Quranic and Islamic Studies

In Q. 5:64, the Qur'an accuses the Jews of describing God as a deity with a chained (maghlūla) hand, a charge the Qur'an understands as indicating divine miserliness. However, a foray into Jewish teachings reveals that no such statement of God's niggardliness can be found in the Jewish tradition. While scholars have suggested Psalms 72:11
and Lamentations 2:3 as possible sources, in both the image is of a deity withdrawing His military might, not His financial bounty. Insistence on these as the inspiration behind the Qur'an's words ignores the substance of the Qur'an's claim.

This article argues instead that Q. 5:64 is reacting to a midrashic motif embedded in a liturgical poem (piyyut) recited on the Ninth of Av, the day commemorating the destruction of the First and Second Temples. Here God chains His own hand in empathy with the exiled and traumatised captives, a move also understood as guaranteeing Israel's eventual
redemption. Additionally, I argue that the Qur'anic transmutation of this image into one that concerns finances is intentional. In turning the midrashic declaration of God's continued relationship with Israel into a blasphemous accusation of parsimoniousness, the Qur'an argues against the continued Jewish understanding of themselves as
God's favoured.

This essay examines the ideas of a prominent Indonesian cleric, Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah (Hamka), about the place of women in Islam and in Southeast Asian Muslim societies. I argue that Hamka was engaged in the project of “recasting gendered paradigms,” which involves reinterpreting, reconceptualizing and reconfiguring various dominant understandings about the roles, functions and responsibilities of women in Islam as reflected not only in the Qur’an and the adat (traditional customs), but also in modern discourses about women’s empowerment. I show that Hamka’s commitment to advocating for women’s rights and critiquing prevailing ideas about the place of women in religion and society was a product both of his personal experiences and of the profound social and intellectual shifts that characterized his day and age.

The Qur’an commentary Anwār al-tanzīl of al-Bayḍāwī (d. 719/1319) was one of the most important works
of the Islamic religious tradition. As a universally adopted Sunni text for teaching tafsīr, it was ubiquitous,
read even in Safavid Iran. This was a work used by all Sunni schools, and as such was beyond the legal
divisions of madhāhib. The history of this work is, however, uncharted. This article follows the trajectory of
this work and traces the history of its rise to predominance, when and why it was adopted, and how the new
significance it gained after the ninth/fifteenth century was projected back to the period it was written. It
explores how the Anwār replaced al-Zamakhsharī’s (d. 538/1144) al-Kashshāf in scholarly circles in Cairo
before going on to gain universalised authority in the Ottoman realms. Following this, I address the
deep-rooted connections that existed between the scholars of Cairo and Istanbul, and how late Mamluk
developments in Cairo came to full fruition in Istanbul. The eclipse of the Anwār by the Qur’an commentary
of Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1372) in the twentieth century is also outlined, and a list of the published glosses of
Anwār is supplied in an appendix.

This article examines tafsir (interpretation of the Qurʾān) - translation relationship in the example of the translation of verse 184 of the Surat al-Baqara into Turkish. Undoubtedly, when the verses are translated into another language, it is necessary to reflect to translate what the first interlocutors understood from them. The fact that the rules (hukm) in some verses were repealed (naskh) or allocated (takhsis) later does not change this requirement. In verse 184 of surat al-Baqara, those who can afford to fast but choose not to fast are ordered to pay ransom (fidya) for every day, that is, to pay the daily amount to feed a poor person. According to the detailed information and rumors in the tafsir literature; this rule was applied when the fast was made obligatory (fard) for the first time, and then it was abrogated. However, this practice, which was canceled for healthy and unexcused people, remained as a permission (rukhṣa) for those who were too old and sick to fast. Both the narrations conveyed from the companions (sahaba) and the general opinions of the mufassirs confirm the abrogation of this rule and that it remains a rukhṣa. The fact that the situation is described as naskh or takhsis does not make a difference in terms of transferring the verse to Turkish or another language. The verses on the subject were examined in the light of the most basic tafsir sources. To give an example that reflects the general opinion; It is stated in the thirty-five narrations reported by Tabari from the companions and tābiʿūn that the 184th verse expresses the option (takhyir) of not fasting in return for fidya for those who can fast. This option has been canceled in the next verse but it has remained for, -some people with special conditions-, as the elderly who cannot afford to fast, pregnant women and breastfeeding women who worry about harm to themselves or their childrens. According to the qirāʾa that is ","وعلى الذين يُط َّوقونه it is said that the verse is not abrogated, it is meant for old men and women. But as emphasized by Abū Ḥayyān, it is understood that this qirāʾa is not actually a qirāʾa but a kind of interpretation of the expression "َُ  " َو َعلَى الَّ ِذي َن َ يُ ِطيق َُونَهin terms of rukhṣa. Therefore, the claim that it has not been repealed is probably due to the continued practice of fiqh. On the other hand, also rational evidence shows that the right to choose (takhyir), which was given initially, was later repealed. For example, in verse 184, it is stated that those who are sick and travelers should perform fasting on other days with the expression " َ فَ َمن َ َكا َن َ ِمن ُكم َ َم ِري ًضا أَو َ َعلَى َسفَر َ فَ ِع َّدة َ ِمن ;"أَيَّام َ أُ َخ َرThe same issue is stated in verse 185 with the expression " َ َو َمن َ َكا َن َ َم ِري ًضا أَو َ َعلَى َسفَر َ فَ ِع َّدة ." ِمن َ أَيَّام َ أُ َخ َرThe repetition in question shows that the two verses were sent not together but at different times. This state of affairs confirms that the second verse has repealed the right of choosing (takhyir) in first one. In addition, as Imam Māturīdi's determined by hit, if those who cannot endure fasting were meant in verse 184, it would be unwise to call these people at the end of the verse as "However, that you fast is better for you, if you only knew!" In the overwhelming majority of Turkish translations of the Qurʾān, it is seen that there is no emphasis on the meaning of the verse when it was first sent. Even the expression “Upon those who are able to fast ...” in the verse is translated as “Upon those who aren’t able to fast...”. Whereas it is more consistent and appropriate to reflect the literal meaning of the verse in the translation and explain the situation with additional notes. In this way, it will be understood that two verses that contain the same words and come one after another are sent different times and about different things, hence the reader will be given accurate information. In the nearly thirty examples of translations in the article, it is seen that the translations belonging to Mehmet Akif and Süleyman Tevfik and the translation of the delegation chaired by Hüseyin Kazım are in full harmony with the data in tafsir literature and the general opinion of mufassirs. Rifat Börekçi, the first president of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Turkey, has criticized the translation committee headed by Hüseyin Kazım extremely harshly. Then, with the choice made by Elmalılı Hamdi, almost the direction of the wind changed and the translators could not surpass it. Although there have been some translations in line with the text of the verse, the relevant explanations of these authors reveal that they did not understand the issue  in detail and did not make a conscious translation. Meantime the analysis made in the aforementioned verse example shows that reliable translations cannot be made without referring
to detailed tafsir information and therefore a correct Qurʾān translation is often not possible without tafsir.
/////////////////////
Bu makale, Bakara sûresi 184. âyetin Türkçeye aktarımı örneğinde tefsir-meâl ilişkisine dâir bir incelemeyi içermektedir. Şüphesiz ki âyetler başka bir dile aktarılırken evvelemirde ilk muhatapların ondan ne anladığını yansıtmak gerekmektedir. Bazı âyetlerdeki hükümlerin
daha sonra nesh yahut tahsis edilmiş olması bu gerekliliği değiştirmez. Bakara sûresi 184. âyette, oruç tutmaya güç yetirebilen kimselerin oruç tutmamayı tercih ettikleri takdirde her gün için fidye vermeleri, yani bir fakirin günlük doyacağı miktarı ödemeleri emredilmiştir. Tefsir literatüründe yer alan detaylı bilgi ve rivâyetlere göre bu hüküm orucun ilk farz kılındığı zaman uygulanmış daha sonra yürürlükten kaldırılmıştır. Ne var ki sıhhatli ve mazeretsiz kimseler için iptal edilen bu uygulama oruç tutamayacak kadar yaşlı ve hasta kimseler için
ruhsat olarak baki kalmıştır. Gerek sahâbeden aktarılan rivâyetler gerekse müfessir âlimlerin hâkim kanaatleri hükmün neshedildiğini ve ruhsat olarak kaldığını teyit etmektedir. Durumun nesh yahut tahsis olarak nitelenmesi âyetin Türkçe’ye veya başka bir dile aktarımı açısından bir fark oluşturmamaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında, ilgili âyetler en temel tefsir kaynakları ışığında incelenmiştir. Genel kanaati yansıtan bir örnek vermek gerekirse; Taberî’nin
sahâbeden ve tâbiûn âlimlerinden naklettiği otuz beş rivâyette, 184. âyetin oruç tutabilecek olan kimseler için fidye karşılığında oruç tutmama seçeneğini ifâde ettiği belirtilmiştir. Bu seçenek bir sonraki âyetle genel anlamda iptal edilmiş ancak oruca güç yetiremeyen yaşlılar,
kendilerine yahut çocuklarına bir zarar endişesi duyan hamileler ve emziren kadınlar gibi özel şartları bulunan bazı kimseler için baki kalmıştır. “ ”وعلى الذين يُط َّوقونهkıraatine göre ise âyetin mensûh olmadığı, yaşlı erkek ve kadınların kastedildiği söylenmiştir fakat Ebû Hayyân’ın vurguladığı üzere bu kıraatin aslında kıraat olmayıp baki kalan ruhsat itibâriyle “َُ  ” َو َعلَى الَّ ِذي َن َ يُ ِطيقُونَهifâdesinin bir nevi tefsiri olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Mensûh olmadığının söylenmesi de muhtemelen süregelen fıkhî uygulama sebebiyledir. Öte yandan aklî deliller de ilk başta verilen tahyir hakkının daha sonra iptal edildiğini göstermektedir. Örneğin 184. âyette
hasta ve yolcu olanların tutamadıkları orucu başka günlerde tutmaları “ فَ َمن َ َكا َن َ ِمن ُكم َ َم ِري ًضا أَو َ َعلَى” َو َمن َ َكا َن َ َم ِري ًضا أَو َ َعلَى َسفَر َ فَ ِع َّدة َ ِمن َ أَيَّام َ أُ َخ َر َ“ َ ” cümlesiyle; 185. âyette yine aynı hususسفَر َ فَ ِع َّدة َ ِمن َ أَيَّام َ أُ َخ َر َ cümlesiyle bildirilmiştir. Kanaatimizce söz konusu tekrar iki âyetin beraber değil farklı zamanlarda nâzil olduğunu göstermektedir. Bu durum ise ikinci âyetin ilk âyetteki tahyîr hakkını iptal ettiğini teyit etmektedir. Ayrıca İmam Mâturîdî’nin isâbetle yaptığı tespit üzere şayet 184. âyette oruca dayanamayacak olanlar kastedilseydi âyet sonunda bu kimselere “oruç tutmanız sizin için daha hayırlıdır” denilmesi hikmetsiz olurdu. Türkçe Kur’ân çevirilerinin
kâhir ekseriyetinde âyetin ilk nâzil olduğu zaman ifâde ettiği anlama herhangi bir vurgunun yapılmadığı görülmektedir. Hatta âyette yer alan “Ona (oruca) gücü yetenlerin...” ifadesi çoğunlukla “Ona (oruca) gücü yetmeyenlerin...” diye çevrilmiştir. Oysaki âyetin lafzî anlamının çeviriye yansıtılıp ek notlarla durumun izah edilmesi daha tutarlı ve uygundur. Böylelikle aynı lafızları içeren ve peş peşe gelen iki âyetin farklı zamanlarda indiği ve farklı şeylerden bahsettiği anlaşılmış, okuyucuya da doğru bilgi verilmiş olacaktır. Makalede yer alan otuza yakın meâl örneğinde Mehmet Âkif ve Süleyman Tevfîk’e ait olan çevirilerle Hüseyin Kâzım’ın başkanlık ettiği heyet çevirisinin tefsir literatüründeki verilerle ve müfessirlerin genel kanaatiyle
tam bir uyum içinde olduğu görülmektedir. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin ilk Diyanet İşleri Başkanı olan Rifat Börekçi, Hüseyin Kâzım’ın şahsında âyetin bu şekilde yapılan çevirisini son derece sert bir şekilde eleştirmiş; sonraları Elmalılı’nın yaptığı tercihle birlikte âdetâ rüzgârın
yönü değişmiş ve meâl yazarları onu aşamamıştır. Her ne kadar âyetin lafzına uygun çeviri yapanlar olmuşsa da bu yazarların ilgili açıklamaları meselenin künhüne vâkıf olamadıklarını ve bilinçli bir çeviri yapmadıklarını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu arada söz konusu âyet örneğindeyapılan analiz, detaylı tefsir bilgilerine müracaat edilmeksizin sağlıklı çevirilerin yapılamayacağını; dolayısıyla tefsir olmaksızın doğru bir meâlin de çoğu zaman mümkün olamayacağını göstermektedir.

This article aims to explain the ideas and the significance of Dr. Bilal Philips, a prominent 'Salafi'preacher, a major proponent of Neo-Traditional Salafism, and how his writings and activities can aid us in understanding the dynamics regarding the nature of Salafism in the West as a discursive tradition with deep roots in the Islamic intellectual history, as well as an element of global Salafi movements. As such, the article focuses primarily on identifying and analyzing Philips' ideas on what constitutes a proper approach to interpreting the Qur'¯ an and Sunna in the light of the Islamic legal and exegetical tradition. After discussing the reasons why the ideas of Philips are significant for understanding Salafism in the West, the article focuses on his views on the conceptual relationship between sunna and had¯ ıth, the broader hermeneutic characterization of the main four Sunni schools of thought (madh¯ ahib), and issues pertaining to the correct methodology of Qur'¯ anic exegesis (tafs¯ ır). The article also discusses the internal factionalism and the contentedness of the category of Salafism among western Salafis by examining one critique levelled at Philips by his fellow Salafis residing in the West, with the view of not only understanding and situating the views of Philips more accurately but also to provide an avenue to understand the internal Salafi dynamics in the West in particular.

Fig and olive are two fruits that have always taken their place in human life since ancient times. Due to the their benefits, they have become indispensable for humans in terms of food, self-care and health. These fruits, whose homeland is roughly the Mediterranean basin, have influenced the regions where they grow culturally, and shaped the traditions and customs of the people living there. In this sense, they have gained a culture building qualification. However, it is possible to see the effects of these two fruits on people's religious lives. As a matter of fact, while the names of these fruits are frequently encountered in the holy books belonging to the heavenly religions, they are also mentioned in our Almighty book, not only that, but both of them are sworn by Allah, and even the word "Tin" is given as a name for a surah. All these show that these two fruits have a religious significance. When all these are taken into consideration, it becomes clear that these two fruits should also be considered in the Quranic plan. Aside from the fact that there are many tafsir studies on the Surah of Tîn, the lack of an independent research on these has prompted us to address this issue. In this research, it will be tried to reveal the place and meaning of fig and olive fruits in human life from past to present, as well as the reasons why they are considered important enough to be sworn in the Quran.

It was one of the most  important characteristics of the Ottoman Empire that the Sufi  tradition  was  adopted  by  the  people  through  many  large  and  small  sects (tariqats).  There  is  no  doubt  that  tasawwuf  itself  has  been  the  most  dominant cultural code of the state-nation integration  that kept the Ottoman Empire alive for six centuries. Within this framework, we can say that the part of the Ottoman scholars  which  is  not  related  to  the  tasawwuf  is  almost  absent  in  the  general population.  Imam Taqiyyuddīn Muhammad  Birgivī is the scholar  who lived in the last part of period that known the “Rising Period of the Ottoman Empire”. It is known that Birgivī was considered as one of the most prominent scholars in his own time,  also extremely distinguished, honest and uncompromising in his religious  and  moral  character.  It  is  understood  that  Birgivī,  like  many  other Ottoman  scholars (ulamas),  has  benefited  from  the  tasawwuf  very  highly.  His father’s grandfather, Sheikh Lutfullah, is the caliph of Haci Bayram-i Velī one of the  famous  sufis.  It  is  also  known  that  Birgivī  is  a  member  of  the  same  tariqa (Bayramiyya). Imam Birgivī, who produced works in many fields, especially Arabic Language and Fiqh, also has a tafsir covering the first ninety-eight verses of the Surah alBaqara.  This tafsir is the only work in his field of tafsir (Quranic exegesis).
This work  contains  important  data  about  his  attitude  towards  both  tasawwuf  and sufi (ishari) tafsir/ta’wil. The study of tahqīq on this tafsir by Abdourrahmaan b. Sālih b. Sulaiman ad-Dahsh is a master thesis. This study, which was accepted in the  University  of  Imam Muhammed  (Saudi  Arabia/Riyadh)  was  published  in 2004 under the name of “Muqaddimatu’l-Mufassirīn”.  In this study, microfilms of the two copies of Medina Islamic University were used and it was stated that the original was in al-Madrasah al-Mahmudiyyah in Medina. The work is also called “Tafsīru Surah al-Baqara” and “Tafsīru’l-Qur’an al-Karim”. In  this  paper,  ishari  ta’wils  and  sufi  commentaries  of  Birgivī  are  examined.Birgivī,  who  strongly  criticized  the  false  sufis  who  abused  the  tasawwuf, especially stated that the  members of the  Ibāhiyya  were denialist and deviant.Because the Ibāhiyya, some of whom appear to be Sufi but are so deviated, have rejected compulsory worship such as prayer (salah)  and fasting (sawm).  In fact, according  to  them,  a  perfect  Sufis  cannot  sin  in  terms  of its  spiritual  structure because even his acts which seem illegitimate should be understood differently.
In terms of this line, it is seen that Birgivī, who is supposed t he  against to the tasawwuf (sufism) by some, has confirmed the true sufis and even influenced by the  wahdat  al-wujud,  which  is  identified  with  the  thought  system  of  Ibn  al-‘Arabī. In fact, this is not surprising because the work entitled “Dafʻu Mataʻin alSūfiyyah”  which  belongs  to  Akshamsaddin  and  defends  Ibn  al-ʻArabī  shows that  the  members  of  the  Bayramiyya  are  not  foreign  to  the  wahdat  al-wujud concept.We briefly record one of several examples (al-Baqara/27) on the subject from this short tafsir of Birgivī and refer the enthusiasts to the detailed reading: “Merging things  that  are  apparently  separate;  it  is  possible  by  seeing  that  the  kasrat (multiplicity)  is  a  relative  kasrat,  and  that  there  is  a  genuine  wahdat  (unity).However,  they  oppose  this  order  and  believe  in  the  fact  that  the  Wahid  who have  a  genuine  wahdat  is  the  Kathir.  Thus,  they  obscure  the  wahdat  with  the kasrat.  They  do  not  gather  different  things  together;  on  the  contrary,  by breaking up the collective, they break what Allah commanded unification. Thus, they  damage  and  corrupt  the  worshiping  fields  of  those  who  cannot  see  the wahdat of the being.” We do not know in detail how and to what extent Imam Birgivī has adopted the view  of  wahdat  al-wujud  but  his  ishari  ta'wil  which  is  mentioned  here  as  an example makes references directly to the idea of wahdat al-wujud. According to him, the spiritual sign (isharat) in the verse commands to avoid drowning in the kasrat (multiplicity) and to combine the everything with the wahdat (unity). In four  different places of Imam Birgivī’s tafsir (27, 28, 67 and 68th verses  of the chapther  al-Bakara),  he  gave  a  place  to  ishari  ta'wils  (interpretations).  In  this case,  in  terms  of  numerically,  it  can  be  said  once  in  every  twenty-five  verses have  been  made  ishari  ta’wil.  From  here,  we  can conclude  that  if  Birgivī  had written  a  tafsir  explaining  the  whole  of  the  Qur’an,  it  would  be  possible  to encounter his two hundred and fifty ishari ta’wils.  This figure is not a figure to be underestimated  at  all.  In  our  opinion,  if  such  a  complete  tafsir  had  been written, then we might have counted it as an ishari tafsir now. His stance on this issue means confirmation of ishari ta’wil in tafsir.  Moreover, this posture is a response to those who accuse the sufi mufassirs by  being part of deviant Bātiniyya.  On the other hand, Birgivī’s approach to the subject; It is one of the rare examples of the attitude that should be demonstrated by a principled scholar.
/////////////////
Tasavvuf geleneğinin halk tarafından birçok irili ufaklı tarikatlarla özümsenmiş olması  Osmanlı  Devleti’nin  en  önemli  özelliklerinden  biriydi.  Şüphesiz  ki Osmanlı’yı  altı  asır  boyu  ayakta  tutan  devlet-millet  bütünleşmesinin  en  başat kültürel  kodlarını  oluşturan  şey  de  tasavvufun  bizzat  kendisi  olmuştur.  Bu çerçevede Osmanlı ulemâsının tasavvufla ilgisiz olan kısmı umum yekûn içinde yok denecek kadar azdır. Osmanlı Devleti’nin “Yükselme Dönemi” diye anılan
zaman  diliminin  son  kısmında  yaşamış  âlimlerden  biri  de  İmam  Takiyyüddîn Muhammed  Birgivî’dir.  Başta  Arap  Dili  ve  Fıkıh  olmak  üzere  pek  çok  alanda eser veren müellifin Fâtiha ile birlikte Bakara sûresinin ilk doksan sekiz âyetini kapsayan bir tefsiri de bulunmaktadır. Birgivî’nin diğer pek çok Osmanlı âlimi gibi  tasavvuftan  oldukça  üst  seviyede  istifade  etmiş  olduğu  anlaşılmaktadır. Babasının  dedesi  Şeyh  Lütfullah,  meşhur  sûfîlerden  Hacı  Bayram-ı  Velî’nin halifesidir.  Kendisinin  de  aynı  tarikatın  (Bayramiyye)  müntesibi  olduğu bilinmektedir.  Bu  makalede  Birgivî’nin,  bahsi  geçen  tefsirindeki  tasavvufî-işârî te’vîl  ve  yorumları  incelenmiştir.  Tasavvuf  yolunu  istismar  eden  sahte  sûfîleri sert  bir  şekilde  eleştiren  Birgivî,  özellikle  İbâhiyye  mensuplarının  küfür  ve dalâlette  olduğunu  belirtmektedir.  Bu  yönüyle  kimileri  tarafından  tasavvufa karşı  olduğu  zannedilen  müellifin  istikamet  üzere  olan  mutasavvıfları benimsediği  hatta  İbnü’l-Arabî’nin  düşünce  sistemi  ile  özdeşleşen  vahdet-i vücûddan  bile  etkilendiği  görülmektedir.  Onun  mevcut  tavrı,  tefsirde  işârî
te’vîli  tasdik  mahiyetindedir.  Dahası,  bu  duruş  işârî  te’vîl  yapan  sûfî
müfessirleri  sapkın  “Bâtınîlik”le  itham  edenlere  verilmiş  fiilî  bir  cevap
niteliğindedir.

Arab World English Journal (AWEJ) Special Issue on Translation No.4 May, 2015     
                                                                                                                                                                    Pp. 295-306





Two English Translations of Arabic Metaphors in the Holy Qura’n

Mohammad Alshehab
Jadara University-Jordan




Abstract
Metaphor is an expression in everyday life in languages to compare between two dissimilar things. It signifies a situation in which the unfamiliar is expressed in terms of the familiar. In addition, it is a central concept in literary studies. The present paper aims at investigating metaphors imbedded in two translations of Holy Quran (HQ). The first is the Translation of the Meanings of the Noble Qur'an in the English Language by Mohammad Al Hilali and Mohammad Khan, and the second is the English Translation of the Holy Qura’n by Talal Itani. The researcher selected (10) Holy Verses metaphors to be analyzed and investigated. Metaphor types were categorized by an assessment of the two translations followed by a discussion between the two versions of translation.
Key words: Holy Qura’n, holy Verses, metaphor, metaphor types.

The Taʾwīlāt ahl al-sunna of al-Māturīdī, an exegete contemporaneous with al-Ṭabarī, is now available in three editions; we have no excuse for not consulting it. But the issue is not merely a matter of inspecting yet another of the Qur'an commentaries available. Rather, as will become apparent in this article, we have in the work of al-Māturīdī a fundamental early work that will revolutionise how we understand the development of the genre of tafsīr in medieval Islam. Recognising the central significance of the Taʾwīlāt will allow us to incorporate it as a major source alongside al-Ṭabarī, and will have profound implications for how we have been studying al-Ṭabarī and tafsīr as a whole. Tafsīr seen through the Taʾwīlāt al-Qurʾān looks different; it was pursued differently and speaks to a manner of doing tafsīr that al-Ṭabarī pretended did not exist. Al-Ṭabarī’s work must be read alongside al-Māturīdī’s: only then will we be able to fully grasp the significance of what al-Ṭabarī achieved. When read in this light, al-Ṭabarī is shown to be far more ideological, far more radical in his work, than we have hitherto realised. He was not gathering the Sunnī collective memory so much as reshaping it. Therefore, his work should be regarded as a representative of one particular type of tafsīr activity, rather than as the epitome of mainstream Sunnī Qur'an interpretation.

In early quranic Manuscripts the name of the prophet ʾIbrā hı ̄m occurs in two different spellings either ‫ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﺮ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ or ‫ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﺮ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫ﻴ‬ ‫ﻢ‬. These two spellings are spread haphazardly throughout the Quran. Close examination of the patterns in the manuscript, however, show that the distribution of this spelling is not random or up to the whims of the scribe. The location where one spelling or the other occurs is highly correlated across the early manuscripts. Moreover, the location of one spelling or the other is highly correlated to where the quranic reader Hišā m reads the name as ʾIbrā hā m or ʾIbrā hı ̄m. This paper argues that this is not because these manuscripts have been written in the reading of Hišā m, but rather that Hišā m based his reading on the rasm of the quranic text.

One of the many quranic terms whose meaning has long vexed the minds of traditional Muslim commentators and students of the secular discipline of quranic studies alike is the word al-raqīm, a hapax legomenon that appears in Qur’ān 18:9, at the beginning of the story of the ‘companions of the cave’. The present study aims to show that this term is a toponym that should be identified with Petra, the capital of the ancient kingdom of Nabataea.

There has been a trend in recent scholarship on the Qur'an to downplay the role of Muḥ ammad in delivering and preaching the Qur'an, such that one is presented with an almost disembodied Qur'an, a Qur'an that has no relationship to the career of Muḥ ammad, and is even without a relationship to a specific locale. This approach to the Qur'an is sometimes expressed radically (Muḥ ammad did not exist!) or covertly (by ignoring the role of his character as an element in the explication of the Qur'anic text). Milder versions of this position state that there is not much to know about the relationship between Muḥ ammad and the Qur'an. The disappearing of Muḥ ammad from the Qur'an, and the pretence that it has no preacher, allow for a radical rereading of the Qur'an, such that one can then claim not only that it is an outgrowth of a Christian preaching environment but that the Qur'an's main audience was a Biblically-saturated (or a Christian or Halakhic-inclined) community. Mecca disappears (for some, literally) from the map, and Muḥ ammad becomes, if not a legendary figure, inconsequential. 1 Yet this is not the only reason to revisit the topic of Muḥ ammad in the Qur'an: most Qur'an specialists take (and have always taken) the historical existence of Muḥ ammad as a given, and so nowadays do most of the radical revisionists. There is actually a more serious issue at hand. Our Fragestellung about what the Qur'an has to tell us about Muḥ ammad is deeply problematic. It is what I call biographically conceived, seeking to reconstruct a life of Muḥ ammad in the manner of a nineteenth-century outline of the bourgeois comprehensive and comprehensible life. Having cast the Sīra nabawiyya aside, our turn to the Qur'an has proven disappointing, entailing a total disregard of what we could learn about Muḥ ammad from the Qur'an. 2 The Qur'an is unlike the Gospels, we are repeatedly told; there is no sustained biography of Muḥ ammad there to be found; and no chronological order is discernible in the ordering of its parts. Indeed, the mantra that the Qur'an does not tell us much about Muḥ ammad is now a truism in

This article is an attempt to elaborate the phenomenon of equilibrium prevailing everywhere in the microcosmic and macrocosmic systems associated with universal stability and rhythm. It has been accentuated what is beautifully illuminated in the beginning verses of Sūrah Al-Rahmān successively regarding balance that invites one’s thought towards the well controlled cosmic system as well as with the concept of balance by means of different manners as identified by exegetes and scholars concerning daily life i.e. from simple and common to that of complex issues and intricacies. Qualitative method has been employed for this research while some aspects have also been handled in accordance with quantitative approach. Article also emphasized the series of cause and effect nexus may be declared as self explanatory episode an indication towards a Supreme Force whose widespread control and interference can’t be denied rationally. Sūrah beautifully pictured the physical and metaphysical sketch of balance having many dimensions from man to universe and vice versa as well as from both towards Ultimate Reality whose dominion is limitless where one has to follow peaceful living and to put oneself aside indulging any disruption from ordinary clash to that of nuclear war to be waged.
Keywords: Sūrah Al-Rahmān, Balance (al-Mīzān), Science, Cause and Effect
Nexus, Tranquility, Ultimate Reality

In the mid-90s, Lebanon’s Hezbollah movement and the Iranian Ayatollah Khamene’i both banned bloody forms of self-flagellation such as tatbir (cutting the forehead with a sword), calling them backward and un-Islamic. They argued that Shi‘a Muslims ought to imitate Husayn by actively fighting against oppressors rather than passively mourning Husayn’s martyrdom. This prohibition has not been unanimously applied in all Muslim
countries, including Syria, where such practices persisted until the Arab Spring (when virtually all Shi‘a Muslims left the shrine-town where these practices were performed). By closely reading the linguistic, conceptual, and juridical discourses that circulated in Syria in order to justify this position, the paper shows that the performers of tatbir conceived of these rituals in revolutionary, rather than reactionary, terms. By examining the performance and reception of flagellation processions in terms of differing modalities of affect, the paper opens up spaces for rethinking ‘revolution’ and ‘redemption’ in contemporary Twelver Shi‘ism.

This article aims to explore emerging trends for the Sunni religious elite and the Islamic legal tradition in the new context of the Arab Uprisings by focusing on Yusuf al-Qaradawi, arguably the most prominent of these ʿulamāʾ alive today. The article will follow al-Qaradawi’s articulation, transmission and reconstruction of the Islamic legal tradition in his own discourse as he has attempted to negotiate the politically fraught contexts of the Arab Uprisings while also maintaining his horizontal commitments to a diverse base of supporters be they the wider Arab Muslim public, the Muslim Brotherhood or indeed the Qatari royal family. The article will focus on al-Qaradawi’s highly publicised interventions and fatwas in relation to Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, and Syria from the perspective of Islamic studies, and also draw on personal interviews with al-Qaradawi, his personal staff, as well as supplementary media. In so doing, the article will elucidate al-Qaradawi and his colleagues’ attempts, ranging from the highly creative to the markedly conservative, to respond to unfolding events through the legal tradition and play an increasingly active role in the public sphere while their own status simultaneously becomes ever more vulnerable and unstable.

This paper deals with the issue of women's full or partial access to the mosque from 610-925. This period is divided into two timeframes. The first, 610-34, consists mainly of the time in which the Prophet was active in Makkah and Mad¥nah. The second, 634-925, is the period beginning with`Umar's reign to the time when the îad¥th literature was written down and set into the well-known compilations. Two types of evidence are examined for both periods: material and textual records. Material records consist of the layout of the various mosques, where the existence or absence of dividing walls or separate entrances could be important clues. Textual records consist mainly of the Qur'an and hadith literature.

For centuries Muslims have asked whether the Qurʾan should be recited and memorized first and foremost, or whether one must prioritize understanding the meaning of its complex language. What is the best way to encounter God's Word? To explore this question, a women's Qurʾan lesson in a slum of Old Cairo illustrates modern Muslim anxieties over the place of discursive meaning in encounters with the Qurʾan. This article elaborates the concept of affirmation as an analytic to grasp how the women relate to the truth of revelation. Affirmation is a performative and discursive her-meneutic practice that deploys Qurʾanic citation, situates Qurʾanic concepts in daily life, and sutures the efficacy of Qurʾan education with correct language and with right action. Their lessons are indicative of reformist trends in Qurʾan education that open onto questions of meaning and understanding in relation to human interactions with divine speech.

In Syria, interfaith dialogue constitutes a public practice that speaks to ethical, social and political imaginaries. As an official practice, it helps to provide the regime with religious legitimacy, though unofficially it often functions as a euphemism for missionary efforts. On a more abstract level, a careful analysis of Syrian interfaith dialogue reveals that different ethical traditions inform the participants' vision of "good." The Muslim sheikhs in this case-study follow an Aristotelian model of ethics that presupposes pious individuals for the creation and preservation of a moral society. Accordingly, they aim at fostering inter-communal harmony by teaching people how to perform virtues, rather than teaching them about other religions. Conversely, the Christian priests share a model that combines post-Enlightenment rationalism with "Christian love," and thus they strive to advance tolerance by encouraging unconditional affection, intellectual and experiential awareness of others. Together, these discrepancies facilitate miscommunication among the participants of dialogue.

The translation of Qur'anic verses underwent its long processes in history, the question may come about the legitimacy of the translator, law of translation accompanied by the translation made by the Orientalists have made differences among scholars especially in addressing the translation of al-Qur'an in different parts of the world. Rejection on the translation of al-Qur'an had also been existed in Indonesia. Despite being rejected, however, the result of the translation is still available in Indonesia until now. The process of translating al-Qur'an itself has various dimensions ranging from the involvement of literature and the use of regional languages. Abstrak Penerjemahan al-Qur'an dalam sejarahnya mengalami proses yang cukup panjang, misalnya dari persoalan kewenangan atau legitimasi penerjemah, hukum menerjemahkan, ditambah lagi dengan kehadiran terjemahan yang dibuat oleh para Orientalis membuat banyak perbedaan di antara para ulama dalam menyikapi penerjemahan al-Qur'an di berbagai wilayah. Penolakan terhadap penerjemahan al-Qur'an juga sempat ada di Indonesia. Tapi, meskipun sempat ditolak, pada akhirnya penerjemahan al-Qur'an di Indonesia tetap berlangsung hingga sekarang. Proses penerjemahan itu sendiri memiliki berbagai dimensi mulai dari keterlibatan sastra dan penggunaan bahasa daerah dalam menerjemahkan al-Qur'an.

Among as}naf are entitled to receive zakat is faqi>r and miski>n, but both groups are often interpreted overlap.This article aims to reconstruct the concept of faqi>r and miski>n with perspective of the Qur’an. This is because that, in addition to the Qur’an is believed by Muslims as the main source of law, also the concept of faqi>r and miskin as well as ‘illat that causes both as mustahik zakat will make the distribution of zakat in accordance with its objectives. The study of the verses of the Qur’an about the faqi>r and miski>n, results the conclusions: First, faqi>r is who are deterred from livelihoold as work reason or udhur. The work reason is due to religious activity or work shar’i as da’wah and jihad. While the udhur reason caused by kauni destiny like a disability, palsied, and old. Thus, ‘illat for faqr groups derived from God’s glory and the exam so that they get the respect, zakat and other compensation. The glory reason coming from the work shar’iyyah, while the test reason comes from udhur kauniyyah. While the miski>n are literally means sakana; silent and not moving, that miski>n terms describe the result of a weak state of a person because he chose sakana lifestyle (silent, static, not developing skills in his life). As a result he became poor and do not have anything whatsoever to fulfill their needs.

The environmental conservation discourse has become a central issue in the threat of global environmental crisis due to the consideration that it is the biggest problem of this century that effect the inhabitants of today’s world and future generations. Experts have discovered that the environmental crisis has caused a variety of disasters, climate change, global warming, shrinking quality of life and the threat of future earth destruction. Therefore, the people  must find the appropriate solutions to overcome this crisis. This article proposed the concept of environmental conservation through the study of ecological verses in the Quran using thematic and semantic approaches. Formulating environmental conservation from the perspective of the Quran becomes essential because Quran is believed by Muslims as a source underlying beliefs, attitudes and behavior as well as ecological research based on the interpretation of religious texts is necessary to provides a theological basis for environmental conservation.

One of the best reviews of my book "Narratives of Tampering in the Earliest Commentaries on the Qur'an" (Brill, 2011) is by Cornell University professor David S. Powers. A good review seeks to thoroughly understand the work under consideration, to summarize it well, to acknowledge any virtues, and to clearly indicate mistakes and shortcomings. It seeks to be fair and balanced, and veers toward neither flattery nor personal attack. Authors whose books are reviewed in respected journals need to first of all be very thankful that other scholars take the time and trouble to read their works carefully and write helpful evaluations.

This paper aims to analyze Muhammad Ma╪fūẓ al-Tarmasī's concept of wali and karāma, as well as his response and position in the discourse on those issues. Drawing on historical, hermeneutics, and intertextual approach, it will elaborate his involvement in the 19th century discourse on wali and karāma, in which the Wahhabiyya's strong influence in Mecca was taking place. In this sense, Ma╪fūẓ wrote a treatise on Sufism entitled Bughyat al-Adhkiyā' fī Ba╪thi'an Karāmāt al-Awliyā'. Although he mastered on tasawwuf and possessed a genealogical chain to al-Ghazali, al-Qushairi and some other Sufis, he did not use their arguments. He preferred to quote the arguments of the jurists (fuqahā'), such as al-Subkī and al-Haytamī. This actually shows the strength of his work in compiling arguments using the "criticism from within" approach. He realized, to some extent, that criticism to Sufism mainly came from the jurists (fuqahā'). Therefore, in order to be easily accepted, criticizing critics needs to employ the same perspective, fuqahā's arguments. In fact, Ma╪fūẓ criticism was not only directed at the jurists (fuqahā') but also to the group which at that time were incessantly spreading the ideas delegitimizing Sufism (in the context of orthodoxy), Wahhabiyya. This can be seen clearly in the way of Ma╪fūẓ's selection of figures and groups to whom he criticized. But interestingly, he delivered critics in a smooth way and did not show his finger

Maqasid al-syariah is a discipline of knowledge in the field of usul al-fiqh that has currently gained much attention. It has been applied in various fields of human life, such as politics, economy, education and Islamic jurisprudence. The main factor that encourages its use is that this discipline of knowledge includes all aspects of human life and is suitable with the expanding globalization era. Lately, various branches and trends in maqasid al-syariah have emerged. Some lines of thoughts have used maqasid al-syariah based on the presumption that Islamic religious decrees issued by previous ulama are behind time and not suitable anymore. Hence, this kind of line of thought also exists in Islamic economy, which takes the approach of accepting and improving conventional economic thought and adapting it as Islamic economy. The question is whether this line of thinking applies maqasid al-syariah only as a following or as a trend in recent times. Thus, this study aimed to examine the maqasid al-syariah line of thought in mainstream Islamic economics. This qualitative study had used secondary data that were analysed using the content analysis method. The findings showed that Islamic economy wholly based on maqasid al-syariah could produce a true Islamic economy. 

Key-words: Thought, maqasid al-syariah, mainstream Islamic economics

This article examines the origins of the story of the Prophet Muḥammad’s controversial marriage with Zaynab bt Ǧaḥš as well as its transformation and reinterpretation through the centuries. The fact that the story features in different genres of Islamic literature as well as in non-Muslim sources allows for a reconstruction of how and where the story emerged, how it spread and to what extent it was transformed over time.
In the course of this reconstruction, the article critically assesses different approaches to the historicity of reports on the life of Muḥammad. With its analysis of later Muslim sources, it also illustrates different strategies of reinterpreting and recasting traditions and shows how societal change and different ideologies influenced the interpretation of the story.

How to abstract coherent meaning from seemingly multi-faceted Suras of Quran is a recurrent and pertinent topic that cuts across classic and modern Islamic scholarship. Reda’s book suggests a holistic reading of Al-Baqara, the second and probably the most important Sura that introduces the very foundations of Islamic faith.

This paper addresses itself to the enigmatic phrase snh qaḍāʾ al-muʾminīn that appears in a papyrus sheet from early Muslim Egypt. It takes issue with the earlier interpretations of the phrase, arguing that it is indeed a dating formula that is probably to be read as sanat qaḍāʾ al-muʾminīn and understood as ‘the year according to the reckoning of the believers’. Based on the testimony of this papyrus fragment, it is further argued that the epoch of the Muslim calendar was, in all likelihood, originally meant to count the years from Muḥammad’s foundation of a new community and polity at Medina, a momentous event that the early Muslims conceived of as the dawn of a new age.

The development of interpretation method and its approach have given place for academician to discuss about soul through scientific approach. It raises debate which has not been finished yet. In one side, there is a claim that this approach results inappropriate interpretation of Al-Qur’an. However, in other side, this approach can result contextual meaning of Al-Qur’an. Soul, the mysterious thing in life, can be used to be an object of research in science. Therefore, the research on the interpretation of Al-Qur’an through scientific approach results the definition of soul and the detection of its place which can be explained through scientific research.

In Syria, there are two dominant scholarly opinions on ritual self-flagellation, which rest on different understandings of health and healing, and which form the topic of the first part of this chapter. The second examines miracle stories and ritual practices, which are both symbolic and productive of healing and sustain the legitimacy of the shrine of Sayyida Zaynab. The chapter looks at how Twelver Shi'is in Syria prior to the Arab Spring responded to the ambiguities surrounding the female Shi'is saint Sayyida Zaynab. Proponents of self-flagellation draw on 'traditional' medicine and argue that self-flagellation derives from cupping and constitutes a miraculous healing practice. Donating blood focuses on the community-not on individual devotees and the question of sainthood. The transactional aspect of the relationship between saints and Shi'is is highlighted in the ritual of nidhr (making religious vows) and in the sponsorship of majalis 'aza'.

The Qur"ān, the "Holy Writ" of Islam, builds its rationale of revelation on the scriptural model of biblical tradition. Embracing direct divine intervention in worldly affairs as the first principle within the constrictions of monotheistic theology, the Qur"ān resurrects biblical purview of an intermediary agency linking the transcendent divine with the terrestrial human, which the author of John"s Gospel identifies as "Logos". This article argues that the Qur"ānic conception of kalām-Allah, at a conceptual level, engages with John"s mystical theology of the divine origin of the Logos-incarnate and reinterprets the conception as well as its application. This cornerstone of John"s theology formulates a crucial basis for the Qur"ānic narrator"s self-reflection through both content and form of revelation as such. Biblical literature written prior to Johannine appropriation of Logos does not cohere with John"s mystical paradigm, which the Qur"ān, on the other hand, brings to a whole new level of theological maturation. The Qur"ān dialogues with John"s Gospel at multiple levels on the principal question of God"s personal interaction with humanity and presents its nuanced metaphysical construct in conversation with the Logos principle, but in distinction from John"s incarnation theology.

The simile, which is one of the main subjects of the Arabian rhetoric,
is a valuable narrative style that enables certain varieties of beautiful
presentation while expressing the purpose. The simile has some sub-genres.
Debates over whether the simulated and similar should be mentioned or not
have led to the emergence of a number of sub-genres of the simile, which,
in fact, is one and single in principle. One of these sub-genres is the implicit /
closed method. As the name suggests, in this method, none of the elements
of similes is directly mentioned. But, although it conceals itself, it makes its
existence felt through references. This form of simile is particularly valued
by poets since it often takes its power of influencing the interlocutor from
language’s mysteries and extraordinariness. One of the distinguished names
in the Islamic scholarly tradition is Abū ʿAbdillāh Muhammad Ibn Idrīs al-
Shāfiʿī. His poems were orally recited all over the world and then printed as
a Diwan. In his Diwan, numerous examples of implied / closed simile can be
encountered. In these contexts, this study will examine the poet's diwan in
terms of closed simile.

Evaluation in Source and Terms of Method of Tafsīr of Basmala Written By Hāccī Bektāş Velī
Anadolu topraklarında yazılan ilk müstakil besmele konulu tefsir, Bektâşî tarikatının kurucusu olan Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî’ye ait “Besmele Tefsîri” adlı eserdir. Bu eser, göçebe veya yarı göçebe bir hayat süren Türkmenlerin yaşadığı bir coğrafyada kaleme alınmıştır. Zor şartlar altında Anadolu’ya tutunma mücadelesi veren Türkmen boylarına umut aşılamak, onları birleştirmek ve hayatın zorluklarına karşı direnmelerini sağlamak, devrin önde gelen âlimlerinin ulaşmak istedikleri gayelerden biridir. Bu neticeyi elde edebilmek için Mevlâna Celâleddin-i Rûmî (öl. 672/1273), Yunus Emre (öl. 720/1320 [?]) ve Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî gibi devrin önde gelen mutasavvıfları, İslam’ın hoşgörülü ve kucaklayıcı vasıflarını ön plana çıkarmışlardır. Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî de bu eserinde besmeledeki Allah Teâlâ’nın rahmet kökenli “Rahmân” ve “Rahîm”  isimlerini ön plana çıkarmak suretiyle bu amaca hizmet etmektedir. Eser, baştan sona bu tema etrafında şekillenmiştir. Dolayısıyla eserin yazılış amacının İslâm’ın kolaylaştırıcı, umut verici ve kucaklayıcı yönünün ön plana çıkarılarak Türkmen aşiretlerinin İslâm dini etrafında birleşmelerini sağlamak olduğu söylenebilir. Ayrıca Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî’nin, eserini Türkçe yazması ve girişte bunu özellikle belirtmesi, müslüman Türklerin dinî hayatına pratik bir fayda sağlamayı amaçladığını göstermesi açısından önemlidir. Erken dönem Anadolu halk kültüründe Allah, Kur’ân ve tefsir algısının şekillenmesinde belli bir yeri olan Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî’nin, bu eserde kullandığı kaynakların tespit edilmesi aynı zamanda Anadolu irfanının bazı kaynaklarının da tespiti anlamına gelmektedir. Ayrıca bu çalışmada eserin kaleme alındığı dönemin sosyal ve ekonomik şartları ile eserin içeriği arasındaki ilişkinin de ortaya konulması hedeflenmiştir. Eserdeki rivayetlerin tefsir kaynaklarında herhangi bir karşılığının olup olmadığı, eserin tefsir literatüründeki konumu belirleyebilmek açısından önemlidir. Çalışmamızda literatür tarama yöntemi kullanılarak eserdeki bu rivayetlerin kaynakları belirlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî’nin Besmele Tefsiri, Kur’ân’dan bir âyet olan besmeledeki Allah, Rahmân ve Rahîm isimlerini ele alan, esirgeyen ve bağışlayan Allah’ın günahkâr kullarına karşı lütuflarını anlatan ve genellikle mi‘raç gecesi Allah ile Resûlü Muhammed Mustafa arasında geçen konuşmalara dayanan bir eserdir. Bu kitapta Allah’ın kendisine iman edip içtenlikle yalvarıp yakaran ve sâlih amel işleyen kullarına dünyada ve ahirette sonsuz bir rahmet ile muamele edeceği gerçeği, besmele yorumlanarak aktarılmıştır. Eser, klasik tefsirlerden farklı olarak kelime ve cümle tahlillerine değinmeden, doğrudan besmelenin faziletine ve besmele zikri ile elde edilecek lütuflara değinen, halkın maneviyâtını yükseltmek ve onları dine daha sıkı bağlarla bağlamak amacı güden, Türkçe kaleme alınmış ilk eser olma özelliğini taşıyan bir tefsirdir. Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî, eserinde âyetlere, rivayetlere, latifelere ve hikâyelere dayalı bir anlatım üslûbu tercih etmiştir. Eserde besmeleyi tefsir etmek amacıyla toplam on dokuz âyet metni verilerek, yaklaşık yirmi beş âyet ise metni verilmeden telmihen kullanılmıştır. Dolayısıyla eserin temel kaynağının Kur’ân-ı Kerîm olduğu, müellifin yorumlarında âyetlerden sıklıkla faydalandığı söylenebilir. Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî eserinde çeşitli kıssalardan ve meşhur mutasavvıfların sözlerinden yararlanmıştır. Bu sözlerden oluşan latife bölümleri ve anlatmak istediği fikri halkın daha kolay anlayabilmesi için kurguladığı hikâye bölümleri dikkatleri çekmektedir. Buradan hareket ile eserin, besmelenin fazilet ve önemini öğretmek amacıyla halka yönelik kaleme alındığı görülmektedir. Bilgi vermenin yanı sıra halkın dinî hassasiyetini diri tutmayı ve din ile olan bağlarını kuvvetlendirmeyi amaçladığı anlaşılmaktadır. Çalışmamızda besmelenin faziletine dair eserde aktarılan rivayetlerin kaynağı hakkında literatür taramaları yapılmıştır. Bazı rivayetlerin sahih hadis kaynaklarından metin olarak birebir olmasa da telmih yoluyla alındığı görülmüştür. Ayrıca kaynaklarda tespit edilemeyen bazı rivayetlerin başka eserlerde aynı veya benzer lafızlarla yer aldığını, dolayısıyla müellifin birçok yorumunun hadislerden yaptığı çıkarımlara dayandığı tespit edilmiştir. Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî, eserinde yaptığı yorumlarda, kurguladığı veya naklettiği latife ve hikâyelerde kendinden önceki müfessir ve mutasavvıfların görüşlerinden ve eserlerinden yararlanmaktadır. Eserde metni verilerek veya telmih yoluyla delil olarak kullanılan âyetlerin çokluğunun yanında halkın konuları daha iyi anlayabilmesi ve kendi hayatları ile özleştirebilmesi için sıkça latife ve hikâye tarzı anlatım üsluplarına başvurulması dikkat çekicidir. Bu tarza uygun olarak muhayyel konuşmalara ve hikâyelere de yer verildiği görülmüştür. Bu diyalogların insanlar arasında kurgulanması edebî açıdan kabul edilebilir bir durumdur. Fakat Allah Teâlâ, Hz. Peygamber ve melekler arasında geçen ve sahih kaynaklarda tespit edilemeyen muhayyel konuşmaların eserde yer alması dikkat çekmektedir. Hacı Bektâş-ı Velî, diğer bazı müfessirlerin yaptığı gibi “Burada Allah Teâlâ sanki şöyle demek istemiştir” şeklinde bir giriş yaparak diyaloğun kurgusal olduğunu belirtmemiştir. Aksine bu diyalogları gerçekten olmuş birer hadise gibi takdim etmesi, ilmî açıdan sıkıntılı görülmektedir. Eserin, halkın ilmî seviyesine ve ilgi alanlarına uygun olarak kaleme alınması, belki de şifahî bir anlatımın yazıya geçirilmiş hali olması gibi nedenler göz önünde bulundurulduğunda bu tarz bir anlatım hoş görülebilirse de bu durum, eserin ilmî değeri açısından bir eksiklik oluşturmaktadır. Sonuç olarak eser, yazılış amaçlarına uygun olarak yeni müslüman olan Türkler arasında merhameti geniş olan Yüce Allah’ı sevdirmiştir. Güzel ahlaklı olmanın, sâlih ameller işlemenin asla karşılıksız kalmayacağı fikrinin yerleşmesini sağlayarak halk nezdinde layık olduğu karşılığını görmüş ve günümüze kadar gelebilmiştir.

The article seeks to reveal problems faced by Islamic education from the perspective of Maqâs} id al-Sharîʻah, namely ideological (h} ifz} al-dîn), practical (h} ifz} al-nafs), academic (h} ifz} al-'aql), relationships or networks (h} ifz} al-nasl), vocational (h} ifz} al-mâl) and quality (h} ifz} al-'ird}) aspects. In order to know the details of crucial problems of the Islamic education along with their alternative solutions, this paper suggests that the Islamic education should consider the insider's and outsider's perspective which has four types of roles as follow: a) complete observer; b) observer as participant; c) participant as observer; d) complete participant. This article proposes three important implications, are: first, the problems of the Islamic education can be categorized and mapped based on Maqâs} id al-Sharîʻah, in order to ease the analysis of such problems. Second, the analysis of the problems should be based on the insiders' and outsiders' point of views, so that it would be able to comprehensively detect the problems of Islamic education and show the inclusiveness of the Islamic education. Third, problem solving alternatives should be oriented at the level of theological (faith and religious [îmân]), theoretical (philosophical and empirical ['ilm]), practical (learning and teaching ['amal]) and moral (ethics and aesthetics [akhlâq]) realms.

The era of globalization is characterized by a shift in the concept of citizenship. From nation citizenship to global one. The implication is the need to reform Islamic education based on global standardization and Islamic values. The concrete form is the internationalization of Islamic education through the realization of the global goals based on maqashid sharia. The model established is the education that makes maqashid sharia as the core curriculum (model of comprehensive education), open to all parties to obtain or provide educational (emancipatory), ready to compete in the global competition (competitive), to cultivate the attitude of flexibility and open-minded towards each other (inclusive), cooperate with global citizens (collaborative) and is able to bring actual change for the community (transformative). Era globalisasi ditandai pergeseran konsep kewarganegaraan. Dari warga negara menjadi warga dunia (global citizenship). Implikasinya adalah pentingnya reformasi pendidikan Islam yang didasarkan pada standarisasi global namun Islami. Bentuk konkritnya adalah internasionalisasi pendidikan Islam melalui realisasi the global goals berbasis maqashid syariah. Model pendidikan yang diselenggarakan adalah pendidikan yang menjadikan maqashid syariah sebagai kurikulum inti (model pendidikan komprehensif), terbuka bagi semua pihak untuk memperoleh maupun memberikan pendidikan (emansipatif), siap bersaing dalam kompetisi global (kompetitif), membudayakan sikap luwes dan terbuka terhadap sesama (inklusif), mau bekerjasama dengan seluruh warga dunia (kolaboratif) serta mampu menghadirkan perubahan aktual bagi masyarakat (transformatif).

This article focuses on the idea of multiculturalism in Javanese mythical believing (Kejawen) communities within the paradigm of Qur'anic studies. The discussion of the research emphasizes the axiological shift of QS. Al-Kafirun (109) in the milieu of Urip Sejati community of Yogyakarta, Indonesia. “Urip Sejati” is a Javanese religious society that has developed as a minority group because it is domiciled near to various centers of Islamic civilization as pesantren, historic mosques, and colleges in Krapyak.

Elipsis atau al-hadhf merupakan satu uslub yang terdapat dalam bahasa Arab dan juga bahasa lain di dunia. Uslub berperanan menyerlahkan keindahan sesuatu bahasa kerana mempamerkan kepelbagaian gaya bahasa dalam menyampaikan makna ayat. Al-Quran yang diturunkan oleh Allah SWT kepada Rasulullah SAW dan umatnya menggunakan bahasa Arab standard. Oleh itu, kewujudan elipsis atau al-hadhf dalam al-Quran menunjukkan bahawa pemahaman terhadap ayat al-Quran memerlukan pengetahuan yang baik tentang tatabahasa Arab. Hal ini menjelaskan bahawa ayat al-Quran tidak boleh ditafsir oleh orang awam tanpa penguasaan ilmu tatabahasa Arab. Namun begitu, hal ini tidak membawa pengertian bahawa ayat-ayat al-Quran sukar untuk difahami. Makalah ini membincangkan kewujudan elipsis (al-hadhf) dalam bahasa Arab dan kewujudannya dalam al-Quran. Beberapa ayat al-Quran dianalisis bagi memahami elipsis (al-hadhf) dan fungsinya dalam membawa makna ayat al-Quran secara jelas. Dapatan analisis menunjukkan bahawa pemahaman elipsis (al-hadhf) mempunyai kaitan yang rapat dengan kaedah tatabahasa Arab atau al-Nahw al-'Arabiy. Justeru, penguasaan terhadap tatabahasa Arab merupakan satu keperluan dalam memahami ayat-ayat al-Quran.

This article uses mean verse length data to propose a relative timeline for the Qurʾan, proceeding from the work of Nicolai Sinai and others. The timeline is based on the general observation that the verses become longer over the course of revelation. The study uses the Medina I verse count, which research has indicated is more likely to be an original or stem system than the Kufan one printed in the Qurʾans of today. From the data, three periods emerge: Early Meccan, Later Meccan, and Medinan. Besides contributing to a specific timeline for receiving the suras, the data supports the formation of a Qurʾanic nucleus at an early stage in Mecca. Keywords Qurʾanic chronology-mean verse length-Medina I-Nicolai Sinai ‫المستخلص‬ ‫طول‬ ‫ط‬ ّ ‫متوس‬ ‫استخدام‬ ‫في‬ ‫الباحثين‬ ‫من‬ ‫وغيره‬ ‫سيناي‬ ‫نيكولاي‬ ‫عمل‬ ‫من‬ ‫اسة‬ ‫الدر‬ ‫هذه‬ ‫تنطلق‬ ّ ‫أن‬ ‫ا‬ ‫أساس‬ ‫ا‬ ‫على‬ ‫الجدول‬ ‫هذا‬ ‫َّد‬ ‫حد‬ ُ ‫وي‬ ‫آن،‬ ‫ا‬ ‫القر‬ ‫لنزول‬ ّ

Q. 43 contains one of the most trenchant defense of the Gods of Mecca preserved by the Qur'an.  The Meccans refuse to cede to Muhammad on any of his preaching, and they call into question the radical monotheism he is presenting them by wondering why is their Gods any less different than Jesus.