweden, known not least for its fear-mongering tactics. Between November 1, 2017 and August 31, 2018, Dalarna University conducted a study using questionnaires and interviews within the Ludvika municipality to investigate the sense of safety felt by elected representatives of both the political council and the municipal boards. An anticipated result might have been that the NRM presence in the municipal assembly has strongly impacted on the politicians’ sense of safety – and also has increased political tensions. To a certain extent, this proved to be the...

Lehava is an Israeli extreme right-wing organization dedicated to fighting intermarriage and especially preventing Arab men from courting Jewish women. This article presents the results of an ethnographic research on Lehava. The organization is examined in the context of growing Jewish ethno-nationalism in Israel and the contingent development of new urban extreme right-wing movements. The research presents an initial foray into this field. Lehava brings together traditional Mizrahim, teenagers from the margins of Haredi society, and the extreme right-wing fringes of Religious Zionism. The elements that attract members of these various groups are described, especially the patriarchal notion that religious and national honor is lost when Jewish women have sexual relations with Arab men. Lehava's positioning between extreme right-wing movements and religious organizations is explained. It is suggested that local elements including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Israeli ethnic and class relations play a role in shaping this phenomenon, and that it is also comparable to similar cases occurring in the context of postcolonial national and religious struggles.