Neo liberal Education Policies

Abstract: The most important burden of charter schools is the need to demonstrate that the instruction they provide actually benefits students. They can hire their own teachers, make their own tradeoffs between spending on administration and teaching, locate anywhere in ...

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This paper seeks to connect the work on policy mobility in education and that in other fields through a review of literature. Drawing on material from political science, international relations, geography, and economic and social development, it discusses different forms of policy mobility like traveling policies, policy borrowing, and silent borrowing. It concludes that policy transfer is a more dynamic process than the bounded cyclical and linear models often used in education policy debates.

Over the course of its twenty-year history, however, American education and its charter school sector have evolved in important ways. Technology is one obvious example, but there are scads more, some that are readily apparent and others that are more subtle. One of the latter is school governance—not a topic that gets a lot of attention but, as it turns out, a crucial one that is overdue for an overhaul (and not just in the charter sector).

The objective of this article is quasi-experimental. By using the logic of game theory to explain the establishment of the state of the United Arab Emirates, the article intends to test the ability of game theory to explain a pre-played game. Although formal game theory is not susceptible to experimentation, game to political science and public policy is like experiments to psychology. Hence this paper attempts to use the already played game of the establishment of the state of the United Arab Emirates as an experiment to answer the question: is the outcome of this game conforms with game theory modeling. Thus, the article models that game as the Extended Battle of Sexes game and use both the normal and extensive forms to address that question.

Abstract: The most important burden of charter schools is the need to demonstrate that the instruction they provide actually benefits students. They can hire their own teachers, make their own tradeoffs between spending on administration and teaching, locate anywhere in ...

Quality in higher education is the major concern among researchers. Managing quality in higher education in a multicultural population with different approaches is not only challenging but an uphill task. This paper will focus on quality concern in higher education keeping in view, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) perspectives. A model to maintain the quality in higher education and current higher education quality practices in UAE will be explored along with its challenges.

This article explores issues of school choice in Spain and the United States by examining the roles and functions of centros concertados, publicly funded private schools in Spain, and public charter schools in the United States, to provide key insights into the similarities and differences between them in relation to their motivations and methods for their creation, funding, and the importance of ideology in general and religion in particular in the schools. After making a national comparison, this work looks more specifically at a comparison of two regions ΓCo Valencia, Spain and Michigan, USA. It concludes with a discussion about the applicability of the school choice theoretical framework to both educational systems.

This article explores issues of school choice in Spain and the United States by examining the roles and functions of centros concertados, publicly funded private schools in Spain, and public charter schools in the United States, to provide key insights into the similarities and differences between them in relation to their motivations and methods for their creation, funding, and the importance of ideology in general and religion in particular in the schools. After making a national comparison, this work looks more specifically at a comparison of two regions ΓCo Valencia, Spain and Michigan, USA. It concludes with a discussion about the applicability of the school choice theoretical framework to both educational systems.

This article argues that one possible avenue for addressing and increasing student body diversity in charter schools may lie with the authorizer. In particular, we focus on the role of university-based authorizers, a group of sponsors that would appear to be especially concerned with educational opportunity given their faculties' traditional concern with issues of social justice. Thus, this article examines whether university-based charter school authorizers encourage charter school operators to recruit and enroll a diverse student body, and it discusses the role that authorizers could play in promoting more diverse charter schools.

The year 2017 proved to be a historic one for public charter school policy wins across the country. Kentucky became the 44th state (along with the District of Columbia) to enact a charter school law. Colorado and Florida required districts to share locally raised dollars with charter school students for the first time in those states, echoing changes made in Utah in 2016. Tennessee and Texas created new funding streams to specifically support charter school facility costs, the first time either state had done so. Wisconsin gave statewide authorizing ability to the Office of Educational Opportunity at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, any University of Wisconsin Chancellor, and any technical college district board. And Illinois and Washington overhauled their public school funding systems in ways that will provide more equitable funding for their states' students, including those in charter schools. At a time when we are seeing an increasing amount of pushback from long-time opponents, it is notable that charter school supporters achieved these gamechanging policy victories. We don't want to minimize the threats we are facing. We need to take them very seriously. At the same time, though, we are achieving some major policy wins for students across the country. We should not lose sight of this progress. This year's edition of Measuring Up to the Model: A Ranking of State Public Charter School Laws takes into account these important policy wins. As this annual effort continues to evolve, we periodically refine our methodology to reflect what we are learning. This year's edition takes these refinements into account as well. We must continue pushing hard for more high-quality charter schools, particularly for those students who most need such options. We also must keep advocating for the public policies that will best support the creation and operation of such schools. We hope this report continue to serve as a helpful resource for those engaged in this critical work.

One issue in school restructuring has been deciding exactly hew to make schools more autonomous and accountable. Charter schools, a recent concept, offer a viable means of integrating various reform ideas in order to create highly autonomous and accountable learning environments. This publication defines charter schools; highlights the appeal of such schools; offers nine elements of "stronger" legislation; and classifies existing laws into two broad categories-those granting more autonomy and those granting less autonomy-as a way to distinguish those laws that appear to hold the most promise of success. Six states have passed legislation granting more autonomy to charter schools-Arizona, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, California, and Colorado. Those granting less autonomy are Hawaii, Georgia, Kansas, New Mexico, and Wisconsin. Each state's legislation is briefly described. The passage of stronger charter school legislation (e.g., legal and fiscal autonomy, super waivers, and school-level negotiation/bargaining provisions) is a difficult process. It is important to clarify key concepts and technology early in the process. Two tables that compare the 10 states' charter school laws are included. (LMI)

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The ways information about national education policies is exchanged and interpreted is a field of comparative education that is under-developed. What discussion and analysis there is seems to ignore the insights and models prevalent in other domains. We looked to fields like political science, and economic and social development for concepts to strengthen the analysis of education policy mobility between nations. We found an abundance of metaphors most of which fail to capture key elements of policy diffusion including the notion that ideas change as they cross cultural boundaries. We observe that policy transfer can be purposefully initiated by the host as well as a product of coercion or external incentives. Our principal conclusions are that common framings of traveling education policies are linear, one-directional and marked by an air of beneficence. They overlook the importance of context and the actions of sovereign nations in policy formation.

This paper seeks to connect the work on policy mobility in education and that in other fields through a review of literature. Drawing on material from political science, international relations, geography, and economic and social development, it discusses different forms of policy mobility like traveling policies, policy borrowing, and silent borrowing. It concludes that policy transfer is a more dynamic process than the bounded cyclical and linear models often used in education policy debates.

There is a dearth of research on the subject of university sponsorship of charter schools. This report intends to increase the knowledge base on university sponsorship of charter schools by examining the climate in Indiana, specifically in regard to the decision by only one (Ball State) of the eligible five universities (Ball State University, Indiana State University, Purdue University, Indiana University, and University of Southern Indiana) to authorize charter schools. The Center for Evaluation and Education Policy (CEEP) gathered information on the process each university used to make a decision about sponsoring schools; the university administrators' perceptions of the benefits of and barriers to charter school sponsorship; and the administrators' opinions on the possibility of future sponsorship by their institution. Among the conclusions: (1) Although only one eligible university chose to become a charter school sponsor, each institution seriously investigated its pot...

This toolkit is a self-guided resource for authorizers to identify indicators of distress, audit their current data collection methods for evaluating indicators of distress, and assess whether and to what extent the schools in their portfolio are showing indicators of distress. It builds on NCSRC’s earlier report Identifying Indicators of Distress in Charter Schools Part 1: The Role and Perspective of Charter School Authorizers, released in 2020.

The National Charter School Resource Center (NCSRC) provides technical assistance to federal grantees and resources supporting charter sector stakeholders working across the charter school life cycle. NCSRC is funded by the U.S. Department of Education and managed by Manhattan Strategy Group in partnership with WestEd.

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In this essay, the authors explore trends in intergovernmental relations (IGR) by analyzing recent education policies-No Child Left Behind Act, Common Core State Standards, and local empowerment policies. Identifying a resurgent role for local actors in education policy, the authors argue that recent federal efforts to exert more control have in many ways strengthened the influence of local actors by providing avenues for school districts and other local "non-system" players to challenge traditional governance arrangements. In a similar vein, because the federal government's ability to achieve its goals rests primarily on actions of local players, federal policies have in the course of implementation strengthened the hand of many local actors. Based on their analyses, the authors stress that IGR is not a zero-sum game. As one level gains power in certain domains, other levels may simultaneously acquire power in the same or different domains. The authors further argue that relations among federal, state, and local governments are bidirectional. Federal policy often requires states and districts to alter local policies, and conversely, decisions made by states and districts can also influence federal decisions. The authors begin the essay with an overview of the intergovernmental landscape, followed by an analysis of current education policies to illustrate the ways in which local actors have retained and asserted significant control over schooling, despite the expanded federal role in education policy. The essay concludes with questions for future research and practice.

The purpose is to identify schools earlier for support instead of waiting until a school fails, in the hopes that intervening early would stave off a more comprehensive and intensive improvement effort for schools and students. We've tailored the indicators to the Four Domains, as we see improvement as a two-prong strategy, with the indicators work being the more preventative in nature. We also hope the report sparks a deeper conversation about equitable access to opportunities for schools, as we found sometimes schools struggle not because of incompetence, but inequality of resources.  This is a first in a series of research reports we'll be conducting, so we'd love whatever suggestions and/or any feedback you may have.

In concept, well-designed, well-run charter schools offer innovative practices that yield successful teaching and learning-practices from which other schools can learn and improve. In addition, effective charter schools may provide important education alternatives for students who haven't been succeeding in a traditional public school. But what happens when the reality doesn't live up to the concept? For the sake of innovation, charter schools are given greater autonomy and flexibility than allowed for other public schools. For example, charter schools typically have the freedom to determine class sizes, curricula, education programs, length of the school day and year, and how to allocate their budget. Equally important, most have autonomy in hiring and deploying staff. To obtain this operational and programmatic freedom, charter schools enter into a performance contract-a charter-with an approved public chartering agency, or authorizer. Among other things, the charter lays out agreed-upon academic results, for which the school is to be held accountable. Charter schools are also to be held accountable for managing finances appropriately and complying with relevant laws and regulations. Like all public schools, charter schools range widely in their performance. Some serve their students well, meeting all the requirements of their charter. Others don't. What happens when a charter school doesn't meet its part of the education bargain? What if, for example, a school is innovative but is still not generating student success in accordance with its charter? Given an authorizer's responsibility for determining the quality of schools it has approved, what are the options when the authorizer finds that one of those schools is performing poorly? Specific options for dealing with failing charter schools vary according to state charter school law and authorizer policy. Some states require automatic closure for charter schools that fail to meet specific performance benchmarks. But, that being said, it's usually left to an authorizer to decide how to address poor performance by any school whose charter it has approved. In practice, approaches to doing so range from closure, at one end of the spectrum, to inaction at the other.

Purpose -The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the dialectical interplay between centralisation and decentralisation forces so as to understand how schools leverage on its autonomous pedagogical space, influence the diffusion of innovations in the educational landscape of Singapore and how a centraliseddecentralised system supports (or impedes) pedagogical reform for twenty-first century learning. Design/methodology/approach -The paper first outlines the evolutionary stance of Singapore's decentralisation from its past to present trajectories, thus providing a broader social-historical interpretation to its tight-loose-tight coupling of the education system; followed by situating the context of reform within the national narrative of Ministry of Education's (MOE) twenty-first century competencies framework. The authors examine how school autonomy should be accompanied by systemic enabling mechanisms, through two case illustrations of whole-school reforms.

This paper explores how philosophical inquiry and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) can mutually benefit from each other to produce new methodological and reflexive directions in neo-liberal policy research to examine the phenomenon of ‘What is (going on here)’. Through this we argue that augmenting linguistic analysis with philosophical perspectives develops and supports CDA scholarship more broadly by accommodating the shifting complexity of social problems of ideologically driven inequality that are inbuilt through, in our case, social policy texts. In discussing philosophical-methodological issues, the paper argues for the need to continually adapt CDA to the particular data so as to remain sensitive to and avoid hegemonic tendencies in analysis. Through adopting the principles of a working methodology, we discuss a micro-meso-macro CDA framework that draws on the analytical concepts of movement, metaphorical superfluidity, thematic condensation, and surrealism to conceive of a research approach capable of examining and comprehending evolving discourses of political economies. The most immediate benefit of this framework is its capacity to illustrate how forms of valuations perpetuated by and through policy discourse are the motivational locus of meaning making insofar as they strongly inform the moral underpinning the ideology of economic growth.

The assertion above in the opening quote means to distinguish positionings towards this governing ideology through three approaches to neo-liberalism. Th~ politi~al and economic theory behind neoliberal ideology is one of the mam ~rch1tectural and philosophical features of the educational policy paradigm m the Western world since the late 1970s and early 1980s. The notion of 'policy enactments' means to consider some of the 'lived effects' of neoliberal policy on our contemporary educational discourses and on lived experiences and narratives that occur in education settings and that testify to these changes .

This article analyses empirical data to assess the possible transfer of Finnish teacher education policy, and more specifically, the university training school, into another context. Transnational organisations increasingly pressure nation-states to carry out education policy change, especially due to dissatisfaction with international assessment outcomes. As a high performer in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), administered by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Finland has been at the centre of international attention. PISA revealed that the high quality of Finnish teachers contributes to the overall calibre of the country's education system. Thus, Finnish teacher education has become a model for other education systems. This article uses empirical research to explore the export possibilities of the Finnish normaalikoulu, or university training school. It implements qualitative methodology, using semi-structured interviews with Finnish educationalists to explore the possible export of Finnish education, the implications in terms of policy transfer, and the migration of ideas, specifically the university-affiliated, teacher training school. The export and migration of Finnish education and its impact on education policy are discussed in this article, along with educational export's position in trans-national policy formation.

With increased access to vast amounts of knowledge, and with the cultural openness and technological advancements of the twenty-first century, the world has become a small village where the politics and economies of states affect one another. Dubai is no exception with the city's name becoming synonymous with globalization. It is with this in mind that Mohammed Bin Rashid School of Government strives to embed the guidelines set forth by the UAE and to support the vision of its leaders for national growth. By preparing, qualifying and empowering tomorrow's leaders, and by strengthening government capacity in the UAE and the Arab world, our School aims to promote effective public policy through focusing on applied research and engaging the public and private sectors in the development process. Over the 12 years since its establishment in 2005, the School has proved its importance as a unique role model for academic institutions. The School works in close partnership with UAE government departments, combining applied research, training and education programs, and provides a platform for knowledge exchange. In order to achieve its mission, the School adheres to global best practices developed in collaboration with US-based Harvard Kennedy School that prepares leaders for democratic societies and contributes to finding holistic solutions to public problems. Such collaborations have enabled MBRSG to become the first research and teaching institution focused on governance and public policy in the Arab world. In this context, the School has taken on the task of disseminating the UAE's exceptional experience in governance and implementing the vision of His Highness Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice-President and Prime Minister of the UAE and Ruler of Dubai.

Charter schools are publicly funded, privately managed and semi-autonomous schools of choice. They do not charge tuition. They must hold to the same academic accountability measures as traditional schools. They receive public funding similarly to traditional schools. However, they have more freedom over their budgets, staffing, curricula and other operations. In exchange for this freedom, they must deliver academic results and there must be enough community demand for them to remain open.

This report analyzes information from 12 Educational Flexibility Partnership Demonstration (EFD) program state reports submitted to the U.S. Department of Education in spring 2000. The EFD program helps schools and districts implement educational reforms and raise student achievement by providing increased flexibility in implementing federal education programs. Twelve state educational agencies (SEAS) were delegated the authority to waive certain federal education requirements that could impede local or state efforts to improve education. The reports summarize 1999 waiver activity (number and type of federal waivers granted to districts or schools and disposition of waiver requests). They include achievement data and other information for waivers that were in place for 2 or more years. This analysis includes information from states' original applications for waiver authority and phone calls to SEA officials. In 1999, more waivers were granted to districts and schools by EFD SEAS than were granted from 1994-2000 to districts and schools in non-Ed-Flex states by the Secretary of Education. The reports do not provide adequate information to describe the effects of waivers on education reform and student achievement. Some questions about the increased accountability demanded of districts and schools receiving waivers remain unanswered. (SM) Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document.

Quality in higher education is the major concern among researchers. Managing quality in higher education in a multicultural population with different approaches is not only challenging but an uphill task. This paper will focus on quality concern in higher education keeping in view, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) perspectives. A model to maintain the quality in higher education and current higher education quality practices in UAE will be explored along with its challenges.

Background: This article critically discusses the key tensions and challenges arising from the educational policy borrowing in China through its current education reform. Focussing on the New Curriculum Reform, the paper highlights the interactions and conflicts between foreign and local ideologies and practices.
Sources of evidence: The main sources of evidence that form the basis of the analysis for this article were research data from an open-ended questionnaire and semi-structured interviews
conducted with 166 school principals, vice-principals and teachers from China between 2013 and 2015.
Main argument: It is argued that the New Curriculum Reform has borrowed selective ideas and practices from elsewhere, such as a school-based curriculum, student-centred pedagogy and formative assessment. It is further suggested that the borrowed policies are mediated and moderated by the ideological attitude of the Chinese educational stakeholders, stemming from the notion of ‘theory-ladenness’ within an exam-oriented paradigm.
Conclusions: The example of China illustrates the effects of an ideological attitude on educational policy borrowing that challenges the notion of universally appropriate ways of
teaching, learning and reforming an educational system.

With specific reference to junior secondary schools in Shanghai, China, this qualitative empirical study examines the dynamics and complexities of leadership in school and, in particular, citizenship education exercised by principals and school party secretaries (SPSs), who are de facto equally-ranked school leaders. Specifically, it examines, from a macro- and micro-political theoretical perspective, the interactions between these two types of school leaders, and how they respond to the demands of various school stakeholders, including macro-political actors (e.g., the state) and micro-political actors (e.g., other school leaders, teachers, students and parents), at the school level. Data were gathered from document analysis, non-participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 44 school leaders from 24 schools and two educational officials in Shanghai, conducted in 2011.
This study has four major findings. First, in addition to the leadership responsibilities inherent to their particular portfolios, the interviewed principals and SPSs were also politically and administratively responsible for leading the school and citizenship education, and struggled to balance these (at times conflicting) responsibilities. Second, there were four major school leadership/citizenship education scenarios in which principals and SPSs were torn between faithfully executing state policy demands, adapting those demands to suit the specific needs and conditions of their school, pursuing their professional autonomy, and addressing the interests of different micro-political actors. Third, principals and SPSs enjoyed a complicated working relationship at the micro-political (school) level in which they collaborated to fulfill their responsibilities and respond to school macro- and micro-political actors, while simultaneously competing for power over school leadership and citizenship education. Fourth, principals’ and SPSs’ leadership in school and citizenship education was shaped by inter-related factors, including diverse influences in a multi-leveled world, the integration of politics and education, the demands of macro- and micro-political actors, and personal factors.
To interpret these findings, this study proposes a theoretical framework for understanding leadership in school and citizenship education in China as a political exercise in which school leaders actively use their influence and resources to lead and administer school and citizenship education, resist other school leaders’ (at times contradictory) administrative and political responsibilities, and interact with and mediate between the interests of various actors at the macro- and micro-political levels in response to political, economic and social needs. This theoretical framework is useful for understanding the complexity of school and citizenship education leadership, the micro-political relationship between Chinese principals and SPSs, and their dynamic and complex interactions with macro- and micro-political actors as they fulfill their intertwined political and administrative responsibilities in school leadership and citizenship education.

This chapter critically discusses the key characteristics and ideological assumptions of neo-liberal education policy, and its impact on curriculum reform in China. To illustrate the adoption and consequences of neo-liberal education policy in China, this chapter focuses on recent curriculum reform in Shanghai. It is argued that there is a shift, through the implementation of neo-liberal education policy, from a “one-size-fits-all” educational model to one that focuses on individual interests and needs in China. However, the neo-liberal education policy in China faces two main challenges. First, although the educational changes attempt to promote more student- centred curriculum, pedagogy and assessment, key educational stakeholders in China still value traditional forms of teaching and learning that lead to academic success in high-stakes examinations. The second challenge is the de-professionalisation of school personnel where centralised control by the state through the school appraisal system and standardised exams threatens to undermine the professionalism and autonomy of the educators.

Purpose: This article highlights the complexity of accountability issues associated with one charter school from the charter application process, operation, and functioning of the external mechanism and the internal mechanism to hold the charter school accountable, closure of the school, and consequences of the charter school's closure on its constituents. Research

Philosophical debate about charter schools often results in theory and anecdotes overshadowing empirical research. This systematic review of trends in the charter school research over the last decade helps determine where empirical evidence exists and where new research is necessary. Findings reveal that student and school outcomes are the most common topics studied; however, a dearth of national, longitudinal research limits generalizability. Furthermore, the scope of the research was rather limited: most research examined a single state, district, or school. The article concludes with a discussion of possible new directions for research on charter schools.

Policymakers have shown increasing interest in replicating high-quality education models as a way to improve chronically underperforming schools. Charter management organizations (CMOs) have been touted as one organizational model poised to be such a vehicle for reform. CMOs are nonprofit organizations that operate a network of charter schools with a common mission or instructional design and shared central office support. In this article, the authors describe the theory of action behind CMOs and their emergence onto the education reform scene, finding promising signs that, as a network of schools, CMOs have more leverage than individual charter schools, and yet more nimbleness than traditional school districts, to replicate "what works." Using data collected from a national study of 25 CMOs engaging in scale-up, the authors investigate the essential elements for CMO growth, identifying the influences of federal, state, and local policies, as well as internal organizational capacities, that either restrict or facilitate CMO expansion.

Since the adoption of the first charter school law in Minnesota in 1991, charter schools have received considerable attention from policy makers, parents, educators, and the media. In the United States, at the national level, three consecutive presidents—Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama—have actively supported charters.

This article explores the ways in which policy-makers in Arizona, Michigan and Georgia understood the charter concept when adopting charter legislation. Drawing on literature on policy formation, the paper traces both the creation of the charter law in each state, and the underlying rationales that led policy-makers to support the legislation. The author compares the rationales found in each state based on the goals of the legislation and the means to reaching those goals (including various interpretations of the concepts of autonomy and accountability). This analysis helps to explain why the idea of charter schools has received support from individuals and organizations that span the ideological spectrum.

Charter schools involve a trading of autonomy for accountability. This accountability comes through two forces-markets through the choices of parents and students, and accountability to government through the writing of contracts that must be renewed for schools to continue to operate. Charter schools are supposed to be more accountable for educational performance than traditional public schools because authorizers have the ability to revoke charter contracts. Here, I focus on one central component of accountability to government: performance accountability or accountability for educational outcomes to charter school authorizers through the revocation or non-renewal of charter contracts. In this paper, I suggest that contract-based 2 of 22 accountability for educational performance in charter schools may not be working as proponents argued it would. This article explores some explanations for why there are very few examples of charter schools that have been closed primarily because of failure to demonstrate educational performance or improvement. Future work will need to test if these challenges for authorizers hold in a variety of contexts. The conclusion examines the implications of these findings for the future of charter school accountability.