Presidential Candidate

Publikacja poświecona jest jednej z najbardziej popularnych procedur marketingowych (tzw. triadzie marketingowej) i mozliwościom jej wykorzystania w praktyce politycznej, zarowno w trakcie prac analitycznych i diagnostycznych, jak i przy realizacji strategii politycznych/ wyborczych. Autorzy prezentują definicje i metody segmentacji, określają przydatnośc poszczegolnych typow kryteriow (m.in. politycznych, demograficznych, ekonomicznych, psychologicznych) w trakcie doboru grup docelowych kampanii politycznych oraz sposoby i zasady pozycjonowania ofert politycznych. Publikacja adresowana jest do badaczy i studentow zajmujących sie problematyką marketingu politycznego, ale takze do praktykow realizujących kampanie polityczne.

The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan is the ultimate promotor of international peace and always supports missions and theories of strengthening the relationships between the Muslim world. There are multiple tools for provding solidarity among the Muslim world in Pakistani legislation. One of the policy principles mentioned in the Article 40 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973 is the evidence of it. Secondly, the founder of Pakistan, “Muhammad Ali Jinnah,” also mentioned Pakistan’s strategy towards the other states on the at the beginning of the state’s foundation. This constitutional directive shows Pakistan’s dedication to a foreign policy anchored in diplomacy, peaceful conflict resolution, and cooperative relations with the Muslim world. Pakistan has a unique geopolitical position in the region. It has a status of only Muslim country which holds the nuclear power to build up peace internationally as well as regionally. Pakistan’s participation in the peacekeeping missions of the United Nations highlights its efforts for global peace and security. Pakistan has also hosted and facilitated peace talks in different regional conflicts. This paper explores Pakistan’s historical and contemporary initiatives to maintain international peace and harmony, and strengthen the bonds among Muslim states.

En  el  presente  estudio  se  realizaron  diez  entrevistas  focalizadas  donde  profesoras  uni-versitarias de Argentina, Estados Unidos y México leyeron noticias en periódicos sobre Cristina Fernández, Hillary Clinton y Margarita Zavala, respectivamente. Se encontraron siete  maneras  en  las  que  se  deconstruyeron  estilística  y  discursivamente  los  mensajes  periodísticos,  entre  las  cuales  están  el  cuestionar  las  decisiones  editoriales  del  medio,así como evidenciar de qué manera la ideología del diario genera un tratamiento específi-co con la intención de manipular audiencias.


//

In  the  present  study,  ten  focused  interviews  were  conducted  where  female  university  professors from Argentina, the United States and Mexico read news articles in newspapers about  Cristina  Fernández,  Hillary  Clinton  and  Margarita  Zavala,  respectively.  Seven  ways  in  which  journalistic  messages  were  stylistically  and  discursively  deconstructed  were found, among which are the questioning of editorial decisions, as well as evidencing how the ideology of the newspaper generated a specific treatment with the intention of manipulating audiences.

Ewolucja marketingu politycznego w percepcji wyborców M arketing jest m³od¹, rozwijaj¹c¹ siê w ramach ekonomii dyscyplin¹ wiedzy, o du¿ym dorobku praktycznym. Historycznie za³o¿enia orientacji marketingowej znajdowa³y zastosowanie przede wszystkim na rynku komercyjnym, jednak obserwuj¹c sukcesy przedsiêbiorstw zaczêto w³¹czaae je tak¿e do innych, pozaekonomicznych obszarów aktywnooeci 1. W ramach tego procesu, odkryto m.in. mo¿liwooeci aplikacyjne marketingu na rynku partii politycznych i kandydatów. W ten sposób na styku nauk politycznych i ekonomii, powsta³ marketing polityczny 2. Dokonane w ten sposób "urynkowienie" polityki spowodowa³o, powstanie przestrzeni, w obszarze której podmioty polityczne dzia³aj¹ na wolnym, konkurencyjnym rynku, dostosowuj¹c siê do obowi¹zuj¹cych na nim regu³. Od tego momentu kategorie ekonomiczne, takie jak zysk, rynek, produkt, klient, transakcja s¹ u¿ywane do opisu i wyjaoeniania zjawisk i procesów politycznych. Wiele pojêae, zw³aszcza tych wywiedzionych ze sfery wojskowooeci (jak m.in. strategia czy taktyka), podkreoela rywalizacyjny charakter dzia³añ, wskazuj¹c na politykê jako obszar "walki" rynkowej, w którym kluczow¹ rolê odgrywaj¹ umiejêtni stratedzy, analizuj¹cy otoczenie i projektuj¹cy zwyciêski "plan bitwy". Ze wzglêdu na zmiany postaw i preferencji wyborców, w tym i spadek ich poziomu lojalnooeci, dzia³ania z zakresu komunikacji, analizy strategicznej, zarz¹dzania marketingowego s¹ realizowane w³aoeciwie bez przerwy. Coraz czêoeciej sto

The aim of the article is to present an analysis of the activity of political groups in social media — Facebook and Twitter. The article is based on the analysis of content posted on social media in the two weeks leading up to the 2019 parliamentary election. The questions posited in this paper are as follows: which political groups engaged the most on a given social media site? Which political groups demonstrated the most responsive communication? The analysis allowed me to classify political groups into five categories (from inactive to extremely active) depending on their own social media activity and responsive activity.

Procedura segmentacji według M. Mazura składa się z trzech etapów: badania rynku politycznego, analizy wyników, profilowania segmentów. 12 Nieco inaczej problem procedury przeprowadzenia segmentacji ujmuje M. Kolczyński, którego zdaniem jest on dokonywany na trzech poziomach. Pierwszy ogólny, obejmuje kryteria społeczno-ekonomiczne, demograficzne lub psychograficzne. Poziom drugi to poziom zagregowanych zachowań politycznych, w analizie którego dominują kryteria behawioralne, wreszcie poziom trzeci to poziom motywacji indywidualnych, obejmujący kryteria aksjologiczne, polityczne czy psychograficzne. 13 Natomiast W. Cwalina i A. Falkowski wskazują na dwa podstawowe podejścia realizacji segmentacji. Jedno określają mianem a posteriori i bazuje ono na analizie danych empirycznych uzyskanych w trakcie stosowania takich technik statystycznych jak analiza skupień czy skalowanie. Drugie, tradycyjne jest określane mianem podejścia a priori i polega na podziale rynku na podstawie z góry określonych cech (głównie demograficznych i psychograficznych). 14 Procedurę jego przeprowadzenia tworzy siedem etapów:-wybór kryteriów segmentacji;-wybór zestawu cech opisujących segmenty;

Witryny internetowe partii politycznych jako narzędzie komunikowania wyborczego w kampanii parlamentarnej w 2011 roku SŁOWA KLUCZOWE: witryny internetowe, kandydat, kampania wyborcza, komunikowanie wyborcze, analiza zawartości STUDIA I ANALIZY Wstęp Współczesne kampanie wyborcze wchodzą wyraźnie w etap kampanii postmodernizacyjnych 1 , których zręby zaczęły się kształtować w Stanach Zjednoczonych w latach 90. XX wieku. Wykorzystanie nowych technologii komunikowania to jedna z najważniejszych cech tego modelu kampanii (poza cechami takimi, jak: zmieniający się modele partii politycznej, coraz bardziej zniechęcony elektorat, pierwszoplanowa rola kandydatów i personalizacja kampanii oraz rynkowe podejście do polityki przejawiające się w wiodącej roli konsultantów politycznych, przede wszystkim strategów i sprzedawców, i marketing zorientowany na cel). Technika cyfrowa, w tym komputery osobiste, palmtopy, notebooki, laptopy, Internet, telefonia komórkowa, media społecznościowe, a w ostatnich latach tablety i iPody, zrewolucjonizowały zasadniczo komunikowanie polityczne. Dały one z jednej strony nowe możliwości komunikowania z wyborcami zarówno partiom i kandydatom w trakcie kampanii wyborczej, jak i instytucjom i aktorom władzy politycznej w okresie międzywyborczym. Z drugiej strony, także obywatele uzyskali nowy, szybszy i skuteczniejszy kanał dotarcia do polityków i wyrażania swoich opinii.

Pandemia COVID-19 w strategiach komunikowania… Streszczenie Kampania prezydencka w Polsce w 2020 roku odbywała się w czasie pierwszej fali pandemii COVID-19. Celem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu problematyka pandemii była eksponowana we wpisach kandydatów w mediach społecznościowych. Przedmiotem badań były przekazy opublikowane na Facebooku i Twitterze. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na treści rozpowszechniane przez cieszących się największym poparciem społecznym Andrzeja Dudę i Rafała Trzaskowskiego. Głównymi metodami wykorzystanymi w badaniach były analiza zawartości oraz wtórna analiza danych zastanych. Badania dowiodły, że kandydaci starali się prowadzić kampanię wzorem poprzednich, wyraźnie akcentując istotną rolę relacji z bezpośrednich spotkań z wyborcami. Wątek związany z pandemią, szczególnie na finiszu kampanii, był jedynie incydentalnie wspominany w przekazach. Słowa kluczowe: kampania wyborcza, wybory prezydenckie, pandemia COVID-19, strategie komunikowania wyborczego, media społecznościowe. The COVID-19 pandemic in social media communication strategies of the main candidates in the presidential election in Poland in 2020

Having become fully integrated into the contemporary political landscape, infotainmentoriented media extend Americans' traditional news (e.g. newspaper, radio, and television) to include a greater number of sources for political information, and in some cases, political mobilization. Given the increasing prominence of infotainment-oriented media in contemporary politics, this study addresses the effects of one particular type of infotainment-late-night comedy-during the 2000 presidential campaign. Specifically, we are interested in whether watching late-night comedy shows influences viewers' evaluations of the candidates who have appeared on these shows; in particular, we investigate priming as the mechanism by which such influences occur. Findings from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey (N = 11,482) indicate that evaluations of candidates are based in part on respondents' sociodemographics, perceptions of candidates to handle certain issues, and their character traits. There was a main effect of watching latenight comedy on evaluations of candidates; more importantly, viewers were more likely than nonviewers to base their evaluations of George W. Bush on character traits after he appeared on The Late Show with David Letterman.

Political candidates and citizens alike have been turning to nontraditional, "softer" sources of political information such as late-night comedy and daytime talk shows. This is particularly true during presidential elections, when candidates make guest appearances to reach audience members who may or may not be politically engaged, and when discussion of political affairs becomes more prominent. What are the effects of consuming such media content? Using data from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey, we examine the effects of watching late-night comedy shows and candidates'appearances on Oprah on various forms of citizenship. Results indicate that watching political infotainment can enhance political engagement, but not for all sectors of the electorate and not all the time. Exposure to late-night comedy and political content on Oprah was associated with increased levels of participation. However, for late-night comedy viewing, the positive association between exposure and 2 criterion variables-intent to vote and interpersonal political discussionwas significantly more pronounced among political sophisticates. A civically engaged electorate participating in a vibrant public sphere is the mainstay of any democratic system. By a number of accounts, however, the American public falls far short of such a standard. For decades, scholars have bemoaned declining rates of civic engagement, often blaming current levels of citizen compe

The paper analyzes the role of official websites in creating the image of the head of state in Poland, Russia and the United Kingdom. The official website is a convenient tool allowing not only the appropriate presentation of the leader, but also the immediate publication of new content. The wide variety of semiotic resources used on the webpages attracts and maintains the attention of the recipient. The author describes the history of the official websites, identifies the genres characteristic of individual political cultures and observes similarities and differences related to the image of the current head of state.

The study is aimed to analyse an interesting phenomenon that belongs to the intersection of communicology and media studies and (in the Author’s opinion) has brought into existence a politician with a new type of identity - a MediaEgo. Politicians of this type function in an environment having a special nature for the researcher – in the MediaPolis. The Author, while identifying the determinants (indicata) that constitute a MediaEgo in the researched space (the new public sphere), also observed changes in the communication paradigms that defined communication methods used by candidates to public offices. The Author discusses two new paradigms that illustrate those changes: Communication paradigm 1: new rhetoric, new narration; communication paradigm 2: communication of the image, (not)new media, (not)new communication channels. Key words: MediaEgo, MediaPolis, Image of politicans, mediatisation, communication paradigm

A MediaEgo in the MediaPolis: Introduction to an essay concerning changes in communication paradigms in the process of image creation of "new" politicians The study is aimed to analyse an interesting phenomenon that belongs to the intersection of communicology and media studies and (in the Author's opinion) has brought into existence a politician with a new type of identity  a MediaEgo. Politicians of this type function in an environment having a special nature for the researcherin the MediaPolis. The Author, while identifying the determinants (indicata) that constitute a MediaEgo in the researched space (the new public sphere), also observed changes in the communication paradigms that defined communication methods used by candidates to public offices. The Author discusses two new paradigms that illustrate those changes: Communication paradigm 1: new rhetoric, new narration; communication paradigm 2: communication of the image, (not)new media, (not)new communication channels.

Political candidates and citizens alike have been turning to nontraditional, "softer" sources of political information such as late-night comedy and daytime talk shows. This is particularly true during presidential elections, when candidates make guest appearances to reach audience members who may or may not be politically engaged, and when discussion of political affairs becomes more prominent. What are the effects of consuming such media content? Using data from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey, we examine the effects of watching late-night comedy shows and candidates'appearances on Oprah on various forms of citizenship. Results indicate that watching political infotainment can enhance political engagement, but not for all sectors of the electorate and not all the time. Exposure to late-night comedy and political content on Oprah was associated with increased levels of participation. However, for late-night comedy viewing, the positive association between exposure and 2 criterion variables-intent to vote and interpersonal political discussionwas significantly more pronounced among political sophisticates. A civically engaged electorate participating in a vibrant public sphere is the mainstay of any democratic system. By a number of accounts, however, the American public falls far short of such a standard. For decades, scholars have bemoaned declining rates of civic engagement, often blaming current levels of citizen compe

Having become fully integrated into the contemporary political landscape, infotainmentoriented media extend Americans' traditional news (e.g. newspaper, radio, and television) to include a greater number of sources for political information, and in some cases, political mobilization. Given the increasing prominence of infotainment-oriented media in contemporary politics, this study addresses the effects of one particular type of infotainment-late-night comedy-during the 2000 presidential campaign. Specifically, we are interested in whether watching late-night comedy shows influences viewers' evaluations of the candidates who have appeared on these shows; in particular, we investigate priming as the mechanism by which such influences occur. Findings from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey (N = 11,482) indicate that evaluations of candidates are based in part on respondents' sociodemographics, perceptions of candidates to handle certain issues, and their character traits. There was a main effect of watching latenight comedy on evaluations of candidates; more importantly, viewers were more likely than nonviewers to base their evaluations of George W. Bush on character traits after he appeared on The Late Show with David Letterman.

Niniejsza publikacja jest pracą o charakterze teoretyczno-analitycznym. W pracy skupiono się głównie na pojęciach marketingu politycznego i wizerunku A. Kwaśniewskiego, oraz opisano instrumenty marketingowe jakie zastosowano w obu kampaniach. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na wpływ J. Kwaśniewskiej na obie kampanie prezydenckie jej męża.

The aim of this article is to raise a few issues related with the political group of Kukiz’15,which is an unprecedented phenomenon on the Polish political scene after 1989. First of all,the paper tried to present the genesis of the formation, including the factors that contributedto its creation and development. Secondly, the analysis of ideological assumptions was made.Thirdly, an attempt was made to classify the formation based on its characteristics. Thecontent analysis method was used to carry out this task, and the source base was made upof press enunciations by nationwide opinion-forming magazines, such as “Rzeczpospolita”and “Gazeta Wyborcza”, monographs and elaborations, as well as Internet sources. It shouldbe emphasized that this study was assumed to represent an introduction to the in-depthresearch into the phenomenon that is undoubtedly this political group.Keywords: Kukiz’15, Polish Political Scene, Political Formations

Główne cele badań dotyczących wyborów parlamentarnych w 2015 roku sprowadzały się do: 1) analizy uwarunkowań personalizacji kampanii wyborczej, 2) rozpoznania roli liderów w strategiach komunikacyjnych głównych komitetów wyborczych wyłaniających się z ich reklam politycznych (personalizacja strategiczna) oraz 3) ewaluacji trendu personalizacji medialnej na podstawie analiz zawartości "Gazety Wyborczej" i "Rzeczpospolitej". W świetle wyników liderzy pełnią ważną rolę w komunikacji wyborczej, szczególnie w reklamie, niekoniecznie spychając na margines instytucje partii oraz warstwę programowo-problemową ofert wyborczych. Osobom liderów poświęcono nieznacznie więcej miejsca w relacjach prasowych w porównaniu z poprzednimi elekcjami, ale trend personalizacji w sensie indywidualizacji i prywatyzacji nie został zidentyfikowany.

Abstract: The political image of Andrzej Duda in the presidential election campaign of Law and Justice in 2015Since 2005, in Poland we are progressive and coexisting two key processes for development and evaluation of political campaigns. The first is the americanization of the campaigns, and other activities professionalization staffs. It seems that without the use of techniques characterized for political marketing would not be possible for the second time in Poland after 1989 change after the first term of office of the President. First departure Polish policy of Donald Tusk and the choice of an unknown politician — Andrzej Duda on the President, in fact, a political era ends and exhausts ruling so far Civic Platform effective strategy to scare of Jaroslaw Kaczynski. Secondly, the results of these elections mean consent youngest voters “change” on “anti‑system slogans” and finally as it seems, this means the announcement of acceptance for the appearance of a new political force i...

Niniejsza praca jest próbą analizy oddziaływania praktyk komunikacyjnych w mediach społecznościowych prowadzonych przez ugrupowania polityczne i ich wpływu na motywacje i zachowania wyborcze pokolenia Y. Artykuł powstał w oparciu o wyniki badania „Wybory z perspektywy młodych” przeprowadzonego w październiku 2015 r. przez agencję Odyseja Public Relations przy współpracy z Mobile Institute i Brand24. Badanie zrealizowano metodą CAPI na próbie 1341 polskich internautów powyżej 15. roku życia.

Autor analizuje w artykule wybory samorządowe w 2014 roku. Skupia swoją uwagę głównie na rywalizacji o prezydenturę Legnicy pomiędzy dwomanajważniejszymi kontrkandydatami, urzędującym prezydentem Tadeuszem Krzakowskim i aspirującym do tej roli wiceprzewodniczącym lokalnych struktur partii rządzącej. Autor odwołuje się do założeń programowych obu kandydatów i analizuje przebieg kampanii. Poszukuje także czynników decydujących o sukcesie urzędującego prezydenta i porażce pretendenta do prezydentury Legnicy.

The field explored in this article refers to politics being used by media. The attention is driven especially to its final outcome, i.e. the presidential debates and the interpretation thereof in the broad context of the latest elec tion campaign. The elections held in May 2015 were regarded as the most interesting over the past twenty years. The term 'spectacle of emotions' was very frequent in media commentaries. The subject of this article is based on the analysis of a few factors which composed such spectacle and the process of building up the tension towards the presidential debates. It is interesting to see them from the perspective of discussions held by journalists, current affairs commentators and experts in political marketing on the one hand, and the conclusions made by Polish and foreign media experts as well as J. Huizinga on the other hand. The results of the intertextual analysis will confirm, that even if politics itself is not entertaining, the television in 2015 enforces the entertaining style of politics.

The purpose of research was to indicate the political communications of political parties on social media, during political crisis in Poland. It was hypothesized, that the political crisis allowed the promotion of political party platforms among citizens. The research results showed that parties used fanpages on Facebook to politically discredit their political opponents, shaping or promoting their own images. I specified: the subject area of published posts, the kind of posts, form of promotion the image and form of engagement of users. I applied quantitative and qualitative research. Content analysis and comparative methodology were used.

China's rise as a great power raises concern about how it may use its growing military capabilities. Historically, major shifts in the balance of power have been linked with episodes of tension and conflict among the leading states in the international system. Although they are not necessarily violent, such power transitions are often not peaceful, either. 1 Thus, China's rise raises questions about the future of peace and stability in Asia, questions driven in part by uncertainty about how China will use its military power and how neighbouring states will respond. The rise of a great power, by nature, changes the balance of power in the international system. Chinese military ambitions, the strength of its culture, and its market of over a billion people, have captivated the global imagination. Against this backdrop, any meaningful discussion of China's role in its neighbourhood requires an understanding of its relations with them as a whole. Any projection of that role in the next decade necessitates an understanding of how the Chinese have been involved in their dealings in the past and how that relationship has evolved over the years. The thrust of any future anaclisis can thus be extrapolated. At present, an undercurrent of uneasiness exists between China and its neighbours as it continues its ascent up the global hierarchy. China has done little to assuage neighbourhood concerns regarding its intentions. A review of its neighbourhood challenges could help in putting issues in perspective. The term "superpower" was coined in 1944 by William T. R. Fox, an American foreign policy professor, in his book The Superpowers: The United States, Britain and the Soviet Union-Their Responsibility for Peace. Fox identified superpowers as states that occupied the highest status in the world because they could challenge and fight each other on a global scale. In 2005, Alice Miller, a leading China expert, further defined superpower as "a country that has the capacity to project dominating power and influence anywhere in the world, and sometimes, in more than one region of the globe at a time, and so may plausibly attain the status of global hegemon." According to Miller, the basic components of superpower stature may be measured along four axes: economic, military, political, and cultural (or "soft"). 2 In consideration of these aforesaid definitions, China is not yet near superpower status. However, it has started flexing its military muscle in various ways. While publications and commentaries proclaim China as the world's emerging superpower, few analysts have elucidated the many limits to Beijing's great power ambitions. There is a need to take account the fact that China borders on 20 countries-more than any other state. China has perhaps the world's most strategically complex geography. It has twelve land and six maritime neighbours, together with two neighbours-Korea and Vietnam-with which it shares both land and sea boundaries. This context provides China with a source of enormous leverage, but also equally monumental challenges.

The South China Sea has long been regarded as one of the key potential flashpoints for conflict in the AsiaPacific, alongside North Korea and Taiwan. Recently tensions have been on the rise and relations between China and the other South China Sea littoral states have become more fraught – characterised not only by diplomatic claim and counter-claim (though frequently framed in less than diplomatic language) but also, more worryingly, by confrontations at sea. Context, as they say, is everything. This article briefly outlines geopolitical drivers that sustain these complex and seemingly intractable disputes, and seeks to shed light on their international legal dimensions. It suggests that China in particular has been driven to adopt extreme positions in order to secure access to what Beijing tends to regard as its proper share of the resources, especially seabed energy reserves, of the South China Sea. However, such resources may not, in fact, prove to be the kind of panacea for reg...

Afghanistan, a country with almost 30 million populations, is located at the heart (center) of Asia. This country has burned in the fire of civil war and conflict in the last 40 years. The sustained conflict in this country has damaged the fundamental and core roots of the development. A large number of citizens lost their bodies, injured and immigrated, to foreign countries, especially neighborhoods (Iran and Pakistan). Peace in Afghanistan has seemed like a non-reachable dream in the last four decades. Taliban (a terrorist group) is killing Afghans for religious reasons; however, it has other aspects as well. At the moment, some countries showed a willingness to bring peace in Afghanistan. Among other countries (USA, China, Russia, Germany etc.), Indonesia also showed its willingness to act as a peace broker and mediates the negotiations. According to Indonesia's experience in peace-building and peace-mediation context, this study has found that this country can be a good religious partner for Stable peace in Afghanistan. And this happens when the Taliban accept to negotiate with Afghan officials.

Since the 1980s, the mass media have changed the way they cover major political stories, like foreign policy crises. As a consequence, what the public learns about these events has changed. More media outlets cover major events than in the past, including the entertainment-oriented soft news media. When they do cover a political story, soft news outlets focus more on “human drama” than traditional news media – especially the character and motivations of decision-makers, as well as individual stories of heroism or tragedy – and less on the political or strategic context, or substantive nuances, of policy debates. Many Americans who previously ignored most political news now attend to some information about major political events, like wars, via the soft news media. These changes have important implications for democratic politics. Most importantly, a large number of particularly persuadable potential voters are now tuning in to politics via soft news outlets. This gives politicians a...

Niniejsza praca jest próbą analizy oddziaływania praktyk komunikacyjnych w mediach społecznościowych prowadzonych przez ugrupowania polityczne i ich wpływu na motywacje i zachowania wyborcze pokolenia Y. Artykuł powstał w oparciu o wyniki badania „Wybory z perspektywy młodych” przeprowadzonego w październiku 2015 r. przez agencję Odyseja Public Relations przy współpracy z Mobile Institute i Brand24. Badanie zrealizowano metodą CAPI na próbie 1341 polskich internautów powyżej 15. roku życia.

Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Recommended Citation Schofield, Clive H., "Island disputes and the "oil factor" in the South China Sea disputes" (2012). Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts-Papers. 301.

Niniejsza praca jest próbą analizy oddziaływania praktyk komunikacyjnych w mediach społecznościowych prowadzonych przez ugrupowania polityczne i ich wpływu na motywacje i zachowania wyborcze pokolenia Y. Artykuł powstał w oparciu o wyniki badania „Wybory z perspektywy młodych” przeprowadzonego w październiku 2015 r. przez agencję Odyseja Public Relations przy współpracy z Mobile Institute i Brand24. Badanie zrealizowano metodą CAPI na próbie 1341 polskich internautów powyżej 15. roku życia.

Prime Minister Candidates’ Communication Management on Facebook During Parliamentary Elections Campaign 2019 in Poland The article presents the results of a research, which was carried out in the last month of the parliamentary election campaign in 2019. In this research, the processes of communication conducted by candidates for deputies, Mateusz Morawiecki and Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska, representing two rival parties (PiS and KO), were analysed – both candidates were simultaneously appointed as potential presidents of the Council of Ministers. The research was carried out using the qualitative method, taking into account the content of the profiles of both candidates on Facebook. Research results are part of the stream of analyzes, devoted to the importance of social media during election campaigns, as well as in the processes of political communication conducted by politicians.

This article explores two largely untested assumptions that dominate popular and scholarly examinations of the “late-night comedy audience.” The first assumption is that young people are tuning in to late-night comedy programs instead of the news. The second assumption is that there is one monolithic “late-night audience.” Using data from both the 2004 Pew Research Center Political Communications Study and the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, this article provides evidence that challenges these two assumptions, illustrating that young people are tuning in to late-night comedy in addition to—rather than in the place of—news and that the audiences of various late-night comedy programs have distinct sociodemographic and political profiles

Use of twitter in the Donald Trump election campaign The article presents the problem of using Twitter as a tool of the so-called “Black PR” used during the election campaign on the example of the presidential campaign of Donald Trump in 2016. An attempt was made to characterize “black PR”, identified ways in which Donald Trump used Twitter in “black PR” activities in the 2016 presidential campaign, and highlighted the Twitter, which turned out to be a tool to gain more support during the elections. The article uses the desk research method, which made it possible to analyse the content of posts posted by Donald Trump on his official Twitter profile.

This article presents techniques for creating a negative image of a party and their representatives in Internet memes. The author indicates the typical for memes linguistic measures used for depreciation of individual politicians and at the same time contributing to the perpetuation of their axiologically unequivocal image, usually based on a single exaggerated feature. The author analyses examples of repetitions of lapses committed by politicians, key words that characterize them according to memetic scheme, descriptive and evaluative names replacing the names, verbal jokes based on polysemy and homonymy as well as spelling innovation.

Celem artykułu jest pokazanie, w jaki sposób użytkownicy Facebooka posługują się mediami informacyjnymi w dyskusjach internetowych. Według głównej hipotezy badawczej członkowie fanpage’y politycznych preferują źródła ideologiczne zbieżne z ugrupowaniem, z którym sympatyzują, natomiast dyskryminują pozostałe. Dowody w postaci ok. 33 tys. odsyłaczy do mediów informacyjnych zebrane od września 2015 do lutego 2017 r. sugerują jednak, że na fanpage’ach politycznych użytkownicy powołują się na zróżnicowane źródła.

Since its shocking takeover of Afghanistan's capital city of Kabul last month, the Taliban, now the de facto Afghan government, has repeatedly vowed to deliver "inclusive" BY YUJI MIZUNO AND FACHRI AIDULSYAH Some Indonesian Islamist groups are looking to capitalise on hopeful views about the Taliban's return to power in Afghanistan. Photo by Fachri Aidulsyah (December 2020).

Indonesia's foreign policy in establishing international relations is indispensable for the welfare of its citizens. International relations are a form of interaction between actors members of the public one with another community member actor. The occurrence of international relations is a necessity as a result of interdependence and increasing complexity of human life in the international community so that interdependence it is impossible for a country to shut itself down to the outside world. Our reasons international relations due to the fact that all the world's people live and live in an independent country together. Meanwhile, the basic goal of international relations is to study international behavior, namely the severe behavior of state and non-state actors in the arena of international transactions. This behavior can manifest cooperation, conflict, and interaction in international relations.[ CITATION Pro \l 1057 ]

Komunikacja liderów polskich partii politycznych w mediach społecznościowych w okresie pełnego cyklu wyborczego w Słowa kluczowe: media społecznościowe, liderzy polityczni, partie polityczne, kampania wyborcza Wprowadzenie Komunikowanie polityczne to wycinek komunikowania społecznego dotyczący tego, co polityczne (w szerokim rozumieniu terminu "polityka"), uwarunkowany ściśle powiązanymi z sobą czynnikami, wpływającymi na kształtowanie się komunikowania politycznego, szczególnie modernizację, przemiany i saturację technologiczną społe-czeństwa, personalizację i profesjonalizację. Obejmuje konkretną przestrzeń komuni-kacyjną i zbiorowość ludzką. Jego uczestnikami są (1) aktorzy polityczni, (2) obywatele i (3) media masowe, choć wraz z rozwojem technologii komunikacyjnych, szczególnie Internetu, stosunki między nimi uległy przemianie. Nowoczesne komunikowanie polityczne nastawione jest na dwukierunkowość zachodzącą pomiędzy wszystkimi trzema uczestnikami procesu komunikowania. Za sprawą mediów społecznościowych rośnie też intensywność bezpośrednich, wcześniej przypadkowych, relacji aktorów politycznych z obywatelami. Badania nad komunikacją polityczną w Internecie intensywnie się rozwijają, stale jednak wymagają empirycznych analiz i komparatystyki pozwalających na wyciąganie wniosków odnośnie do tego, jak przebiega komunikacja aktorów politycznych z wyborcami, jakie są relacje między różnymi rodzajami aktorów politycznych, jaki wpływ na intensywność komunikacji politycznej mają różne okresy w cyklu wyborczym. Badania nad komunikacją internetową polskich aktorów politycznych skupiają się obecnie przede wszystkim na analizie pojedynczych elekcji lub wybranego aspektu komunikowania politycznego w Internecie.

Afghanistan, a country with almost 30 million populations is located at the heart (center) of Asia. This country has burned in the fire of civil war and conflict in the last 40 years. The sustain conflict in this country has damaged fundamental and core roots of development. A large number of citizens lost their bodies, injured and immigrated to foreign countries especially neighborhoods (Iran and Pakistan). Peace in Afghanistan has seemed like a non-reachable dream in the last 4 decades. Taliban (a terrorist group) is killing Afghans for religious reasons; however it has other aspects as well. At the moment, some countries showed willingness to bring peace in Afghanistan. Among other countries (USA, China, Russia, Germany …etc.), Indonesia also showed its willingness to act as peace broker and mediates the negotiations. According to Indonesia's experience in peacebuilding and peace mediation context, this study has found that this country can be a good religious partner for Stability peace in Afghanistan. And this happens when Taliban accept to negotiate with Afghan officials.

Propozycja scenariusza lekcji dla klasy IV szkoły podstawowej, odpowiadającego nowej podstawie programowej, a zarazem rozwijającego myślenie historyczne i pokazujące warsztat naukowy historyka. Oparta jest na krytycznej analizie dwóch przekazów telewizyjnych z papieskiej homilii z 1979 roku.

Abstrakt Artykuł ma skłonić do refleksji nad sposobem komunikowania się li‑ derów polskich partii politycznych, wykorzystujących jednoczesną obecność w kilku serwisach społecznościowych. Badaniu empirycz‑ nemu poddano aktywność Beaty Szydło, Ryszarda Petru oraz Pawła Kukiza, posiadających konta zarówno na Facebooku, jak i na Twitte‑ rze. Obecność polityków w obu serwisach społecznościowych prze‑ analizowano w czasie trwania parlamentarnej kampanii wyborczej w Polsce (9‑23 października 2015). Analizie poddano aktywność poli‑ tyków, format i charakter publikowanych treści, poziom identyfikacji z partią polityczną oraz sposób wykorzystania narzędzi, które oferują media społecznościowe. Uzyskane wyniki sugerują, że komunikowa‑ nie się polityków w obrębie dwóch kanałów social media jest niespójne i w konsekwencji skupione na jednym z nich. Abstract The intention of the article is to encourage reflection on the manner of communication employed by political leaders, using the simultaneous presence on several social networking sites. The activity of the lead‑ ers of Polish political parties as well as the type and topic of the posts published on the official accounts of three politicalns – Beata Szydło,